Excellent work, but ISTM that it needed a few tweaks, which I have presumed to apply:
Theodore II can't be Anna's child, as she is nine years younger than him. Also I rearranged things to allow showing the sibling relation of Maria and Alexios.
The eagle's left head
- Thread starter Lascaris
- Start date
Theodore II can't be Anna's child, as she is nine years younger than him. Also I rearranged things to allow showing the sibling relation of Maria and Alexios.
Ah, I like this much better! Thank you!
Theodore, Lascaris said at some point in the discussion, was born about 1290.
I just noticed how both him and Michael are getting into their sixties at this point of the TL. The next generation seems to be around the corner.
EDIT: And it's Ioannis III Vatatzes. He was first married to Theodore I Lascaris' daughter before Anna/Constance.
I just noticed how both him and Michael are getting into their sixties at this point of the TL. The next generation seems to be around the corner.
EDIT: And it's Ioannis III Vatatzes. He was first married to Theodore I Lascaris' daughter before Anna/Constance.
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So would appear, but even if so, their Navy, or at least the Aegean part of it, should be free to either keep in check to the Ottomans and/or if necessary to project power...
Perhaps, but the question would be if the Ottomans would be 'willing to wait' and/or with their attention focused elsewhere if they would,taking advantage of it, attack them...
Great work, thanks a lot! Alexios since he appears on the tree also had a daughter Maria Philanthropenos married to Ioannis/Giovanni Grifeo Maniakes, Alexios Gryphon the Lascarid admiral is their son, and thus Alexandros second cousin.
Technically despot was a title on its own without a territorial designation. Now Alexandros and after him Ioannis and Theodore usually call themselves despot of Sicily, not least because despot of Romania is an Angevin/Latin empire title...
Ohp, good point I've adjusted the last names of the Vatatzes' Dynasty, but also included Lascaris still!
No problem!
Thank you to all for the comments, based on the feedback, I've attached a (hopefully) cleaner Family Tree for the Despot and Katepano!
Ah, so will we see Alexios Gryphon become the Michael Philanthropenos of Alexandros II as Michael was for Theodore?
Hm, by that logic, then would the name of Theodore's realm just be 'Sicily' as Despot does not convey territorial designation? Or would the changing of 'Despot' to 'Despotate' allow for Theodore's realm to be perhaps, the 'Despotate of Sicily?'
Alexios Doukas the Elder (died 1275) was Alexios the Younger's grandfather if I'm not mistaken. His daughter Maria married Michael Tarchaneiotes, mother to both Alexios the Younger (1270-1347) and Alexandros I's wife Maria.Thank you to all for the comments, based on the feedback, I've attached a (hopefully) cleaner Family Tree for the Despot and Katepano!
I think that its bc 'despot' is something the emperor has to give to each person, as it's also not a heritable title.
I think after Alexandros II his successor would just call themselves 'autokrator' or 'basilieous'. After all, who could contest the title?
Wasn't Micheal Philanthropenos married with Alexandros I daughter? Or am I dismembering stuff? I could have sworn that the Philanthopenos and Laskaris-Vatatzes were connected through marriage.
Anyhow great work @Basileus_of_the_Hellenes!!!
Anyhow great work @Basileus_of_the_Hellenes!!!
Wait, a daughter of Anna Hohenstauffen? Or a daughter of Alexandros I and Maria Tarchaneiotes?
So Michael Philanthropenos (The Current Katepano) is married to a daughter of the line of Vatatzes? I must have missed that when I last skimmed the Timeline for this, is there a reference to certain decade where I can go look to see if a name was mentioned? Thanks!!
Part 61
Syracuse, December 25th, 1349
Between the ongoing war and fear of further outbreaks of the plague, and perhaps a bit of the by now famed Vatatzes thriftiness, back a century ago Ioannis III had managed to buy his wife a crown just from the proceeds of the eggs produced in the royal estates, the marriage ceremony between Alexandros and Blanche of Navarre in the cathedral of Syracuse had been relatively subdued. Blanche had first been baptized Agnes, a common occurrence for Latin princesses married in the east, although notably Agnes was almost a direct transliteration of her name in Greek. But the young couple appeared to be taking to each other well. Blanche, now Agnes, had spent the years of her betrothal to learn Greek and Sicilian, and was taking the court and commoners of Sicily by storm between beauty and good manners and this for certain was including her husband. But happily this appeared to be mutual, after all Alexandros had inherited his father's charm and his mother's good character.
