Stonewall Jackson's Way: An Alternate Confederacy Timeline

What Timeline Should I Do Next?

  • Abandon the Alamo!

    Votes: 44 43.1%
  • We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists

    Votes: 48 47.1%
  • Old Cump and Pap

    Votes: 10 9.8%

  • Total voters
    102
  • Poll closed .
Status
Not open for further replies.
Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 1: 1-9
Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 1: 1-9
PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeAppointed by
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John JayNew YorkSeptember 26, 1789 - June 29, 1795George Washington
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John RutledgeSouth CarolinaAugust 12, 1795 - December 28, 1795George Washington
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Oliver EllsworthConnecticutMarch 8, 1796 - December 15, 1800George Washington
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John MarshallVirginiaFebruary 4, 1801 - July 6, 1835John Adams
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Roger B. TaneyMarylandMarch 28, 1836 - October 12, 1864Andrew Jackson
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Ira HarrisNew YorkNovember 2, 1864 - March 3, 1866Abraham Lincoln
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George W. WoodwardPennsylvaniaMay 13, 1866 - May 10, 1875George H. Pendleton
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Horatio SeymourNew YorkJuly 15, 1875 - February 12, 1883Daniel E. Sickles
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John M. HarlanKentuckyApril 13, 1883 - October 14, 1911James A. Garfield
 
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Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 2: 10-13
Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 2: 10-13
PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeAppointed by
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Philander C. KnoxPennsylvaniaDecember 2, 1911 - October 12, 1921Henry C. Lodge
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Charles E. HughesNew YorkNovember 15, 1921 - December 1, 1941Calvin Coolidge
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Harlan F. StoneNew HampshireDecember 8, 1941 - April 22, 1946Robert A. Taft
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Thomas E. DeweyNew YorkApril 30, 1946 - March 16, 1971Robert A. Taft
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Spiro AgnewNew YorkMarch 31, 1971 - September 17, 1996Henry C. Lodge II
 
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Here is a brief explanation for why I decided to create these info boxes and the purpose they will serve in the future of this TL. The first reason I created these info boxes was for a quick way to look up basic information about some of the most prominent people in this TL, and also to serve as a general overview of the history of it. Second and more importantly, these info boxes will make it easier for me to add more to the story of Stonewall Jackson's Way than normal. I have discovered that the hardest part of crafting this TL for me wasn't finding out who to fill each role with, but rather finding enough interesting and unique things to put in the chapters to make them worth reading. With this mind and these info boxes created, I will be able to lay out the ground work for future developments before I have every last detail finished. I hope that this idea will work, and with these info boxes finished, it is now time to turn my full attention to We are all Federalists, We are all Republicans, at least until I have a good portion of that TL ready.
 
One thing I was confused by was whether or not the USA and CSA became one country again or not. I've read through it a few times and couldn't really tell. Do you mind shedding some light?
 
One thing I was confused by was whether or not the USA and CSA became one country again or not. I've read through it a few times and couldn't really tell. Do you mind shedding some light?
As of 1934 they are still two different countries. The title “Brothers Once More” refers to how they were able to start working together again, and as revealed later in the epilogue become allies.
 
Just as an update, the official TL for the winner of the above election, We are all Republicans, We are all Federalists, has begun, and a link to it can be found in my signature below.
 
The Repository of Stonewall Jackson's Way Wiki Boxes
With more time on my hands than normal, I decide to create the first actual wiki box for Stonewall Jackson's Way, rather than just tables arranged to look like Wikipedia (even if in my opinion they look neat). With more planned for the future, this post will serve as a storage unit of these wiki boxes until there are over 10, at which point I will start a second one. Feel free to request wiki boxes for any person or event in the TL, and I will see what I can do to make it happen. After a few boxes have been added, I will also send off a reply to this thread for those who don't want to keep checking, and keep doing so for every few boxes.. Also, I am far from a veteran at this, so any tips to improve these boxes are very much welcomed. Without further adieu, enjoy the text boxes. (Also, I am terrible at creating electoral maps, so I found it more expedient to just remove them altogether rather than present an abomination. )

U.S. Presidential Election of 1864
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1868
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President Daniel Sickles
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General George H. Thomas
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John D. Rockefeller
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Representative William J. Bryan
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Francisco I. Madero
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I have some good news for the fans of this TL. As I said, if I had any good ideas for more chapters to continue this TL, I would add them. After much thought, I have come up with two, possibly three new chapters for the TL. One or two will focus on Mexico in the aftermath of its Revolution. I won't say what the other is about, but it will be the one arriving first, and the newest textbox hints at what it will be covering.
 
