The eagle's left head

Well, the Aydininds, Sarukhans, Ottomans and possibly even Germiyans that were utilized by Kantakouzenos and the Regents were mercenaries. The fact that Kantakouzenos was building a personal relationship with the emirs, doesn't mean he wasn't paying them as well. They did receive coin and at the same time they were devastating and looting Thrace and Macedonia. Why wouldn't they? There was nobody on their "side" to check them.


Both in OTL and TTL Otranto submitted to the Sicilians under Roger de Lauria during the Vespers. It seems that the great admiral had blockaded the port and the city opened the gates. Thefore, it doesn't seem that they resisted too fiercely and most likely there was an element there that sympathized with the Sicilians. That episode could trigger some anxiety to the Angevins since defeat makes people to see enemies everywhere.
I strongly suspect that Byzantine soldiers on ‘their side’ would just join in on the looting lol. Latin mercs and Cuman mercs will probably loot the place just the same on top of demanding coin. That said,I’d presume how much you pay them on top of allowing them to loot the place would be far more negotiable if you have a personal relationship with the emirs. Perhaps they’d also be less eager to switch sides too?
I think the Laskarid heir marrying her completely ends the fight between the despotate and the Catalans.
You mean the Aragonese? The Catalan Company is completely gone I think. Regarding the Aragonese, if they wanted Sicily, I doubt they’d care about Maria.
 
I strongly suspect that Byzantine soldiers on ‘their side’ would just join in on the looting lol. Latin mercs and Cuman mercs will probably loot the place just the same on top of demanding coin. That said,I’d presume how much you pay them on top of allowing them to loot the place would be far more negotiable if you have a personal relationship with the emirs. Perhaps they’d also be less eager to switch sides too?

You mean the Aragonese? The Catalan Company is completely gone I think. Regarding the Aragonese, if they wanted Sicily, I doubt they’d care about Maria.
Yes, but I think the Laskarids marrying Maria gives the Laskarids the Aragonese claims to Sicily.
 
Yes, but I think the Laskarids marrying Maria gives the Laskarids the Aragonese claims to Sicily.
Technically the Aragonese have no more claims after successive agreements with the Angevins, and the Aragonese branch of the family has a far more senior claim than “Maria” if they were to abrogate those agreements.
 
Technically the Aragonese have no more claims after successive agreements with the Angevins, and the Aragonese branch of the family has a far more senior claim than “Maria” if they were to abrogate those agreements.
Although Maria is a descendant of a Peace match between the Aragonese and the Angevins in Sicily.
 
Perhaps the Lascarids would take Maria of Sicily if she is not butterflied.
Even assuming she is not butterflied, she'd not be born before the 1360s and not married before the 1380s, that means the Lascarid prince she could marry, heir or not, would have to be one of Alexandros II's children, or grandchildren. She'd then be no more well off than Isabella of Majorca, a princess without a kingdom and a title on paper. That still makes her a bride with royal pedigree, not one whose claims would be worth something to bother though.

Yes, but I think the Laskarids marrying Maria gives the Laskarids the Aragonese claims to Sicily.
Technically, Maria's rights would come from Frederick 's line, which are junior to the claim of James' line who actually still sit on the throne and would until Martin.
Then, what purpose would it serve? Every Vatatzes Despot of Sicily from Alexandros the Elder are descendents of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, and their claim was as valid as the Aragonese and Frederickian lines. And once Martin of Aragon and his son die, House of Trastamarra would have a weaker claim if the Vatatzes Lascarid male line goes uninterrupted into the mid 15th century.
 
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Technically, Maria's rights would come from Frederick 's line, which are junior to the claim of James' line who actually still sit on the throne and would until Martin.
Then, what purpose would it serve? Every Vatatzes Despot of Sicily from Alexandros the Elder are descendents of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen, and their claim was as valid as the Aragonese and Frederickian lines. And once Martin of Aragon and his son die, House of Trastamarra would have a weaker claim if the Vatatzes Lascarid male line goes uninterrupted into the mid 15th century.
Yeah the Lascarids don't need additional legitimacy, if anything them marrying an aragonese princess only makes the situation more complicated for them.
 
Yeah the Lascarids don't need additional legitimacy, if anything them marrying an aragonese princess only makes the situation more complicated for them.
Or more simple, if it can pacify relations between Aragon and the Despotate. But a match in either Majorcan or Sicilian lines does not carry any weight since both are dispossessed branches ITTL.
 