Benevento, January 15th, 1350
The armies of Louis of Hungary and Louis of Taranto had been nearly evenly matched in overall numbers with the Hungarians having 12,000, half of then cavalry and a third knights. The Neapolitan army had 11,000 men with nearly as many knights as the Hungarians and more infantry. But the Hungarians had also brought along 2,000 Cuman horse archers and very much like the battle at Imera two and a half years ago they had proven decisive. Louis of Taranto had lost 4,000 men. Louis of Hungary barely a quarter as many.
Larisa, Thessaly, March 1350
Stephan Dusan led his army out of the city marching westwards against Trikala and the castle of Fanari. It was not the campaign Dusan would had liked to be waging this year, Bosnia up in the north had looked like a much more lucrative target. But it was the campaign he had to fight. Theodore was not going to accept losing Thessaly any more than Ioannis VI was going to accept losing Macedonia. Only where Ioannis could only hope to muster relatively small armies, Theodore was not under such constraints.
Constantinople, April 1350
Workers were busy at work making extensive repairs on Hagia Sophia, financed by a donation of Grand duke Symeon of Muskovy. Not all of Symeon's money had gone to their intended task as Ioannis VI had helped himself to part to finance hiring Turkish mercenaries to fight the Serbs instead. It had not been the only move of the emperor against Dusan, as on his instigation patriarch Callistus would excommunicate him upon rising to the patriarchate in June.
Corfu, May 1350
The Angevin garrison, watched in dismay the battle unfolding outside Vido. The Angevin fleet, all 17 galleys of it, had tried to break the Sicilian blockade at relieve the fortress. Their attempt had ended in disaster, the Sicilian fleet besieging Corfu had been much stronger at 30 galleys and Gryphon had used his numerical superiority to the utmost. Only a quartet of Angevin galleys had escaped the battle. Corfu would surrender a week later.
Taranto, June 1350
The city was placed under siege from land and sea by the Sicilian army and navy under Theodore in person. Since the start of the year Theodore had completed the conquest of Basilicata he had begun last year against a population mostly indifferent and some times hostile to the Angevins and their lords, after all the area had been ravaged by the plague and Theodore was preceded by rumors of land being redistributed and the peasantry and city communes protected under Sicilian rule. Not everything in such rumors was true of course but that the strongly centralized Sicilian administration was preferable for the commoners and Theodore and his father and brother had shown no compunctions in bringing down nobles that failed to side with them were not. Now with Basilicata secured Theodore had turned his attention to Terra di Otranto, all too important to permanently secure the communications between the two halves of the realm.
Thessaloniki, June 1350
The great city was in a bad way threatened by the Serbs, shunned by the empire as it refused to accept either Ioannis VI or Hesychasm, and ravaged by the plague. Things had been bad enough that one of the two archons of the city Andreas Palaiologos, perhaps bribed by Dusan even tried to deliver the city to the Serbs. But this was immediately opposed by the other archon Alexios Lascaris Metochites and the citizenry rose up in revolt against surrender to the Serbs. Ioannis VI was quick to show up and try to take advantage of the situation to reclaim the city. But he was not the only one to do so as Alexandros Doukas Lascaris upon receiving news the city was about to surrender to Dusan would show up as well at the head of a dozen galleys to try to prevent this. Between the two the people and boule of Thessaloniki would proclaim for Alexandros and his father.
Aversa, July 1350
Much to the frustration of Louis of Hungary the garrison, under Giacomo Pignataro had held up for months despite nearly the entire Hungarian army besieging it. But finally Pignataro had been forced to surrender allowing Louis to advance against his namesake in Naples. There Joanna had entertained though of escaping to her French holdings but Lous of Taranto had dissuaded her from doing so. The Sicilians were already reprising Roger de Lauria two generations earlier and after sizing Ischia were using it to blockade Naples. With Sicilian galleys patrolling outside Joanna had been forced to go by the plan of her husband. The regno would be defended against both the Greeks and the Hungarians if for no other reason because Joanna could not hope to safely make her escape.