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Chapter Sixty-Three: The Railroad War
Chapter Sixty-Three: The Railroad War
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A cartoon mocking William Vanderbilt in the wake of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877
By the late 1860s, Cornelius Vanderbilt and his railroad empire were considered by many to be the man to beat when it came to railroading. Although not impervious to attacks, such as when Jay Gould and Jim Fisk managed to wrest control of the Erie Railway from him by watering down the stock, no one had dared to try and usurp the elder Vanderbilt's role as the unquestioned leader of America's rail lines. That was, until Thomas A. Scott appeared on the scene. A former assistant secretary of war during the Lincoln administration, his service in 1861 and 1862 had been noted for how he had brought efficiency to the Union's railroads and better organized supply. He now led the Pennsylvania Railroad. Scott hoped to be able to take Vanderbilt's title, and soon made preparations to take actions to strengthen himself for the upcoming battle. Beginning to see Scott's rising power on the horizon, Vanderbilt also began moving to add to his position. Believing that kerosene would be the next burgeoning industry, Vanderbilt contacted a young industrialist he saw potential in: John D. Rockefeller. Vanderbilt hoped to get good rates for his company transporting Rockefeller's kerosene. On his way to meet Vanderbilt, however, Rockefeller would be killed in a tragic train accident known as the Angola Horror, in which the train derailed on a bridge, slid down on gouge, and caught fire. Following this catastrophe, Vanderbilt decided to look somewhere for a new young oilman. He eventually would give up on the goal, however, and decided to focus on the ever increasing threat Scott was posing. In 1874, he would pass away. The job of maintaining the empire would pass on to his son William, and Scott prepared to take advantage of the Vanderbilt's companies temporary distraction, as well as the Panic of 1873 which was shaking the nation.
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Cornelius Vanderbilt, Thomas Scott, and William Vanderbilt
Exploiting the economic turmoil created by the Panic of 1873 and William Vanderbilt trying to orientate himself with his new position, Scott moved rapidly to bring in new railroads. In this, he also brought many new men into his company, many of whom were shrewd, capable businessmen. Working with Andrew Carnegie, Scott's most trusted protege and president of his most crucial line, the Pennsylvania Railroad, they would bring in the Erie Railway, whose president was Jim Fisk. Many historians believe Scott targeted trying to get this line due to Fisk's humiliation of the elder Vanderbilt, and how he had been unable to keep control of it. Not long after that, Scott would bring in the bankrupted Northern Pacific Railway and its president Jay Cooke. Cooke had made a name for him in helping finance the Civil War, and this likely played a role in Scott's decision to save him, as both men were staunch Unionists. Another bankrupt line Scott would work on would be the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, providing the funding for James J. Hill to purchase the line and become its president in return for annexation into the empire. Scott next focused bringing in the Union Pacific line, famous for its role as part of the Transcontinental Railroad, under Jay Gould, another one of Vanderbilt's former rivals. With this investment came the chief engineer of the line, former Union general Grenville Dodge. Seeing talent in the man, Scott would bring him to be the chief engineer of the Pennsylvania. Finally, Scott brought in the New York Elevated Railroad under Cyrus W. Field. In securing this railroad, Scott was purchasing railroads in traditional Vanderbilt territory. Despite the high up front cost of securing the many railways, Scott was also bringing in much revenue, and some predicted that Scott's empire that soon overtake Vanderbilt's.
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Andrew Carnegie, James Fisk, Jay Cooke, James J. Hill, Jay Gould, Grenville Dodge, and Cyrus Field
Despite Scott's rapid growth, William Vanderbilt did not take the rapid action that many suspected his father would have done. He was much less interested in expansion than his father, although for the sake of the man, to whom William has grown close to in his later years, he hoped to retain his position as the largest railroad industralist. With him now leading the empire, he brought in a new man to be the president of his railroad empire's central line, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad,: Henry C. Frick. Frick was a blossoming business man with a reputation for harshness. He was also a personally very ambitious man, and as soon as he got a position in Vanderbilt's company, rumors started that he was aspiring to acquire Vanderbilt's power and prestige. More and more, Vanderbilt was withdrawing from active control of the company, and leaving it to lower level members to handle matters. This was shown clearly in Vanderbilt's response to some workers on his lines joining in on the Railroad Strike of 1877. Rather than handle the matter himself, Vanderbilt would delegate it to Frick, a known strike-breaker, to handle. After his negotiations broke down due his unwillingness to compromise, Frick took matter into his own hands, and would call in Pinkertons to break the strikes. What followed was the bloodiest days of the Vanderbilt Empire, as all across his lines, workers were slain by the dozens as Frick callously watched and Scott smirked at the once great empire collapsed in on itself.
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Henry C. Frick
With Frick's brutal actions, the railroad lines on the Vanderbilt Empire were put down, but it seemed decline was inevitable. Scott was beginning to poach more and more of the cargo that the empire depended on, and Vanderbilt soon found that the cargo that his father had expected to be the wave of the future, kerosene, did not require transportation by train anymore, as the oil barrons were using pipelines. In desperation, Vanderbilt contacted Henry Flagler, the man who now ran Standard Oil following Rockefeller's tragic death. In response to Vanderbilt's invitation to come meet with him in New York City to talk about cargo rates, Flagler would respond that Vanderbilt should come to him in Cleveland if he wanted to talk. Humiliated, Vanderbilt would oblige him. When he reached Standard Oil's plants, he was astonished by their size, and started losing faith in his chances of success. This would be justified when he entered into a meeting with Flagler and his vice president, John D. Archbold. Any offer that Vanderbilt gave was rapidly rebuffed by the two oilmen, and after a few hours of tense debate, Vanderbilt would leave having failed to secure a deal. Like his empire, Vanderbilt was a broken man, and on the railroad ride back to New York, he would catch a cold, which developed into pneumonia and caused his death in 1880.
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Henry Flagler and John Archbold
With Vanderbilt's death, the empire dissolved. Frick would be the most domineering and powerful of his successors, having the stake in the most companies, but he was far from rivaling the new leader of the railroads: Thomas Scott. Scott would not live to enjoy his dominance for long, however. In 1882, Scott would pass away, designating Carnegie to be his successor. With this new found power, Carnegie would move Dodge, who he had grown quite friendly to during their time working together on the Pennsylvania, to be his successor as president of the line. In his time, Carnegie would work on bringing many of the broken parts of the former Vanderbilt Empire into his own, although Frick refused to allow this to happen to him and the rail lines he controlled. Frick would meet his end, however, after the Pullman Strike of 1894. Frick had publicly voice his support for Custer's actions, a position that made him very unpopular and the board of directors of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad very uneasy. Eventually, the board decided to fire Frick, hoping to gain a less controversial and more able to successor. His successor could not save them, however, and within a year of Frick's departure, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad was under the control of Carnegie. This event is generally used to denote the end of the great railroad war, as the pride of the Vanderbilts' was now the property of their sworn rival. The war would go down in history as one of the famous events of America's Gilted Age.
 