Or more simple, if it can pacify relations between Aragon and the Despotate. But a match in either Majorcan or Sicilian lines does not carry any weight since both are dispossessed branches ITTL.
Tbf I don't think the Aragonese would care even if it's their cousin on the throne, I think they would care about the opportunity of ruling one of the most prosperous regions of Italy a lot more.
 
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Tbf I don't think the Aragonese would care even if it's their cousin on the throne, I think they would care about the opportunity of ruling one of the most prosperous regions of Italy a lot more.
Or more simple, if it can pacify relations between Aragon and the Despotate. But a match in either Majorcan or Sicilian lines does not carry any weight since both are dispossessed branches ITTL.
If a match like this is to be arranged, it’s gotta be a match between the sister/daughter of the King of Aragon with them agreeing to transfer their claims and a fine dowry along the way.
 
There is a caveat here though: The Despotate can hurt the Venetians significantly more, even though the latter have a larger fleet. Euboea is at the mercy of the nearby landpower, Crete is always chafing for revolt and the Dalmatians hate venetian rule. The Despotate doesn't need to win decisively in a sea battle, they just need to provide assistance to the Serenissima's imperial subjects, something that the Despotate is better suited to do than the OTL Genoese.
There is the other caveat that the Venetians were allies with John VI, during the war of the straits they were even bankrolling an Byzantine fleet of 12 galleys. And Dusan wants a fleet so he can besiege Constantinople...
And push them a few more inches towards joining the fray...

With the fiscal pressure, bubonic plague and possible persecution of greek speaking populations in Apulia (the series of defeats at Rhodes, Imera, and Cape d'Orlando, plus the Second Vespers in Val di Mazara only increase the chances of a sore looser syndrome on the Tarentines' part and their Greek Apulian subjects are a target within reach for their wrath to unload unto), there is even more pressure for a propagation of the Second Vespers to the region. Both and opportunity and a problem I'd think. Politically, the Lascarids cannot stand and do nothing to help Greek rebels in Apulia if it happens, but they are badly overstretched between the plague, liberating Val di Mazara and defending Greece against Serbs. Then, one could say attack is the best of defense, and bringing the fight to Apulia would remove pressure on Calabria itself.
Unless I remember wrong they were not favoring use of Greek in legal documents and were not favoring the Greek clergy either. Outright suppression now? I could see them forcing the clergy to follow the Latin rite for starters...
@Lascaris, where are the Kydones brothers so far?

Given their OTL trajectories, it looks as if they will end up in the Lascarids' employ before long. They seem prime candidates to study at the University of Syracuse.

I see that Demetrios, given his OTL political carreer and being about the same age as Alexandros, would become a great Lascarid stateman and would shape the culture and politics of the Lascarid - should we say - Empire for the second half of the 14th century, the way Alexios shaped its military fortunes, doctrine and cadres for the first half.
And by extension, Prochoros would be a potential successor to Barlaam a decade or two down the line to head either - or both - the university of Syracuse and its (arch)bishopric - ie de facto head of the Church in the Despotate.
So far Demetrios should still be in the service of John VI and his brother at Athos. Longer term now... no matter what happens to John VI I can't see him keeping an anti-palamite mesazon long term...
Perhaps the Lascarids would take Maria of Sicily if she is not butterflied.
Do we really want House Vatatzes marrying into a dynasty with the great intellectual capabilities of the Sicilian branch of the House of Barcelona? Just saying...
 
There is the other caveat that the Venetians were allies with John VI, during the war of the straits they were even bankrolling an Byzantine fleet of 12 galleys. And Dusan wants a fleet so he can besiege Constantinople...

Unless I remember wrong they were not favoring use of Greek in legal documents and were not favoring the Greek clergy either. Outright suppression now? I could see them forcing the clergy to follow the Latin rite for starters...

So far Demetrios should still be in the service of John VI and his brother at Athos. Longer term now... no matter what happens to John VI I can't see him keeping an anti-palamite mesazon long term...

Do we really want House Vatatzes marrying into a dynasty with the great intellectual capabilities of the Sicilian branch of the House of Barcelona? Just saying...
Perhaps the best would be a marriage with the main branch of the Aragonese further burying the Sicilian Branch of the House of Barcelona into oblivion.
 
I think the best option for a son of Alexandros II would be a daughter of Louis of Hungary. However, I think that match is possible only if Louis fails to hold the Regno as in OTL. Which honestly is the most likely case, since to hold it he would need a different personality. If he holds the Regno, a Lascarid match would be politically tricky since he provides even more legitimacy to the lascarid claim when it comes to the Kingdom of Sicily.

