Stonewall Jackson's Way: An Alternate Confederacy Timeline

What Timeline Should I Do Next?

  • Abandon the Alamo!

    Votes: 44 43.1%
  • We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists

    Votes: 48 47.1%
  • Old Cump and Pap

    Votes: 10 9.8%

  • Total voters
    102
  • Poll closed .
Status
Not open for further replies.
Chapter Fifty-Six: The U.S. Presidential Election of 1900
  • Chapter Fifty-Six: The U.S. Presidential Election of 1900
    unnamed.jpg

    A Republican political cartoon trying to link Roosevelt with the generally well-approved McKinley in the public mind
    With the Republican National Convention approaching, McKinley made it clear he was not interested in a second term. He had not sought out the presidency to begin with, and now his desire was to retire from public life and live out the rest of his days with his family. What he did not tell the general public, although he would confide it to his family after his retirement, was that he kept having nightmares in which he was assassinated by an anarchist, and he somewhat believed they were going to happen if he continued with the presidency. This worry was not with precedent, as in 1900 alone, two world leaders, President Ben Tillman of the CSA and King Umberto I of Italy had been assassinated by anarchists. This cleared the way for a new Republican leader. To fill this void, Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt was interested, but many of the more conservative members of the party disliked him. They could not rally around a single person, however, and this cleared the way for Roosevelt's nomination. The conservatives had to be represented, however, and the Republicans ultimately went with James S. Sherman, an agreeable and political experienced man who had formerly been a New York Representative before moving to New Jersey, the home state of his wife. Many believed Sherman's state move was as a result of being promised the vice-presidency, because Roosevelt was a New Yorker, and thus Sherman had to live in a different state in order to be on the ticket. At first, Roosevelt was unsure about Sherman, but the genial personalities of both men meshed well, and it became clear that their political difference would not hinder the campaigning efforts.
    20070727180650%21T_Roosevelt.jpg
    James_Schoolcraft_Sherman.jpg

    Theodore Roosevelt and James Sherman

    The Democrats, meanwhile, were still reeling from the effects of Custer, and they generally agreed that this election was going to be a Republican landslide. Nonetheless, they put together a ticket. For the presidency, they turned to former Secretary of State and senator Arthur P. Gorman. For the vice-presidency, they would nominate former Attorney General and representative Adlai Stevenson. There was not much debate at this Democratic convention, and the majority of the delegates were satisfied to support the men who had been picked by the party bosses. Thus, the Democrats put forth their ticket with such a low belief in its chances of success that had not been seen since the 1876 election.
    Arthur_Pue_Gorman.jpg
    800px-Adlai_Stevenson_I_by_Saroney_c1892-crop.jpg

    Arthur P. Gorman and Adlai Stevenson
    With this election, the Reform Party was fired up. They believed now was their opportunity to finally make themselves one of the major parties in the U.S.'s two party system, and reduce the Democrats to a third party. They had the perfect candidate to lead them in their ascendance as well, Nebraska Representative William J. Bryan. Bryan was a great speaker, and could attract voters from his own party, progressives from both the Democratic and Republican Party, and also Democrats who wanted to see a man who could possibly defeat Roosevelt. For his running mate, the Reform Party nominated Minnesota Representative Ignatius L. Donnelly, who is now more famous for his pseudoscience writings. Overall, the Reform Party believed this was the election that would mark their rise to becoming a part of the two party system.
    178px-Bryan_1896.jpeg
    Ignatius-Donnelly.jpg

    William Bryan and Ignatius Donnelly
    With this election, Roosevelt decided to focus his energy on trying to take down the Reform Party, content to leave the Democrats mostly alone, knowing that they stood almost no chance. Both Bryan and Roosevelt were great speakers, and their speeches drew crowds of sizes previously unseen in presidential elections. Once again, the Reform Party was trying to break out of its Western foothold, and grab some Eastern states, focusing much effort on the Midwest, as well as New York and Pennsylvania. It was in New York City where disaster struck the Reform Party. While Bryan was delivering a speech to a large crowd, an anarchist Leon Czolgosz fired three shots at him, striking him twice in the chest, and once in the hip. As Bryan collapsed on the stage, his riotous supporters descended upon Czolgosz, leaving behind only a bloody pulp for the police officers to find. Following the shooting, Bryan's health steadily declined. When word reached them, both Roosevelt and Gorman agreed to put a halt to their campaigning out of respect for Bryan. Unfortunately, Bryan could not pull through, and he died from his wounds three days after the assassination had taken place. The Reform Party had lost their champion to a mad man, and, in the words of historian Edward Morris, "The greatest champion of the Reform Party had passed, taking with him their hopes of ever reaching the Executive Mansion." Following Bryan's death, the Reform Party promoted Donnelly to be their presidential nomination, and nominated prohibitionist Hale Johnson to be his running-mate. With Bryan's death, the momentum of the Reform Party began to waver quickly, and after both the Democrats and Republicans restarted their campaign, it became clear that Roosevelt was going for the Reform Party base in the West.
    800px-Leon_Czolgosz_ca_1900.jpg
    lossy-page1-1280px-Wm._J._Bryan_speaking_-_Union_Square_LCCN2014686836.tif.jpg
    10506934603_b6a97f8edf_b.jpg