Chapter Sixty Four: We Must Rise From the Ashes
Chapter Sixty Four: We Must Rise From the Ashes
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Citizens of Mexico City gathering in front of a cathedral to listen to a speech by Pascual Orozco
With the final shots of the Mexican Revolution finally starting to be silenced, Pascual Orozco, Mexico's defacto leader, decided it was time to hold an election. Although it was clear who was going to be Mexico's leader ever since the fatal shot struck Díaz's body, Orozco still insisted on holding an election as their revolution had promised to bring democracy to Mexico after almost three decades of an effective dictatorship. Orozco would, of course, be the candidate of the Democracy Party as he referred to the new organization. For his running-mate, Orozco originally supported fellow revolutionary and his second-in-command Bernardo Reyes. Reyes would decline the opportunity, preferring instead to receive the role of General-in-Chief of Mexico's Armies, a position which he believed carried more prestige and influence, which he hoped he would receive should Orozco be elected. He would instead suggest Venustiano Carranza, a revolutionary politician who had also served under Díaz, where he had first made his connections with Reyes. Following the advice of his most trusted subordinate, Orozco would see to it that Carranza was slated to be his running mate. Both Orozco and Reyes hoped that Carranza could help gather support among the higher classes, who were wary of how the Revolution might affect them.
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Pascual Orozco and Venustiano Carranza