Venice, August 1350
It was a troubling year for the Serenissima. The Lascarids had captured Corfu and had now invaded Terre Di Otranto, were Taranto had already thrown its gates open to Theodore the previous month and his army and navy were quickly gainting ground, Venetian spies wrote the entire province was likely to fall before the end of the year. While despots of Sicily had maintained correct relations with the republic for the past two generations and had even found common ground in battling piracy, relations were jut that correct. Alexandros and after him Ioannis and Theodore had kept brisk trade going and their ports open to Venetian merchants they had steadfastly refused to give either to Venice or Genoa any of the trading exceptions so common in the east. On the contrary they had placed somewhat lower dues on their own merchants compared to foreign ones and actively encouraged them, particularly traders from Messina and Monemvasia. If one coupled this with the destruction of the Latin statelets in the Cyclades and Theodore helping out the Hungarians the previous year letting the Sicilians get securely established on both sides of the straits of Otranto was a threat. But the republic also had to deal with a much more immediate threat as Genoa had tried to place a stranglehold on the lucrative Black sea trade by blockading the Bosporus and the Kerch straits. Dealing with Theodore would have to wait for now as Venice declared war on Genoa. By the end of the year it would be joined in its war by Peter IV of Aragon and Ioannis VI.
Naples, September 1350
The siege of the city went on, as Joanna and Louis of Taranto had put the time gained by the Hungarian siege of Aversa to good use preparing the Naples for a siege and driving the local population to a frenzy against the Hungarians, helped by a papal bull placing Louis of Hungary under an interdict for going to war with his Neapolitan relatives against the pope's instructions. Louis of Hungary had already spent though nearly a year away from his kingdom. He thus left Stephen Lackfi to continue the siege of Naples as he left himself for Hungary.
Thessaly, October 1350
The campaign season was nearing to its close. No great battle had taken place. The Serbs had gained some more ground securing Trikala. But the Sicilian army was also intact still in the field and not particularly smaller than the Serb one. Alexandros and Michael Philanthropenos had 15,000 men under arms. Dusan had 20,000. Till the Sicilian army got decisively defeated Dusan would still need to have the better part of his army tied down in Thessaly...
Between the ongoing war and fear of further outbreaks of the plague, and perhaps a bit of the by now famed Vatatzes thriftiness, back a century ago Ioannis III had managed to buy his wife a crown just from the proceeds of the eggs produced in the royal estates, the marriage ceremony between Alexandros and Blanche of Navarre in the cathedral of Syracuse had been relatively subdued. Blanche had first been baptized Agnes, a common occurrence for Latin princesses married in the east, although notably Agnes was almost a direct transliteration of her name in Greek. But the young couple appeared to be taking to each other well. Blanche, now Agnes, had spent the years of her betrothal to learn Greek and Sicilian, and was taking the court and commoners of Sicily by storm between beauty and good manners and this for certain was including her husband. But happily this appeared to be mutual, after all Alexandros had inherited his father's charm and his mother's good character.
Benevento, January 15th, 1350
The armies of Louis of Hungary and Louis of Taranto had been nearly evenly matched in overall numbers with the Hungarians having 12,000, half of then cavalry and a third knights. The Neapolitan army had 11,000 men with nearly as many knights as the Hungarians and more infantry. But the Hungarians had also brought along 2,000 Cuman horse archers and very much like the battle at Imera two and a half years ago they had proven decisive. Louis of Taranto had lost 4,000 men. Louis of Hungary barely a quarter as many.
Larisa, Thessaly, March 1350
Stephan Dusan led his army out of the city marching westwards against Trikala and the castle of Fanari. It was not the campaign Dusan would had liked to be waging this year, Bosnia up in the north had looked like a much more lucrative target. But it was the campaign he had to fight. Theodore was not going to accept losing Thessaly any more than Ioannis VI was going to accept losing Macedonia. Only where Ioannis could only hope to muster relatively small armies, Theodore was not under such constraints.
