We're skipping forward a bit because reasons. We'll return to the Soviet theater with the next update.
The War in the Pacific
On 1 June 1941, the leading figures of the Japanese Imperial Rule Assistance Association, a parafascist clique monopolizing political power in the Empire of Japan, met to discuss the “American question.” The closed door meeting was dominated by Minister for War Hideki Tojo’s thesis, delivered forcefully, that regardless of the diplomatic niceties being observed, the UASR was in already in a de facto state of war with the Empire.
The revolutionary state’s unwavering support for the Republic of China’s resistance to integration into the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere amounted to an undeclared war. What other way could the Cabinet construe millions of dollars in direct military aid totaling nearly half of China’s military budget, including some top of the line weapon systems, thirty thousand well-trained and well led International Brigade volunteers, raw materials, industrial aid, and credit? To let this go unanswered, Tojo argued, not only jeopardized the war effort, but was an insufferable insult to Japanese national bridge.
The war in China was stagnating, and the China’s resolve was bolstering. Worse, the Republic of China was being increasingly seduced into the ranks of International Communism. Tojo believed it was imperative to Japan’s national survival to thwart communist encirclement. Worse, the score of American controlled islands in the pacific were “a dagger aimed at our throats.”
The course towards war became inevitable. Some muted voices did not think that even with the UASR tied down in the struggle against Germany, the UASR would still be a dangerous adversary. Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto was perhaps the loudest voice for caution. Whereas the adventurists led by Tojo saw a soft-hearted enemy already stretched too far, too thin, Yamamoto drew the opposite conclusion. The UASR was an unrivaled industrial and scientific colossus able to trade blow for blow with Germany while propping up its allies in South America and China, and yet still able to hold forces in reserve to challenge Britain, France and Japan simultaneously. And every day, the factories continued to ramp up production.
The tone deaf militarists ignored his warnings. And thus it would fall to the Imperial Japanese Navy, least eager for war, to close off the aid channels to China, and drive the Revolutionary Navy from the Pacific.
The stage was set, but war wouldn’t break out for over six months. The IJN would continue to build, drill and strategize for its strike against America. The campaign would ultimately coincide with France’s descent into civil war. With the Anglo-Japanese alliance unraveling in the face of Britain’s unwanted war with the Anti-Comintern Axis, the Co-Prosperity Sphere moved to expand greedily in search of strategic resources, and strengthen its noose around China.
On 8 February 1942, seven carriers of the Kido Butai moved into striking range north of Oahu.(1) Their target: the Pearl Harbor naval base and the supporting military infrastructure. The first strike wave left in the early morning hours, armed to strike the ships and airfields on Oahu.
On the other side of the International Date Line, Imperial Japanese Army forces began invading Indochina and the Philippines. American intelligence had known that war was coming for months. A sketch of Japan’s grand strategy had been included in the legendary spy Richard Sorge’s last few communiques before his capture. Japanese intentions were clear: the moment France and Britain became embroiled in the war against Nazism, they would act quickly to exploit. Strikes against the UASR would follow suit. However, American intelligence did not know where or when the war would begin.
Pearl Harbor was the obvious target, but with so much of the Revolutionary Navy tied down either fighting the Kriegsmarine’s unrestricted submarine warfare, or countering the Royal Navy, American planners suspected that the IJN might attempt a bold attack on the locks of the Panama Canal. The long traverse around the Straits of Magellan and the dearth of suitable port facilities in South America, itself embroiled in a serious fight against Axis Brazil, meant the loss of the Canal would very effectively pen the Revolutionary Navy in the Atlantic for months. The Pacific Fleet was just weak enough that the IJN might attempt such a bold strategy.
While the recent Petain betrayal in France, German invasion and the formation of the Franco-British Union as a co-belligerent against Germany had just obviated the need to match the Royal Navy, there was no time to reposition forces to ward of the IJN. Japan had found the window of maximum vulnerability.
Pearl Harbor was by no means undefended. Admiral William Standley, Chief of Naval Operations, had steadily bolstered the Pacific Fleet’s static defenses. Oahu had one of the best radar systems available, supplemented by a picket fleet of radar equipped cruisers to extend the coverage net.