For a true election, however, there needed to be at least two candidates running. At least that was the opinion of the revolutionaries. To fill the role of Orozco's opponent, a position no one truly desired to fill, the revolutionaries had to "convince" Interim President Ramón Corral to run against Orozco. To be his running-mate, the revolutionaries originally planned to have Victoriano Huerta, a senior officer under Díaz and the man that Díaz had placed in charge of the defenses of Mexico City prior to the assault of the city after he and the remnants of his army returned, run with Corral. His name was dropped, however, when war crime accusation were brought up against for his time as commander of Mexico City, for which he would be tried and executed. After deciding Huerta might not be the best choice, they decided to go with Secretary of the Finance of Mexico José Yves Limantour. Limantour had held that position since 1893, and was closely associated with the Díaz government. In creating this ticket, the revolutionaries tried to give off the appearance of giving the Mexican people a choice between the old way of rule under Díaz and the new order under Orozco and the revolutionaries, although choosing the former would have undoubtedly been the start of another major conflict. Luckily for the Mexican people, the foreseeable result of a decisive Democracy Party victory occurred, and Orozco was sworn in as the 37th president of Mexico. In mere days after the election, both Corral and Limantour would leave Mexico, never to return.
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Ramón Corral and José Yves Limantour
In his inaugural address, Orozco would become famous for his quote, "Now that he have overthrown the tyranny of Díaz, and loosed the chains of his oppression, we must rise from the ashes he had forced us to live in. Now is our great opportunity to bring about change." Orozco was intent on following through with his promise. The first thing he was to uproot was the Mexican Army. Although all of the army was disbanded, Orozco effectively made it only a purge of the officer corps, many of whom still held loyalties to the Díaz government. When he formed his new army he brought back many of the former soldiers and NCOs from the old one, as loyalty to the revolutionaries was more widespread among these men. Combining this force with the remainders of the army he had commanded during the revolution, as well as a few new recruits, and he had formed his new army. To head this force, Orozco would turn to Reyes as expected, and gave him the command he was desiring. Now General-in-Chief of Mexico's Army, Reyes would launch the career of a man who would eventually come to a place of prominence in Mexico: then Lieutenant Álvaro Obregón. Seeing potential in the young officer, Reyes would attach him to his staff as an aide-de-camp, and ensured he was steadily through the ranks, securing for him the rank of major in a matter of roughly two months in an army notorious for its slow rate of promotion.
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Álvaro Obregón during his time as a young staff officer for Reyes
Another change Orozco would look into would be land reform. This issue had been of key importance for many of the more rural members of the revolutionary army, including Emiliano Zapata and the now late Pancho Villa. They hoped to take the land that had been gobbled up by large Mexican landowners, and redistribute it to their ancestral owners. At first, Orozco would consider this, as rural farmers and laborers had been a key portion of his army, and had been important in guaranteeing his rise to power. On the other hand, if he enacted a policy like this, he risked losing the support of his more affluent supporters, who were already nervous that Orozco might start coming after their wealth to spread among Mexico's poor citizens. Three of his closest advisors, Vice-President Carranza, General-in-Chief Reyes, and Secretary of Foreign Affairs Pedro Lascuráin, all stood in opposition to the measure. In the end, Orozco announced that land reform would be left to the courts, knowingly sacrificing the measure of almost certain death among men who would certainly side almost unanimously with the landowners. This move enraged Zapata, who swore that he would run in the next election and defeat Orozco. At the same time, he began mobilizing former comrades from the revolution in preparation for election day defeat. In Zapata's mind, whether through ballot or bullet he would make sure that the land would return to the original owners as he believed the revolution had promised them.
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Some of the secret soldiers Zapata raised, known as the Zapatistas​
 
Here is what can be expected over the next few days in terms of this TL:
  • Another chapter concerning Mexico containing the result of the current state of their political affairs
  • Updates to the infoboxes for the U.S. Presidents and Chief Justices to show the skeletons of what my plans for their futures are currently.
  • Me continuing to work on developing these ideas into coherent plans for the future of this TL.
Please note that these new developments in the TL are far from either being fully ready or set in stone, so although what I put in the inboxes are the path of I'm planning to follow, it could change in the future, and chapters going into them are most likely not going to occur in the near future. I am just laying out some groundwork for the future of this TL for anyone who is interested.
 