Constantinople, April 1350
Workers were busy at work making extensive repairs on Hagia Sophia, financed by a donation of Grand duke Symeon of Muskovy. Not all of Symeon's money had gone to their intended task as Ioannis VI had helped himself to part to finance hiring Turkish mercenaries to fight the Serbs instead. It had not been the only move of the emperor against Dusan, as on his instigation patriarch Callistus would excommunicate him upon rising to the patriarchate in June.
Corfu, May 1350
The Angevin garrison, watched in dismay the battle unfolding outside Vido. The Angevin fleet, all 17 galleys of it, had tried to break the Sicilian blockade at relieve the fortress. Their attempt had ended in disaster, the Sicilian fleet besieging Corfu had been much stronger at 30 galleys and Gryphon had used his numerical superiority to the utmost. Only a quartet of Angevin galleys had escaped the battle. Corfu would surrender a week later.
Taranto, June 1350
The city was placed under siege from land and sea by the Sicilian army and navy under Theodore in person. Since the start of the year Theodore had completed the conquest of Basilicata he had begun last year against a population mostly indifferent and some times hostile to the Angevins and their lords, after all the area had been ravaged by the plague and Theodore was preceded by rumors of land being redistributed and the peasantry and city communes protected under Sicilian rule. Not everything in such rumors was true of course but that the strongly centralized Sicilian administration was preferable for the commoners and Theodore and his father and brother had shown no compunctions in bringing down nobles that failed to side with them were not. Now with Basilicata secured Theodore had turned his attention to Terra di Otranto, all too important to permanently secure the communications between the two halves of the realm.
Thessaloniki, June 1350
The great city was in a bad way threatened by the Serbs, shunned by the empire as it refused to accept either Ioannis VI or Hesychasm, and ravaged by the plague. Things had been bad enough that one of the two archons of the city Andreas Palaiologos, perhaps bribed by Dusan even tried to deliver the city to the Serbs. But this was immediately opposed by the other archon Alexios Lascaris Metochites and the citizenry rose up in revolt against surrender to the Serbs. Ioannis VI was quick to show up and try to take advantage of the situation to reclaim the city. But he was not the only one to do so as Alexandros Doukas Lascaris upon receiving news the city was about to surrender to Dusan would show up as well at the head of a dozen galleys to try to prevent this. Between the two the people and boule of Thessaloniki would proclaim for Alexandros and his father.
Aversa, July 1350
Much to the frustration of Louis of Hungary the garrison, under Giacomo Pignataro had held up for months despite nearly the entire Hungarian army besieging it. But finally Pignataro had been forced to surrender allowing Louis to advance against his namesake in Naples. There Joanna had entertained though of escaping to her French holdings but Lous of Taranto had dissuaded her from doing so. The Sicilians were already reprising Roger de Lauria two generations earlier and after sizing Ischia were using it to blockade Naples. With Sicilian galleys patrolling outside Joanna had been forced to go by the plan of her husband. The regno would be defended against both the Greeks and the Hungarians if for no other reason because Joanna could not hope to safely make her escape.
Venice, August 1350
It was a troubling year for the Serenissima. The Lascarids had captured Corfu and had now invaded Terre Di Otranto, were Taranto had already thrown its gates open to Theodore the previous month and his army and navy were quickly gainting ground, Venetian spies wrote the entire province was likely to fall before the end of the year. While despots of Sicily had maintained correct relations with the republic for the past two generations and had even found common ground in battling piracy, relations were jut that correct. Alexandros and after him Ioannis and Theodore had kept brisk trade going and their ports open to Venetian merchants they had steadfastly refused to give either to Venice or Genoa any of the trading exceptions so common in the east. On the contrary they had placed somewhat lower dues on their own merchants compared to foreign ones and actively encouraged them, particularly traders from Messina and Monemvasia. If one coupled this with the destruction of the Latin statelets in the Cyclades and Theodore helping out the Hungarians the previous year letting the Sicilians get securely established on both sides of the straits of Otranto was a threat. But the republic also had to deal with a much more immediate threat as Genoa had tried to place a stranglehold on the lucrative Black sea trade by blockading the Bosporus and the Kerch straits. Dealing with Theodore would have to wait for now as Venice declared war on Genoa. By the end of the year it would be joined in its war by Peter IV of Aragon and Ioannis VI.
