Chapter 521: Coprospism: Javanese Karaton Sukarnoism/ Pancasila:
The Coprospism in the Island of Java had Republic elements of a Constitutional Monarchy, guided by Sukarno (born as Kusno Sosrodihardjo on 6 June 1901) as the President and later Ratu (King/ Emperor), who ruled over his newlyindependent 41,700,000 inhabitants. Sukarno had been a leader of the Independence struggle from the Netherlands/ Dutch and had been a prominent figure ever since. When the Japanese invaded ans liberated Java from Dutch Colonial rule, he and fellow nationalist were freed and collaborated with the Japanese, who helped them aid their national ideas. In 1942 Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta declared independence of the Javanese Republic that had much support by the locals who wished for a democratic independent stae as it had from local Sultans and Rajas, who feared for their position in a possible direct democratic Javanese pro-pan-Indonesian Republic and therefore like the Japanese opposed pan-Indonesianism. With diplomatic and military means Sukarno who was used by the Japanese to organize and pavify a Javanese government, that he believed could be a Indonesian one once. When the Japanese proposed the idea to him on Sumatra, Sukarno wanted to use the Japanese for his idea; "The Lord be praised, God showed me the way; in that valley of the Ngarai I said: Yes, Independent Indonesia can only be achieved with Dai Nippon...For the first time in all my life, I saw myself in the mirror of Asia."
In May 1942, Sukarno was sent back to Jakarta, where he re-united with other nationalist leaders recently released by the Japanese, including Mohammad Hatta. There, he met the Japanese commander General Hitoshi Imamura, who asked Sukarno and other nationalists to galvanise support from Javanese populace to aid Japanese war effort. Sukarno was willing to support the Japanese, in exchange for a platform for himself to spread nationalist ideas to the mass population. The Japanese, on the other hand, needed Indonesia's manpower and natural resources to help its war effort. The Japanese recruited millions of people, particularly from Java, to be forced labor called "romusha" in Japanese. They were forced to build railways, airfields, and other facilities for the Japanese within Indonesia and as far away as Burma. In the end over 10 million Romusha in Java were forced to work by the Japanese military and about 270,000 of these sent to other Japanese-held areas of the Co-Prosperity Sphere in South East Asia (like Japan, Manchukuo, Siam/Thailand, Borneo, Sumatra Burma, or New-Guinea), while the Japanese Imperial Army stationed over 120,000 soldiers on the Islands together with a full Tank Division, artillery support and fighters and bombers and the Imperial Japanese Navy had 20,000 soldiers present to support Sukarno's rule and help him build a independent Javanese Army to defent their islands. To gain cooperation from Indonesian population and to prevent resistance to these measures, the Japanese put Sukarno as head of Tiga-A mass organisation movement. In March 1942, the Japanese formed a new organisation called Poesat Tenaga Rakjat (POETERA/ Center of People's Power) under Sukarno, Hatta, Ki Hadjar Dewantara, and KH Mas Mansjoer. The aim of these organisations were to galvanise popular support for recruitment of romusha forced labor, requisitioning of food products, and to promote pro-Japanese and anti-Western sentiments amongst Javanese. Sukarno coined the term, Amerika kita setrika, Inggris kita linggis ("Let's iron America, and bludgeon the British") to promote anti-Allied sentiments. Soon the Japanese requisitioned rice and other food produced by Javanese peasants to supply their own troops, while forcing the peasantry to cultivate castor oil plants to be used as aviation fuel and lubricants. Additionally, food requisitioning by the Japanese caused widespread famine in Java which killed more than one million people on the island. In Sukarno view, these were necessary sacrifices to be made to allow for future independence of Indonesia. He also was involved with the formation of Pembela Tanah Air (PETA) and Heiho (Indonesian volunteer army troops) via speeches broadcast on the Japanese radio and loud speaker networks across Java and Sumatra. By mid-1944 these units numbered around two million, and were preparing to defeat any Allied forces sent to re-take Java.