Chapter Sixty-Five: Now the Torch Passes to Us
Chapter Sixty-Five: Now the Torch Passes to Us
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A photograph of Emiliano Zapata and some of his supporters in preparation for the 1909 election
With Zapata and his supporters unsatisfied with Orozco's actions in response for their clamor for land reform, Zapata would organize an effort to run in the upcoming presidential election, scheduled to occur in 1909. Labeling themselves as the People's Party, although they were mostly referred to as the Zapatistas due to their leader, the party also had a militant arm, which despite being on the underground Zapata was not afraid to break out if necessary. When the campaigning season for the election began, Orozco and Carranza once again ran as a ticket for Mexico's presidency and vice-presidency. Similarly to the previous election, Orozco had considered bringing on Reyes to be his running-mate, but once again he decided against it. This time, his decision was not based on Reyes wanting the job, but rather Orozco wanting a man he trusted in charge of the army should Zapata decided to contest the elections results with violence. Meanwhile, Zapata launched his own campaign with a base among poor, rural farmers while trying to reach out to the urban unemployed poor. Many in the latter category, however, still held Orozco as their hero for liberating Mexico from Díaz, and his efforts to promote the creation of jobs in the city. To run with him, Zapata would bring on a young but capable and loyal lieutenant, Genovevo de la O.
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Emiliano Zapata and Genovevo de la O
When the campaigning first begun, Zapata attacked Orozco for seeking a second term, pointing out the example of their neighbor, the CSA, which only allowed for one presidential term in office. He also claimed that Orozco was trying to position himself to become another Díaz and to consolidate power under him. Orozco would skillfully parry this accusations by pointing out their were no rules in the Mexican constitution laying out term limits, and that presidents in America traditional served two terms. He would also point out that this was Mexico, not the CSA or U.S.A., and that they are not subject to the traditions or rules of their northern neighbors. Another interesting thing to note would be which martyrs of their revolution each side gathered around and held up. Orozco and the Democracy Party held up Francisco I. Madero as their hero, while Zapata and the People's Party held Pancho Villa in high regard. This pointed out their differences in ideology. While Madero had been a wealthy man before sparking the revolution, Villa had been born into a poor life, but had risen through the ranks through skill and hard work. People throughout Mexico collectively held their breath when election day finally arrived, knowing that no matter the result, violence was likely to follow.
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A detail from a Democracy Party banner made to lionize Madero due to him being a hero of their party
When the results came in, Orozco had managed to secure his reelection. While he had not won by a crushing margin, his victory was not exactly close either, and Zapata was humiliated by the defeat. In the wake of it, he came to decide that the ideals that the Mexican Revolution espoused had been abandoned, and that the time for waiting was over. In a thundering speech in which he would declare the beginning of a second revolution, he would boldly declare to a large gathering of his now publicly armed Zapatistas "Now the torch passes to us! The ghosts of Villa, Juárez, Hidalgo cry out to us to go out and secure the rights that they fought for! The rights that many great Mexicans of the past have died for! The revolution that ousted that tyrant Díaz has only cleared the way for another in the form of Orozco! We must bring about the true revolution!" With this declaration, the many Zapatista syndicates that Zapata had seen to all erupted in revolt at once. While in many urban centers the revolts were small, out in the rural farmlands, the Zapatistas were able to form their own governments. As Orozco gathered his forces and prepared to send out the army to deal with the threat to his presidency, the Zapatistas began systemically seizing land from the rich landowners and returning it to those loyal to the cause. Afterwards, they would frequently execute the landowners for good measure, as well as anyone who they deemed an enemy to their revolution. The most famous victim of these purges would be Félix Díaz, nephew to the former dictator and commander of his guards during the revolution, who had since retired from public life to live on a large and luxurious estate. When Orozco had gotten all of his forces together, however, he prepared to strike with a vengeance.