However, if he is ousted of the Regno as in OTL, he can say "screw it" and provide a bride to Alexandros' son. In that case, his grandson might get the crown that in his eyes belongs to the line of Charles Robert. Other than that, the Lascarids are natural allies against his most important enemies, Dusan and the Venetians. Which also happen to be the Despotate's main rivals as well.
 
I think the best option for a son of Alexandros II would be a daughter of Louis of Hungary. However, I think that match is possible only if Louis fails to hold the Regno as in OTL. Which honestly is the most likely case, since to hold it he would need a different personality. If he holds the Regno, a Lascarid match would be politically tricky since he provides even more legitimacy to the lascarid claim when it comes to the Kingdom of Sicily.

However, if he is ousted of the Regno as in OTL, he can say "screw it" and provide a bride to Alexandros' son. In that case, his grandson might get the crown that in his eyes belongs to the line of Charles Robert. Other than that, the Lascarids are natural allies against his most important enemies, Dusan and the Venetians. Which also happen to be the Despotate's main rivals as well.
He'll certainly go that route, he did help IOTL Charles of Durazzo overthrow Joanna.

Though for Louis' daughters, I'm not sure. He did not get any child before the early 1370s, while Alexandros has just been betrothed to Blanche of Navarre. Even if Blanche and Alexandros cannot meet yet before some time to actually marry and consume, I'd guess Alexandros first kid(s) would be born before the mid 1350s at the latest. The age gap might be a 'little' bit too wide for Grandma Adrienne to swallow (well, by then she'd no longer be alive I suppose, but Alexandros might want to respect her legacy on that).

Without going so far as another marriage, if Louis styles himself as the rightful king of Naples, then he can theoretically enfeoff Achaea, Athens, Corfu and Val di Mazara, to Theodore and his proginy in the stroke of a pen (that does not cost him much since these lands would already be controlled by the Lascarids), and the Lascarids can entertain the legal fiction of aknowledging Louis as King of Naples as a base for their own claims. They might not want to though, and might not need to abide by it forever, but I guess such a legal fiction can provide a way out diplomatically with all other players in the region, the Pope, the French, Aragon... All while allowing Louis to 'screw it' for his Neapolitan cousins.
 
Part 60
Palermo, January 15th, 1348

The city threw open its gates to Theodore Doukas and his army. Fighting for the city was not over though as the Angevin garrison still held the city's castles. It would take several more months till the garrisons were forced to surrender the castles but with the Sicilian fleet controlling the sea, the Angevin soldiers could not hope to receive any support. Meanwhile Theodore systematically reduced the remaining Angevin holdings on the island.

Thessaloniki, April 1348

The city kept defying Ioannis VI and Gregory Palamas as its new archbishop. But it remained cut off with the Serbs dominating Macedonia. Its sole outlet to the outside world was through the sea.

Elasson, Thessaly, May 1348

The despotate's army retreated south. Dusan had brought an army of 26,000 men to invade the Lascarid holdings in Greece. Michael Philantropenos could initially gather only 8,000 men. Even reinforced by Theodore sending in a hurry about 3,000 men from Sicily the despotate's army had been severely outnumbered. But Michael had at least the advantage of highly defensible ground, you could not invade Thessaly from Macedonia only through the Tempi valley or through Elasson. Tempi was practically impassable with the Sicilians holding the castle of Platamon in its northern mouth and the despotate's fleet there to support it. Thus Dusan had chosen to invade from Servia down to Sarantaporon and Elasson. Michael had delayed him time and again but where the Serbian heavy cavalry had repeatedly failed to push out the Greek infantry holding the passes the Albanian light infantry recruited from Dusan's newly acquired holdings had finally succeeded. Michael retreated having lost a thousand men. He had inflicted notably heavier casualties on the Serbs but the Serb road to Thessaly was open...

Samos, July 1348

The last of the Turkish garrisons in the islands lost to the knights of Saint John and the Angevins surrendered to the Sicilian navy. By now the Sicilians had also seized the smaller Dodecanese islands under the control of the knights. Only Karpathos, a Venetian holding, remained outside the despotate's control.

Venice, August 1348

The republic signed an 8 years truce with the kingdom of Hungary.

Galata, Constantinople, September 1348

The local Genoese were busily reinforcing the fortifications of their quarter. They were not the only ones making preparations. In Constantinople proper Ioannis VI despite the imperial treasury being empty, was scrapping money from all sources, including loans from the aristocracy to rebuild the navy. By the end of the year he would be confident enough to reduce tolls in the harbors of Constantinople directly antagonizing the port of Galata which by now was controlling ten times the trade volume of Constantinople proper.