Sukarno and Hatta were sent on a seventeen-day tour of Japan, after the Co-Prosperity Sphere Conference (or Tokio Conferense), where they were decorated by the Emperor Hirohito and wined and dined in the house of Prime Minister Hideki Tojo in Tokyo. The independence promised to Java in 1941 and the Japanese allowed for the establishment of the Investigating Committee for Preparatory Work for Independence (BPUPK), a quasi-legislature consisting of 11 representatives from most ethnic groups in Java. Sukarno was appointed as head of the BPUPK and was tasked to lead discussions to prepare the basis of a future independent Javanese state. To provide a common and acceptable platform to unite the various squabbling factions in the BPUPK, Sukarno formulated his ideological thinking developed for the past sixteen years into five principles. On 1 June 1942, he introduced these five principles, known as Pancasila or Sukarnoism (his form of Coprospism), during the joint session of the BPUPK held in the former Volksraad Building. Pancasila as presented by Sukarno during the BPUPK speech, consisted of five common principles which Sukarno saw as commonly shared by all Javanese and in extension by all Indonesians: 1) Nationalism, whereby a united Javanese state would form, even if he had hopes that one day a Indonesian State would stretch from Sabang to Merauke, encompassing all former Dutch East Indies, Papua New Guina, Borneo and the Malayan Peninsula. 2) Internationalism, meaning Java was to appreciate Co-Prosperity rights and contribute to world peace, and should not fall into chauvinistic Fascist Royalism and National Monarchism, but instead embrace it's Coprospism as a all Asian brotherhood. 3) Democracy, which Sukarno believed has always been in the blood of Javanese/ Indonesians through the practice of consensus-seeking (musyawarah untuk mufakat), an Indonesian-style democracy different from Western-style liberalism and more close to the Japanese Coprospist ideal. 4) Social justice, a form of populist socialism in economics with Coprospist-style opposition to free capitalism. Social justice also intended to provide equal share of the economy to all Javanese/ Indonesians, as opposed to the complete economic domination by the Dutch and Chinese during the colonial period before. 5) Belief in God, whereby all religions are treated equally and have religious freedom. Sukarno saw Indonesians as spiritual and religious people, but in essence tolerant towards differing religious beliefs was supported.
On 22 June, the Islamic and nationalist elements of the BPUPK created a small committee of nine, which formulated Sukarno's ideas into the five-point Pancasila, in a document known as the Jakarta Declaration (named after their capital): 1) Belief in one and only Almighty God with obligation for Mohammedans to adhere to Islamic law, 2) Civilised and just humanity, 3) Unity of Java (and secretly all of Indonesia), 4) Democracy through inner wisdom and representative consensus-building and finally 5) Social justice for all Javanese/ Indonesians. Due to pressure from the Islamic element, the first principle mentioned the obligation for Mohammedans to practice Islamic law (sharia). However, the final Sila as contained in the new Javanese Constitution which was put into effect on 18 August 1942, excluded the reference to Islamic law for sake of national unity with the more democratic and republican elements in Java. The elimination of sharia was done by Mohammad Hatta based upon a request by Christian and Hinsu representative, and after consultation with moderate Islamic representatives Teuku Mohammad Hassan, Kasman Singodimedjo, and Ki Bagoes Hadikoesoemo. On 7 July 1945, the Japanese allowed the formation of a smaller Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (PPKI), a 6-person committee tasked with creating the specific governmental structure of the future Indonesian state. On 9 July, the top leaders of PPKI (Sukarno, Hatta, and Radjiman Wediodiningrat), were summoned by Commander-in-Chief of Japan's Southern Expeditionary Forces, Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi. Field Marshal Terauchi with support of the Japanese Government and Miliary, gave Sukarno the freedom to proceed with preparation for Javanese independence and after much wining and dining, Sukarno's entourage was flown back to Jakarta on 14 July.