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A gathering of Zapatista bosses enjoying some refreshments in the home of the landowner who they had executed shortly before
With the army of the Mexican government now sent out to fight the Zapatistas, many of the smaller branches of the revolt were rapidly crushed, with the army handing out brutal reprisals to the leaders, often executing or brutalizing their families in front of them before having them hanged. Despite the fall of many of the smaller groups of his allies, Zapata, who himself lead a large army, continued on with the revolution. When he was informed General of Brigade Álvaro Obregón had been dispatched from the main force under Reyes to go out and deal with small contingents of Zapatistas, he would send out Genovevo de la O with a force that outnumbered that of Obregón's to eradicate his force, and hopeful kill the young general, as he knew that Obregón was the darling of Reyes, and an officer highly favored by Orozco. The result of this movement would prove to be a humiliating defeat for Zapata, as despite his numerical disadvantage, Obregón managed to pull out a victory. He had entrenched upon receiving word of de la O's intentions, and when de la O's and his mounted soldiers charged the defenses, he had showered them with machine gun fire before sweeping in on de la O's shattered flank with infantry. de la O himself was captured after being dismounted and wounded in the heel. When he was brought to the capital and interrogated, he would leak the location of many secret stashes of weapons and the hideouts of many Zapatistas before revealing that part of his mission had been to kill Obregón. He was subsequently executed for treason, while Obregón was promoted to General of Division for his decisive victory.
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A depiction of what would become known as the Battle of Slaughter Valley, in which mounted Zapatistas were mowed down by the hundreds, and many more wounded, captured, or executed
With his close protege de la O dead, and the morale among his troops beginning to flag, Zapata was faced with a choice. He could either transform his revolution into a guerrilla campaign, or he could rule the dice in a do or die final battle. Although he would preferred a hit and run guerrilla campaign, he was all too aware that if he choose this option, many of his men would simply return home and abandon his revolution. Instead, he decided to face the numerically superior federal army under Reyes in a final showdown, winner take all. The site of the confrontation would be Anenecuilco, Morelos, Zapata's home town. Dismounting his forces and fortifying the town, Zapata ready himself for what would either be his final act or the triumph of his revolution. It was at this time, however, that he realized that in terms of heavy guns, his army was woefully unprepared. Easily stockpiled and hidden things like handguns, rifles, and the ammunition for them he had plenty, but in machine guns or artillery pieces, he would his army heavily lacking, possessing only three machine guns which he been seized or no functioning artillery pieces. Nonetheless, Zapata realized that retreat was tantamount to capitulation, as his army would surely dissolve. Thus he would face Reyes on that hot, sunny day. Reminiscent of the Alamo, the defenders of Anencuilco would be slaughtered, but they never wavered or retreated from the field, and made sure that Reyes paid for his victory. In fact, victory seemed a possibility until reinforcements and many more machine guns under Obregón arrived, and cleared the streets of any defenders. In the end, Zapata's body riddled with bullets would be found with the rest of his men on the city streets, immortalized in the famous photograph which has gone down into Mexican legend. Despite the end of his revolution, Orozco would take the message to heart, and see to it that better Mexican land reform was passed, and that many a rural farmer would be given a land plot to be his own to feed his family and earn a living.
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The famous photo of Zapata's lifeless body in the grasps of four curious federal soldiers.​
 