Larisa, Thessaly, November 1348

Dusan's advance into Thessaly had been seriously hindered by having to break through the castle of Damasi and Larisa's own fortifications. Dusan had the numbers to besiege both at the same time but despite the plague the garrison s had stubbornly held out for months. But Dusan had pushed with the sieges just as stubbornly despite his army suffering as much as the defenders from disease and having to deal with constant harassing from the smaller despotate army. In the end his persistence had born fruit with both garrisons being forced to come to terms. Dusan would appoint one of his magnates Preljub as governor of the conquered parts of Thessaly. But the war with the despotate was far from over. And this time Dusan also had to deal with a rebellious population that instead of being indifferent to its new conquerors had instead reasons to be loyals to the despotate.

Naples, December 1348

It had not been a good year for the kingdom. The black death had taken the lives of hundreds of thousands. But Charles III could at least count on the plague ravaging just as much the population of the so called despotate of Sicily, including killing thousands out of the army that had smashed his army at Imera. He had managed to raise 11,000 men this year and even launch an attack into Calabria. His attack had not amounted to much, it had been stopped cold by a Sicilian army under Alexandros but, Alexandros army had been actually slightly smaller than his own. This wasn't a bad sign in particular when coupled with news of the Serb invasion of Thessaly. Charles begun making plans for the next campaign season with increased confidence. They would be cut short when he caught the plague himself and died a couple of days before new year's eve...

Piraeus, March 1349

Alexandros Doukas Lascaris, had not been in Greece since before the war with the late and not so lamented Charles III had begun. Now he was bringing with him a thousand Cumans and twice as many infantry. They would be joined in Athens by another thousand recently recruited Greeks and Albanians under Ioannis Buas before marching north to join Philantropenos army in Lamia. The despotate could afford the effort. But it was not coming cheaply. Its debt had jumped to over 370,000 ducats.

Naples, April 1349

Louis of Taranto, newly crowned king of Sicily led the royal army south against Calabria. Theodore had offered him an one year truce when news of Charles III's death had reached him. Louis at the advice of his brother and Walter of Brienne had refused fearing that it would make him look weak to his barons, particularly given the rumors that Theodore had sent a fleet and army east. Theodore had indeed sent an army east. But he still had ten thousand men in Calabria. The Sicilian and Neapolitan armies would pass the next several months maneuvering back in forth, with no decisive battle and with neither gaining the upper hand.

East Macedonia, May 1349

Ioannis VI led an army of five thousand men into Macedonia. With Dusan tied down fighting Theodore he could not let the opportunity to try liberating Macedonia go to waste. His army would soon advance to Serres before Dusan was forced to send reinforcements to Macedonia under Preljub to stop him. While Ioannis VI and his army were tied down in Macedonia the Genoese of Galata would try to take advantage burning the new imperial fleet. But the Byzantines would reack attacking Galata in term forcing the Genoese to come to terms.

Pharsalus, Thessaly, July 1349

Stefan Dusan had start his second campaign with about 27,000 men. Over a third had been diverted to defend against the constant raiding of the Sicilian fleet in garrisons and to meet the attack of Ioannis VI into Macedonia, Dusan had been uncertain whether Kantakouzenos and Vatatzes were in collusion, but could not let Kantakouzenos snip at his Macedonian holdings unhindered. Michael and Alexandros had patiently avoided to give battle till he had been left with just with about 17,500 men facing 15,000. The Serb heavy cavalry would carry the day but at heavy cost, both armies would lose nearly 3,000 men, and the Sicilians would retreat south in good order. It was not the kind of low cost, high profit war Dusan and his nobles were used to waging for all these years. And Dusan was also receiving increasing complaints from his vassals in the north over raids into their lands by Stephen II Kotromanić the ban of Bosnia...

Ortona, Abruzzo, September 1349

Louis I king of Hungary, upon news of the death of Charles III had tried to convince pope Clement VI to support his claim to the throne of Naples to no avail, Clement had instead confirmed Joanna and her husband on the throne and instructed him that he should follow the church's advise. Louis had instead decided to take matters to his own hands and seize what he considered his own by force of arms. With the war with Venice over, he could take the shortest route directly across the Adriatic to attack Joanna. But Louis had no fleet. The Neapolitan fleet conveniently has but a shadow of its former self after its defeats at Sicilian hands, but the Venetians had refused Louis offer to charter ships to carry his army citing their neutrality, while the pope instructed Genoa to refuse Louis offers to hire ships us well. Happily for Louis Theodore Doulas Lascaris might have been a borderline schismatic but was a schismatic with no reason to heed to the pope's orders with ample ships ad even bore ample reason to want Louis in Italy. And thus Louis with an army of 12,000 men would land in Ortona and march south. The lords of Abruzzo and Aquila would immediately declare for him...