The naval base itself bristled with 125mm flak guns, manned by well drilled crews, supported by 57mm and 37mm autocannons and scores of 20mm machine guns for point defense. 90 Army and 70 Navy fighters were on alert at any given time, and a regiment of long range maritime strike aircraft would be able to retaliate hostile fleets. Coastal batteries and beach defenses made amphibious invasion a dicey proposition, even if the island’s garrison was understrength.
Admiral Husband Kimmel, the commander of the Pacific Fleet, would be in overall command during the attack, and the man most ultimately responsible for defense preparation in his role as Chair of the Hawai’i military soviet. Kimmel had been placed in command when war began to seem inevitable. Manuevered into place by the younger cadre of “Boatsheviks”(2), Kimmel was set to play the fall guy for any debacle when war broke out.
Kimmel was not going to be blindly led to the slaughter though. Though he complied with Stavka directives whether he agreed with them or not, he fought tenaciously to enact his own strategy. He was able to make a number of bold, unorthodox moves, such as retaining the Pacific Fleet at Pearl rather than remove them to relative safety at San Diego. Kimmel argued that the obsolete battleships and cruisers would serve as a decoy from the real targets of importance: the oil refineries, dockyards, sub pens and other logistical elements that any American counteroffensive would need to rely upon. He believed there was strong evidence that Japanese doctrine placed an excessive focus on decisive battle, leading them to conclude that ships would be the highest priority in any attack on the harbor. Since they were due to be replaced, and relatively quickly, they could be sacrificed and likely recovered, and reinforcements arriving from the Atlantic Fleet would be able to more than make up for any losses.
When Kimmel was awoken early on the 8th with news of a likely aerial attack, he wasted no time in scrambling defenders. The first wave, 80 B5N1 “Kate” bombers armed with a mix of armor piercing bombs and torpedos, 40 D3A “Val” bombers configured for level bombing, and 45 A6M3 “Zero” escorts, were met by 35 Army F-34E “Belladonnas”, and 30 Navy F6F “Sabocats”. In spite of the short warning time, the American fighters had managed to climbe to an advantageous altitude, and met their foes before they could begin their strikes.
But inexperience and surprise had taken its toll. The Americans had not waited to form up after climbing to altitude. Instead, they fell on their foes piecemeal. Some trapped themselves in dogfight melees, placing themselves in a serious disadvantage against the nimbler Zeroes. Many were still relatively green at aerial gunnery, and missed their targets.
But when they did find their mark, the results were spectacular. The 20mm cannons fitted with High Explosive Fragmentation/Incendiary rounds(3), tore apart the lighter Japanese planes, which often eschewed or minimized armor and self-sealing tanks to improve range and maneuverability. Even a single hit was often sufficient to make the craft unrecoverable, forcing the pilot to bail out and ditch his plane into the sea.
The bombers were able to break through thanks to the courage and skill of the Zero pilots. From there, the Kates would wade into a mealstrome of AAA fire from shore and ship, descending on battleship row and the airfields first to deliver their payloads with deadly precision.
The airfields were hit the hardest. Planes that hadn’t made it airborne were strafed. The runways were cratered, and fuel bunkers hit with armor piercing bombs. The second wave, focused on ships and port facilities, was challenged en route by thirty Army F-37 “Pathfinders”, which had been held in reserve to pursue attackers on their return flight or meet additional raiders. More organized, they met the formations of bombers in an organized fashion, coordinating their attacks for maximum effect. Their turbocharged twin engines enabled them to attack from altitude and climb away, avoiding melee with the Zeroes.
Admiral Chuichi Nagumo was placed in a difficult position. Without amphibious landings, everything was riding on well executed aerial attacks. Preliminary reports were making it clear that a third, perhaps even a fourth would be necessary. But the casualties were already mounting.
The crackback would decide the matter. In a lucky break for Kimmel, the carrier strike force was spotted by aerial reconnaissance. Kimmel had at his disposal a single carrier, the Enterprise, which was in a serendipitious position when the Japanese strike had commenced, and land based strike force. Kimmel decided to strike boldly while the Enterprise remained undetected to convince the Japanese to not linger.
The Enterprise had begun steaming at flank speed into harm’s way from the moment the attack had begun. It launched its full complement at maximum range, and began to retire. The American carrier born force would be on fumes, but they would have just enough range to land in northern Oahu. Joined by a score of B-18 medium bombers armed with torpedoes, the attackers were able to shadow the second wave as it returned to the carrier fleet. They fell upon the Kido Butai in the midst of half its decks filled with a third wave preparing to launch, and the other half recovering the second wave.