Thank you so much for the kind words. Whenever I'm just around on this site looking for something to read, I usually turn to your Triumphant: A Davy Crockett Presidency TL or @CELTICEMPIRE's Man of the Hour, a Franklin Pierce Story
:happyblush

Ooooh, CELTICEMPIRE's Franklin Pierce one is good too. That one actually got me to start doing more research on the 1850s and Kansas Nebraska
 
Thank you so much for the kind words. Whenever I'm just around on this site looking for something to read, I usually turn to your Triumphant: A Davy Crockett Presidency TL or @CELTICEMPIRE's Man of the Hour, a Franklin Pierce Story

:happyblush

Ooooh, CELTICEMPIRE's Franklin Pierce one is good too. That one actually got me to start doing more research on the 1850s and Kansas Nebraska

Wow, thanks a lot! And I'm reminded that I really need to catch up on this TL.
 
Chapter Sixty-Six: A History of U.S-CSA Diplomatic Relations, 1865-1904
Chapter Sixty-Six: A History of U.S-CSA Diplomatic Relations, 1865-1904
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A photograph of Warren G. Harding and his wife arriving in Washington following his appointment as U.S. ambassador to the CSA, ca. 1904
In the first Treaty of Washington, which established the CSA as an independent entity in 1865, one of the provisions of the treaty created the position of both U.S. ambassador to the CSA, and CSA ambassador to the U.S. With this position created, the need to fill it fell into the laps of both Presidents Davis and Pendleton. For his choice, Pendleton would turn to recently returned diplomat Charles F. Adams. For this decision, he would be lampooned by the Republican newspapers, as well as few Democratic ones, as being thrown into such a panic by this decision and fearing another war so badly that he was willing to appoint a Republican to the ambassadorship. In reality, Pendleton had offered Adams the job due to his diplomatic experience and to work at it for roughly a month to get everything prepared and set up for any future ambassador. That future ambassador would be a man many people had long since assumed to be out of the political arena: Franklin Pierce. Eager to foster good relations with the CSA, Pierce had accepted the job when it was offered to him by Pendleton. Unfortunately for his diplomatic abilities, shortly after accepting the post, Pierce began slipping into the depression and alcoholism that had previously plagued him. Some claimed it was caused by seeing that the efforts he had labored over in his presidency had failed, while others pointed to increasing age and declining health. Whatever the cause, sometime in early 1866, former Indiana representative William H. English was brought into the embassy, and effectively became ambassador in all but name.
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Charles Adams, Franklin Pierce, and William English
While early on Pendleton suffered from public ridicule and a drunken ambassador in his efforts for diplomatic relations with the CSA, Davis would suffer his own issues. Instead of struggling to find a competent diplomat, he struggled to find one who was particularly committed to the job. The first man who Davis would send to the position would be James L. Orr. He would serve until 1866, at which point he resigned to focus on his efforts to gain the South Carolina governorship. Next would be Howell Cobb, who similar to Orr was a former speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives. Also similar to Orr, he would resign his post to seek the governorship of his home state, in this case Georgia, in 1867. For his final appointment to the ambassadorship to the U.S., Davis would go with former Alabama senator and close ally Clement C. Clay. Clay would stick it out until the end of the Davis presidency, although he would resign roughly a month into Breckinridge's term in office to try and recapture his Senate seat. To fill the seat, Breckinridge would appoint a man who, along with his interactions with his counterpart in the U.S. ambassador to the CSA, would come to play a critical role in U.S.-CSA relations: former North Carolina senator William A. Graham.
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James L. Orr, Howell Cobb, and Clement C. Clay
With the end of the Pendleton presidency also came the end of the embarrassing affair that was the Pierce ambassadorship. English, who had long labored with little recognition, and without the full pay of the ambassadorship, instead only receiving the sum of an aide, hoped that incoming President Sickles would finally elevate him to the role of ambassador proper. Instead, Sickles would send out Reverdy Johnson, a former attorney general and Maryland senator would had opted to join the exodus to the U.S. rather than stay in his native state. With his self-imposed exile came bitterness. Not towards any particularly person, or perhaps even the CSA itself, but Johnson was determined that he would not engage in the weak-willed negotiations that defined the Pierce ambassadorship, which was exactly what Sickles was looking for. Adding further to the tension was his counterpart, Ambassador Graham. Despite both men being former Southern Whigs, Johnson had served in President Taylor's cabinet as attorney general, and had tendered his resignation with the ascension of Fillmore the presidency. Among the men that Fillmore had chosen to create his new cabinet had been Graham. Thus, when Johnson began his role as ambassador to the CSA, he was hardly friendly to the nation he was in, or his counterpart. He refused to engage in measures to improve the relationship between the two nations, such as joint dinners, and when engaged in negotiations, he was much more aggressive and stubborn than his predecessors. With Graham in Philadelphia, meanwhile, he maneuvered to gain as many rights and benefits for the CSA citizens as possible. And while the two men hardly ever met in person, the rivalry was clear for any observer.
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William A. Graham and Reverdy Johnson