Naples, September 1350
The siege of the city went on, as Joanna and Louis of Taranto had put the time gained by the Hungarian siege of Aversa to good use preparing the Naples for a siege and driving the local population to a frenzy against the Hungarians, helped by a papal bull placing Louis of Hungary under an interdict for going to war with his Neapolitan relatives against the pope's instructions. Louis of Hungary had already spent though nearly a year away from his kingdom. He thus left Stephen Lackfi to continue the siege of Naples as he left himself for Hungary.
Thessaly, October 1350
The campaign season was nearing to its close. No great battle had taken place. The Serbs had gained some more ground securing Trikala. But the Sicilian army was also intact still in the field and not particularly smaller than the Serb one. Alexandros and Michael Philanthropenos had 15,000 men under arms. Dusan had 20,000. Till the Sicilian army got decisively defeated Dusan would still need to have the better part of his army tied down in Thessaly...
Neither one.
Alexandros, son of Ioanis III and Anna/Constance, married Maria, daughter of Michael Tarchaneiotes and one Irene Philantropena, herself daughter of another Alexios. That Michael Tarchaneiotes was also the father of Alexios Philantropenos the "younger", so that one, who died in 1347, is grandson to Alexios Philantropenos the Elder.
And Michael Philantropenos the Katepano is son to Alexios the Younger and grandson to Michael Tarchaneiotes.
If I get it all right.
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And so it begins, especially with Thessalonica declaring for the Lascarids.
Having Thessaloniki as a base of operation, plus still holding onto Platamon castle, the Lascarids have several options to attack into the rear of the Serbs I surmise.
I'm curious though as to how Thessaloniki declaring for Lascarids impacts the situation in Chalcidique.
I'm curious though as to how Thessaloniki declaring for Lascarids impacts the situation in Chalcidique.
That doesn't bode well for the Hungarians. Lackfi managed to alienate a lot of neapolitan lords. He also faced challenges controlling some of his German mercenaries. The other problem is that Louis has raised the population of Naples against the Hungarians. If Naples falls, which is likely considering the sea blockade, it is plausible to be sacked, something that will give Lajos a dark reputation in the Regno. And a sack on top of the plague will be disastrous.
On the other hand, there is a good possibility that Louis defeats Lackfi. The voivode was a loyal follower of Lajos. If he is defeated, he can always retreat to Basilicata and use the lascarid strongholds there as bases for raids. While the German mercenaries had a fickle loyalty, the Hungarians and Cumans constitute a sizeable loyal army.
The Cumans, having been pastoralists in Hungary, will love Basilicata. Speaking of which, the albanian clans in the Despotate might also love Basilicata, The terrain is very suitable for their style of pastoralism.
John VI has an opportunity to reclaim Drama and Christopolis, possibly even Serres. The Thessaloniki militia can also attempt to capture Pydna/ Kitros and establish communications with the castle of Platamon. Or try to capture Veria as John VI did in OTL.
Without Basilicata and Terra Di Otranto, the ATL Regno (Calabria is excluded) loses 21,46% of its pre-plague population. At this point, the Despotate has the upper hand in any war with Naples. The Angevins do not pose the same threat any more. I expect Theodore or Alexandros at a later time to try to capture all of Apulia. Terra di Bari is needed to protect Terra di Otranto and Basilicata. The rest of Apulia (Terra di Bari & Capitanata) is also a very strategic region: one of the few net grain exporters located close to the sea in the whole Mediterranean. Dalmatia and Naples are fed with apulian (and sicilian) wheat. Naples can import sardinian wheat but Dalmatia has few choices and the best of them is greek wheat - mostly controlled by the Despotate as well. Venice is also fed with apulian wheat- oops.
Lastly it can be an ideological matter for the dynasty. Manfred had founded Manfredonia. Frederick - Stupor mundi- Hohenstaufen, in his minority was known as the "boy of Apulia". Castel del Monte, was not founded as a mere castle: Frederick wouldn't have covered its walls with with marble if so. Nor he would cover floors with mosaics and have interior marble columns. There are also sculptures of Frederick and most likely other Hohenstaufens that were destroyed by Charles d'Anjou. The castle bears no resemblance to other buildings in Apulia or elsewhere and seems to have been important for Frederick. Apulia together with Sicily were the actual Hohenstaufen strongholds.