With support from leaders of youth groups and members of PETA militia, Chairul Saleh, Soekarni, and Wikana, Sukarno declared Javanese Republic independence, supported by Japanese Admiral Tadashi Maeda, the Japanese naval liaison officer in Jakarta, who favored Javanese independence and hoped to help build a Javanese Republic Navy as part of the Co-Prosperity Sphere Navy. Javanese Independence was proclamed and the basic governmental structure of the new Republic of Indonesia: announced: Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were appointed as President and Vice-President and their cabinet established. The 1942 Indonesian Constitution was put into effect, which by this time excluded any reference to Islamic law or any pan-Indonesian ideas. The Central Indonesian National Committee (Komite Nasional Indonesia Poesat/KNIP) to assist the president prior to election of a parliament was established. Sukarno's government supported the formation of a national Javanese Republic Army (JRA) out of the Japanese formed militias and began to form an adequate military apparatus to maintain control their new state. The members of various militia groups formed during Japanese occupation such as the PETA and Heiho, who were encouraged to join the JBKR, the Javan Badan Keamanan Rakjat (the Javanese People's Security Organization), that was later reformed into the Javan Tentara Keamanan Rakjat (The Javanese People's Security Army), the JTKR. Both the JBKR and the JTKR like the former militias they were created from were mostly supplied with Japanese weapons or captured and confiscated former Dutch weapons and trained by Japanese officers and Commanders. At the same time around 40,000 Dutch citizens in all of former Dutch East India were rounded up by the Japanese and their supported Co-Prosperity Sphere governments, including the Javanese one to be imprisoned in laor camps as European Colonialists and Imperialists, should their service in government and other vital positions not be needed anymore for the transition of power to the new, native governments and states.
With his political and military power as the Javanese President now finally secured and his independence recognized after the End of the Second Great War, Sukarno reformed his Coprospism to what he called “a system of guided democracy”. He argued that at the village level, important questions were decided by lengthy deliberation designed to achieve a consensus, under the guidance of village elders. Sukarno argued it should be the model for the entire nation, with the president taking the role assumed by village elders. He proposed a government based not only on political parties but rather on "functional groups" composed of the nation's basic elements, which would together form a National Council, through which a national consensus could express itself under presidential guidance. One of his major steps towards more independence and sovereignty, was the implementation of economic nationalism and it's strengthened by the issuance Presidential Directive No. 10 of 1942, which banned commercial activities by foreign nationals in rural areas. This rule targeted ethnic Chinese, who dominated both the rural and urban retail economy ecer since times of Java being a Dutch Colony despite the fact that at this time few of them had Indonesian citizenship. This policy resulted in massive relocation of the rural ethnic-Chinese population to urban areas, and approximately 100,000 chose to return to Chinese member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. The law however even if written neutral did not target the Japanese buisness man and Zaibatsu who had since 1941/42 taken over most of the formerly Dutch and Chinese markets in all of former Dutch East India. In 1954, ten years after gaining fully indonesian independence, Sukarno instated the Javanese Constitution by presidential decree. It established a presidential system which he believed would make it easier to implement the principles of guided democracy. He called the system Manifesto Politik or Manipol, but it was actually government by decree. Sukarno envisioned an Indonesian-style Coprospist society, adherent to the principle of USDEK: 1)Undang-Undang Dasar '42 (Constitution of 1942), Coprospist Socialisme Javanese (Javanese coprospist socialism), 3) Demokrasi Terpimpin (Guided Democracy), 4) Ekonomi Terpimpin (Commanded Economy) and 5) Kepribadian Javanese (Javanese Identity, but secretly pan-Indonesia's Identity as well).
This was the slowly beginning, later full transformation of the Javanese Republic into the Javanese Karaton (Empire) under Sukarno as a more dictatorial Ratu (King or Emperor) ruling from Bogor Palace. The Javanese Romusha were during this time used by Sukarno to promote pan-Indonesianism and to settle Javanese there in the other to claim these states and their island for a ne Indonesian Nation State. In March 1958, Sukarno disbanded parliament and replaced it with a new parliament where half the members were appointed by himself. In September 1958, he established a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (Madjelis Permusjawaratan Rakjat Sementara/MPRS) as the highest legislative authority according to the 1942 constitution. MPRS members consisted of members of DPR-GR and members of "functional groups" appointed Sukarno as the president and Ratu. However Sukarno's ambitions were not shared by anyone, as the Japanese and his neighboring Co-Prosperity Sphere states opposed any form of pan-Indonesianism.