The end of the strife and contest between Graham and Johnson would not ultimately come from the hands of a diplomatic victory of one over the other, but rather the shifting attitude of a president. Sickles, who had come to realize the value of the CSA ambassadorship both in prestige and potential financial benefit from having inside information to such things as trade negotiations decided it was time to remove Johnson, whom he frequently argued with anyways. In his stead, Sickles would place New York City up and comer Mayor John T. Hoffman, who was known for his connections to Tammany Hall, in the position in 1872. Graham, meanwhile, would be retained in his post following the passing of the presidency from Breckinridge to Gordon. Ultimately, he would only leave the position with his death, which occurred in 1879. In his later years, he had played a key role in the warming of the U.S.-CSA relations as fostered by Presidents Hazen and Gordon. Contrasting with his poor relationship with Johnson, Graham proved better able to work with ambassador John Creswell, whom Hazen had appointed to the post as a favor for serving as his campaign manager, despite the two men holding radically different ideologies. At this point, the relations between the nations were so good as to allow for Gordon to not nominate a new ambassador following Graham's death, in order to increase the ease of incoming President Longstreet's nomination, who would ultimately be former CSA attorney general Herschel V. Johnson in recognition of his important efforts in securing for Longstreet the presidential nomination. The only bump in this time of good relations between the CSA and U.S. would be when incoming U.S. President James A. Garfield appointed Cassius M. Clay to the ambassadorship to the CSA. While Creswell had been an abolitionist, he was much less vocal about her views than Clay, who would not restrain from criticizing the CSA's enslavement of their fellow man. Following Johnson's death in 1880, Longstreet would appoint Judah P. Benjamin to fill the position, and Benjamin's skill at diplomacy and dutiful tact help continue the good relations between the two nations.
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John Hoffman, John Creswell, Herschel Johnson, Cassius Clay, and Judah Benjamin
Of course, the era of good feelings between the United States and the Confederacy was not to last forever. With the rise of those wanting to reunite the Union in the dominant Republican Party, and a corresponding rise in militarism in the South, war was seemingly inevitable, despite the best efforts of Ambassador Benjamin. Conkling securing the presidency, and then not appointing a diplomat to replace Clay was a clear sign of what was to come. With Early winning the CSA presidency in 1885, he would not recall Benjamin, as he hoped to appear as the man seeking peace in the international eye, but would instead send Benjamin H. Helm and John G. Walker, both former Civil War generals, to join him as a clear sign that if Conkling was seeking war, the CSA was ready for him. In a few months time, the nations would be at war once again, and all three CSA diplomats would return to their home country. Benjamin, whose diplomatic career had been marked almost solely by success, would bemoan that in his final act, he had suffered failure.
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John Walker and Benjamin Helm, Early's "Warrior Diplomats"
Eventually, when the war reached its conclusion and peace was achieved, both diplomatic embassies reopened, but neither Conkling nor Early were interested in sending the other a diplomat. This tension would finally be broken by the ascension of Samuel G. Randall to the presidency of the U.S. He would appoint former vice-president and current Indiana senator Daniel W. Voorhees to fill the post. Voorhees, who was beginning to grow rather tired of the politics of Philadelphia, accepted the post and hoped to once again strike up his friendship with Judah Benjamin, only to discover that Benjamin had died the year before. Jackson's rise to the presidency would mark the return of a diplomat to the the CSA's embassy in the U.S. Jackson would send out Lucius Q. C. Lamar, and later Matt W. Ransom when Lamar died in 1893. When Custer assumed the U.S. presidency, he followed in the footsteps in Conkling, and did not appoint an ambassador to the CSA. Many people believed that the two nations were once again tottering towards war, but internal strife and his failure to win reelection and subsequent failed rebellion stopped Custer in his tracks if he was indeed planning that. McKinley would reestablish diplomatic relations with the CSA when he entered office, and the two nations would carry on in fairly neutral opinion of each other until 1904, when their relations changed radically.
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Daniel Voorhees, Lucius Lamar, and Matt Ransom
This rapid change in the relations between the two nations would occur as a result of their cooperation in the Mexican Revolution. This combined with the CSA's eventual abolition of slavery, and the formation of defensive alliances in the wake of the First Great War, as well as profitable trading agreements would secure their relations even further. Thus it came to pass that a nation that had been born out of rebellion from another came to be close allies with the country it had seceded from.
 

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Electoral Maps
I have figured out how to edit Wikipedia's electoral maps, and end up with a decent looking result. Thus, this threadmark will hold all the electoral maps I have so far for Stonewall Jackson's Way.

U.S. Presidential Election of 1864
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1868
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1872
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1876
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1880
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1884
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1888
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1892
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U.S. Presidential Election of 1896
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