The planes still waiting to land turned to face the attacking torpedo planes, while Nagumo scrambled to launch what fighters were available from the Taiho. The combat air patrol fighters dove to the deck to meet the twin engine B-18s and the single engine SBTCs. They fought valiantly, but even the heavily armed B-18s succumbed. Several launched their torpedoes, but only a single hit was scored on the Kaga, thanks to the skill of the Japanese captains and their crews.
Unfortunately, the successful repulsion of the torpedo attack drew the defenders out of position, enabling the SBTCs configured for divebombing to strike unmolested by fighters. Two armor piercing bombs struck the Akagi, and a further four struck the Kaga.
The Akagi had been recovering planes, and her damage control parties were able to put out the fires, but her flight deck was wrecked. The Kaga, however, had been preparing its complement for a third strike. The fuel and ordnance resulted in a hellish conflagration that burned late into the night. Already reeling from the torpedo, she was evacuated and scuttled by her destroyer escort.
The third wave had already been abandoned. Unable to locate the American carrier, Nagumo had retired his fleet, leaving the Kaga behind to fight her fires. Her scuttling confirmed the wisdom of his decision.
Analysis: Pyrrhic Japanese Victory
Four Revolutionary Navy battleships were sunk (General Strike (BB-36), Haymarket (BB-41), Emancipation (BB-43) and Matewan (BB-48)), and and another three heavily damaged (Spartacus (BB-45), Mutual Aid (BB-47), and Comintern (BB-50)). General Strike and Haymarket would prove to be unrecoverable. Three other ships were sunk. Half a dozen cruisers were damaged. The local airfields were heavily damaged, and a total of 120 aircraft were lost, while dozens more were heavily damaged. 1,100 sailors and soldiers, as well as 800+ civilians, were killed. But the logistical infrastructure remained mostly intact.
The Imperial Japanese Navy lost its oldest carrier, and another received significant damage. But the true cost was the loss of nearly 140 aircraft, and the commensurate loss in experienced air crews. Due to the deficiencies in doctrine, they would prove more difficult to replace than the Kaga.
Kimmel, aware that he was being set up to take the fall, paradoxically had the freedom to take risks and innovate, and the incentive for extra diligence in his duties. Determined to do right by his country, Kimmel would ultimately fall on his sword and impale Nagumo in the process.
With the war no longer theoretical, resources could now be shifted to the Pacific Theater, expediting the reconstruction process well beyond Yamamoto’s initial estimates. On balance, the Japanese surprise attack was a costly blunder. While there has been historical confusion about whether it was intended to come before or after a formal declaration of war, high level correspondence within the Imperial Government was very clear that the attack would precede any diplomatic delivery of a declaration of war, even if the Imperial Diet’s vote on the matter technically occurred before the attack.
In itself, the attack only sped up the conflict by a few months. Japanese designs on the FBU held Phillipines and Indochina could not be deflected, and it was inevitable that America would become cobelligerent against Japan to strengthen the nascent United Nations alliance. Any gains made by seizing Franco-British strategic resources, blocking trade routes to the Republic of China, and weakening the American warfooting were ultimately illusory. The shock value the Imperial Japanese Army had gained in its lightning campaigns in the Philippines and Indochina were wasted by fall 1942, when the Kwantung Army began its ultimately unsuccessful bid to take Vladivostok and sever the Trans-Siberian Railroad; a costly undeclared war that forced the Imperial Government to sign a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union.
Kimmel’s adversaries attempted to crucify him. However, the inquiry conducted by the Defense Committee of the CEC exonerated him of any wrong doing. The damage was already done; Kimmel had been relieved of command of the Pacific Fleet. He would spend the remainder of the war supervising military research and procurement for the Revolutionary Navy.
(1) The fleet is roughly analogous to OTL. ITTL, the seventh is a modified Shokaku-class, recently commissioned, analogous to OTL’s Taiho.
(2) Originally a pejorative, implying that younger officers cared more about the party line than military science. It ultimately became adopted by a school of younger officers in the Navy known for their heterodox doctrine and fanatical commitment to the Revolution.
(3) Analagous to OTL German Minengeschoss: rather than drilling cavities in mild steel shot for explosive filler, high quality steel is drawn over a die, allowing a much larger amount of explosive without compromising structural integrity. Time delay fuses ensure that the shells detonated for maximum effect