And then you have Bari, the capital of Byzantine Italy for centuries. Its loss was lamented as the expulsion of the Romans from Italy.
Overall, Apulia is important to the Lascarids for both practical and dynastic reasons.
And Corfu was a mighty stronghold, one of the strongest castles in Greece. Angelokastro was also impregnable, a true eyrie. It will difficult to lose such castles to anything other than a lengthy siege.
Yea Venice is screwed indefinitely worse than otl , there is no long arduous decline no continuing ottoman trade to sustain themselves on , there is not even a century of peace to drastically stay in the lagoon .
This venice will become Ravenna and Pisa a landlocked city.
Even if they win the war to Genoa , there is no winning literally because they still lose their empire .
In this universe Milan and Florence will gobble up much more without difficulties .
There will probably no huge counter alliance to a rising power .
Literally there will no been concept of balance of powers.
Without that there is no ossicization of the mercenaries system.
It means a only German swiss state .
It means literally that the pope is even less relevant that otl .
Probably Venice will not survive the 1500s.
The fall of Larissa has left Platamon Castle an isolated outpost, yet the Lascarids still control the sea and have no problem resupplying the castle, and if need be, using as a base to cross into Thessaly through the Tempi valley and attack Larissa from the rear. So I wonder, do they absolutely need Pydna/Kitros?
Looking at the map, I suppose that if the Lascarids took Veria, they would control the passes on the Haliakmon river, or at least gain a foothold, and whatever Serbs are left south of it would be compleltely cut off, caught between the mountains to their west, and Lascarids to their north (Thessaloniki, Veria), south (Platamon), and east (the sea, which guess who control). Pydna would be untenable.
So the 1350's Map is attached below. Some notes:
- North Africa has been added!
- The Northern Balkans / slightly better North Italy as well!
- Anatolian Beyliks: Really sticking to coastal beyliks right now, as those are the ones that most impact the story. Sadly Dark Green Ottomans have consolidated Northwestern Asia Minor by this point :/ I did leave that bit of land by Lesbos (Aren't there some mines there mentioned some parts ago?) and a bit of land right across from Konstantinople as those are most likely still controlled or influenced by John VI at this point in time?
- The Despotate: I left the border at Thessaly for ease of mapmaking, likewise for Sicily. More detailed maps will come in the GIF format, but for ease of map making I left it as is for Mainland Italy.
- Bulgaria: It was noted Phillipopolis and some surrounding forts were transferred to them from Rhomania, but no mention was made of Messembria so I've left that to the ERE.
- The ERE: No formal border was established with Serbia as they are continuously at war, but it was mentioned Ioannis VI was besieging Serres, and I would assume he is not mad enough to go too far from his zone of control, so I've set the border there roughly until a more formal border is mentioned.
P.S. Sorry about the border gore for Hungary/Serbia in N. Balkans, but the lack of a Danube river is really not helping me here...
- North Africa has been added!
- The Northern Balkans / slightly better North Italy as well!
- Anatolian Beyliks: Really sticking to coastal beyliks right now, as those are the ones that most impact the story. Sadly Dark Green Ottomans have consolidated Northwestern Asia Minor by this point :/ I did leave that bit of land by Lesbos (Aren't there some mines there mentioned some parts ago?) and a bit of land right across from Konstantinople as those are most likely still controlled or influenced by John VI at this point in time?
- The Despotate: I left the border at Thessaly for ease of mapmaking, likewise for Sicily. More detailed maps will come in the GIF format, but for ease of map making I left it as is for Mainland Italy.
- Bulgaria: It was noted Phillipopolis and some surrounding forts were transferred to them from Rhomania, but no mention was made of Messembria so I've left that to the ERE.
- The ERE: No formal border was established with Serbia as they are continuously at war, but it was mentioned Ioannis VI was besieging Serres, and I would assume he is not mad enough to go too far from his zone of control, so I've set the border there roughly until a more formal border is mentioned.
P.S. Sorry about the border gore for Hungary/Serbia in N. Balkans, but the lack of a Danube river is really not helping me here...