Corfu, October 1349

With Louis of Hungary landing in Italy, Louis of Taranto had been forced to march north to meet the invader, thus leaving the south open to attack. Theodore hadn't lost the opportunity to invade Basilicata faced only with the local feudal levies of the counts of Sanseverino. But at the same time he had dispatched part of his army and fleet to secure Corfu. The local population would welcome the Sicilians, but the Angevin garrison would hunker down to the nearly impregnable castle of Corfu hoping its supplies would hold out longer than the Sicilians...
 
And so it begins. Shame Charles didn’t get to see Louis invade Naples before he died. What a complete clusterfuck of a situation he had left Joanna, arguably far worse than otl.He would no doubt be remembered as one of the worst kings of Naples.
 
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The city kept defying Ioannis VI and Gregory Palamas as its new archbishop. But it remained cut off with the Serbs dominating Macedonia. Its sole outlet to the outside world was through the sea.
Considering the losses the Lascarid fleet has incurred, I think the influential sailor's guild would be more than happy to provide manpower in exchange for those nice sicilian hyperpyra.

It was not the kind of low cost, high profit war Dusan and his nobles were used to waging for all these years.
That low cost, high profit policy was perhaps a conscious one ? In OTL Dusan could have applied more effort to blockade Thessaloniki and also bounce on the Byzantines right after the civil war when they were at their lowest. But he refrained from doing so. I suspect that the highly feudal organization of the serbian state had something to do with it. The nobles wanted to gain new fiefs, not to wage expensive prolonged wars.

Theodore hadn't lost the opportunity to invade Basilicata faced only with the local feudal levies of the counts of Sanseverino
Here lies the opportunity for the Despot. Sanseverino cannot meet Theodore in open battle. At best, he can garrison the different castles and fortified towns. But Theodore has such numerical superiority, that he won't tie down his 10,000 army to besiege a town with 100-strong garrison at a time. He can invest several towns and castles at the same time. The population, speaking Calabrian Greek and following the Basileans should friendly or at least indifferent. And even more importantly, the levies garrisoning the southern communes and castles would have been locals. Would the Greeks of the garrisons fight to the last and starve to death in order to maintain Sanseverino rule over their towns?
 
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Well, I think that due to the Hungarians joining the war, we can think about a Greek-Magyar alliance and a treaty ending the conflict dividing the Kingdom of Sicily (Naples). Unless Aragon and Venice unexpectedly intervene. But I think it's unlikely as both are busy with their own affairs. They would also gain relatively little from such a conflict compared to any possible losses.
Treaty of Taranto (signed here at the insistence of Louis of Hungary and Theodore of Sicily):
  1. The parties to the treaty formally dissolve the Kingdom of Sicily (Naples); all feudal claims and obligations regarding this title shall become history.
  2. The lands of the former kingdom will be divided - Sicily, Calabria and the lands in the east will go to the Despotate of the Two Sicilies, the rest of the lands on the Apennine Peninsula will create the new Kingdom of Parthenopeia.
  3. Additionally, Abruzzo is incorporated into the Papal States/becomes a papal fief as a duchy/county under Joan of Naples and Louis of Tarentum.
  4. In addition, the Despotate of the Two Sicilies will retain the possessions of the Hospitallers in the Dodecanese; in return, the Knights of St. John will receive the rule over Pantelleria/Djerba and the equivalent of the papal tithe from the Despotate for a period of... a decade (in my opinion it will be enough to settle on the new island).
  5. A future engagement between the Lascarides and the Hungarian Angevins is announced.
What do you think? A relatively realistic peace treaty ending the "Third Sicilian War"?
 
They would be joined in Athens by another thousand recently recruited Greeks and Albanians under Ioannis Buas before marching north to join Philantropenos army in Lamia. The despotate could afford the effort. But it was not coming cheaply. Its debt had jumped to over 370,000 ducats.
With the end of Angevin Sicily and their control of the seas, the Despotate's economy and trade should recover well, even with the Serbian invasion and the plague. Unless Venice gets into the fray, I expect the Despotate to not have too much trouble repaying that debt.

, but the Angevin garrison would hunker down to the nearly impregnable castle of Corfu hoping its supplies would hold out longer than the Sicilians...
Irrational kind of hope that could be expected. Hoping to outlast the besiegers when they control the sea and your king has much bigger problems to deal with... But they only that hope to hold on.
 
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