Internally Sukarno also heavily relied on Javanese Mohammedan Nationalism that he hoped to boost into Indonesian Nationalism, however he soon had to make new allies with the younger, more republican and democratic populations in Java and Madura to form a federal state. However his social reforms were not good enough for all and the Communist Party under Musso took advantage of public disaffections by launching rebellion in Madiun, East Java, on 18 August 1948. The Federal Constitution of 1946 and the Provisional Constitution of 1948 were parliamentary in nature, where executive authority laid with the prime minister, and which, at least on paper, limited presidential power. However, even with his formally reduced role, Sukarno commanded a good deal of moral authority as Father of the Nation. Besides the Communist, the Darul Islam guerrillas under Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo also rose up against Sukarno in West Java with anti-Republican and anti-Japanese paroles in 1946, 1948 and 1950. They demanded a End of the Republic and the creation of a Mohammedan Sultanate State in Java under Sharia Law. Sukarno called for a National Conference (Musjawarah Nasional), which failed to bring a solution to the crisis between his government, the Socialists/ Communists and the Mohammedans/ Islamists. On 30 October 1954, the Darul Islam tried to assassinate Sukarno with a grenade while he visited a school, but failed, killing six innocent children instead. After this Sukarno used the martial law, disbanded all socialist and Mohammedan parties with the help of the military and arrested many politicans in opposition to him, from socialist Sjahrir to Islamic politicians Mohammad Natsir and Hamka. Using martial law powers, the government closed-down newspapers who were critical of Sukarno's policies. As a result on 1957 and 1959, Darul Islam tried to assassinate Sukarno several time, but Sukarno again escaped injury.
At the same time Sukarno, who had by now lost socialist and mohammedan support, now relied more heavily on the Japanese, as his authoritarian, dictatorial style and new structure of his state also had alienated the youth, the republican elements and many democratic factions. So Sukarno used aggressive, anti-imperial rethoric and politic to increase Javanese Co-Prosperity Sphere and international prestige, as the Javanese even supported anti-Colonial Rebellion movements in India, the Middle East and Africa. A state visit to Japan in 1952 to celebrate ten years of Javanese Independence and to strengthen Sukarno's ties to the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere in general, began to give him increasing Co-Prosperity Sphere and Yen Bloc financial and military aid. For his anti-colonial aid, Sukarno would continue to be remembered as a influential figure in some later emerging independent countries. Sukarno's further drift even closer to the Co-Prosperity Sphere then before, saw the beginning of a strong anti-German and anti-Axis Central Powers campaign in 1961, leading to unfriendly and cold relations with the German Empire. This lead to the Sunda Strait Crisis in 1962, when the Javanese Karaton (Javanese Empire) denied German Merchant and Military Ships passage trought the Sunda Strait between Java and Sumatra.
As Sukarno devoted his energy to domestic and international politics, the economy of Java was neglected and deteriorated rapidly. A situation getting worse, after the collapse of export plantation sectors, that deprived the government of much-needed foreign exchange income. Consequently, the government was unable to service massive foreign debts it had accumulated from both other Co-Prosperity Sphere countries over the years. Most of the government budget was by now spent on the military, resulting in deterioration of infrastructure such as roads, railways, ports, and other public facilities. Deteriorating transportation infrastructure and poor harvests caused food shortages in many places all over Java. The still medium industrial sector languished and only produced at 24% capacity due to lack of investment. Sukarno himself was contemptuous of macroeconomics, and was unable and unwilling to provide practical solutions to the poor economic condition of the country. Instead, he produced more ideological conceptions such as Trisakti: political sovereignty, economic self-sufficiency, and cultural independence, including more independence from the Co-Prosperity Sphere and Japan overall to finally archive the dream of Indonesia, pan-Indonesian State. Sukarno advocated Javanese/ Indonesians to be "standing on their own feet" (Berdikari) and reach economic self-sufficiency, free from foreign influence overall, a move that displeased the Japanese.
This caused fewer Japanese investors and Zaibatsu to invest in Java in a attempt to put economic and diplomatic pressure on the Javanese Karaton. This meant that towards the end of his rule, Sukarno's lack of interest in economics created a distance between himself and the Javanese people, who were suffering economically, while at the same time he alienated the last internal and external (mostly Co-Prosperity Sphere) allies and supporters he had left. While Sukarno's face had become bloated by disease, and his flamboyance and sexual conquests, which had once endeared him to the people, began to cause public criticism and turned further support away from him. This combined with his fall from Japanese support, led to more open protests and movements against Sukarno in a attempt to purge Javanese society, government and armed forces of Sukarno's party and organisations. Because of this, the Javanese Karaton Military put Sukarno under house arrest in Bogor Palace, where his health deteriorated due to denial of adequate medical care. He died of kidney failure in Jakarta Army Hospital on 21 June 1968 at age 67.