    Leon Czolgosz, a photograph of Bryan moments before his assassination, and Hale Johnson
    The Reform Party had a right to worry, as this election marked the beginning of their downfall. Roosevelt would dominate both his opposition parties, both in terms of electoral and popular vote. He would receive 272 electoral votes from California, Oregon, Washington, North Dakota, South Dakota, Utah, Kansas, Nebraska, Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. Gorman received 33 electoral votes from Missouri, Kentucky, and Delaware, while Donnelly received 16 from Montana, Nevada, Idaho, Colorado, and Wyoming. This was the second Republican landslide victory in a role, and going into the 20th century, many Democrats wondered when their party could finally regain power, while the Reform Party was just trying desperately to stay together after such a devastating loss.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Fifty-Seven: The Presidency of William Bate
  • Chapter Fifty-Seven: The Presidency of William Bate
    William-brimage-bate-senate.jpg

    President William Bate
    With his sudden and violent rise to the presidency, Bate provided the nation with something that hadn't had since President Gordon: a president who is also a capable politician and compromiser. This is not to say that the presidencies of Longstreet through Tillman were incompetent, but rather that they did not really work with their opposition party. Bate, however, due to the nature of his rise and his skill as a politician, would break this trend. One of the clearest signs of this was his cabinet choices. In acknowledgment of the role of Democrats in his rise and to try and preserve a sense of unity and normalcy, Bate would retain Tillman's three surviving cabinet members. It should be pointed out, however, that all of these men were moderates, and that these men were more politically closer to Bate than Tillman, especially on race and slavery issues. The rest of his cabinet, however, were all members of the Liberty Party. Two of his appointments, however, would cause controversy. First was Oscar Underwood, who Bate appointed Postmaster General. Underwood had become one of the few Southern politicians calling for abolition in the entirety of the CSA, although he supported it as an economic rather than racial issue. Bate, however, would guide his nomination through Congress, and he was approved, albeit narrowly. In a 1905 post-presidency interview, Bate was asked why Underwood was appointed, Bate responded with, "I saw potential in the man, who has now climbed even further up the political ladder. If he doesn't commit a major mistake, I could see him reaching the presidency." The other controversy was caused by Jim Hogg's nomination to the role of Secretary of the Interior. Hogg opposed monopolies, which he believed were cropping up in the CSA, and was a political centralist, who technically was a Liberty Party member under name, although he had no qualms with supporting measures of the Democrats if he agreed with them. His nomination would face some opposition from the more stalwart members of the Liberty Party. Despite this, his nomination was easily passed with support from both the Liberty and Democratic Party.
    Oscar_W._Underwood.jpg
    Jim_hogg.jpg

    Oscar Underwood and Jim Hogg
    One of the problems the Bate administration had to deal with was the rise of anarchism. Anarchists had taken out a number of world leaders recently, and the CSA people were increasingly worried about the growing danger. Bate decided to crack down on the issue, and decided to form a committee to determine if anarchist groups should be outlawed. To determine this, Bate formed his committee consisting of Secretary of War Fitzhugh Lee, Attorney General Matt W. Ransom, and Arkansas Senator James H. Berry. The committee would question some of the CSA's most prominent anarchists, including Samuel Fielden, Albert Parsons, and John Wilkes Booth. Booth had been an somewhat famous actor before and during the Civil War, although never reaching the fame of his father or brother. He would become a Democrat after the war ended, and soon made many rivals in his Liberty Party leaning state of Maryland. These rivalries doomed his acting career, but eventually he reformed himself as a politician. He would manage to be elected to two terms in the Maryland General Assembly, after which he made several unsuccessful runs for a seat in the CSA House of Representatives. After failure in that endeavor, and also losing his seat in the General Assembly, Booth would sink into a deep depression, and eventually turn the radical movement of anarchism to try and heal his wounds. He believed in using anarchism in a racist manner, targeting freed men and politicians supporting abolition laws. It was even rumored that he was responsible for one of the numerous assassination attempts on Stonewall Jackson during his presidency, and he did make it known that he would have no issue with Jackson's assassination. Overall, the committee's findings lead them to conclude that anarchism was a major threat to the CSA's public welfare and safety, and that all anarchist groups should be disbanded immediately and made illegal. Bate and congress agreed with the conclusion, and passed legislation to that effect.
    Samuel_Fielden_portrait_2.jpg
    Albert_Parsons_portrait.jpg
    800px-John_w_booth.jpg

    Samuel Fielden, Albert Parsons, and John Booth
    It was in the final months of the Bate presidency that tragedy struck the nation. On January 2, 1904, James Longstreet would pass away. Two weeks later, on January 16, 1904, Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson, would also pass away. The double punch would strike the CSA hard, and the nation went into mourning with such sadness that had not been seen since the joint Lee-Thomas funeral. Their death also highlighted that many of the CSA's original heroes were gone. Of the main men in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia, Lee and Thomas had died in 1873, followed by Ewell in 1876. D.H. Hill had died in 1891, and A.P. Hill has passed in 1900. With Jackson and Longstreet gone, only Stuart remained of Lee's high-ranking officers from the valiant force, and he lived his life very much out of the public eye. He would, however, agree to break his life of solitude and deliver a eulogy at the funeral of a man who was quite possibly his best friend. Among the other dignitaries were President Bate, his cabinet, General-in-Chief Simon B. Buckner, Jackson's former chief-of-staff Alexander "Sandie" Pendleton, Generals Rodes, Pender, and Cleburne, along with many senators, representatives, and comrades from the Civil War and Confederate-American War. Even former president John B. Gordon attended and delivered a speech, although the poor weather and his refusal to put a hat on during the ceremony likely led to the case of pneumonia that would ultimately kill him. Longstreet's and Jackson's deathes, along with Gordon's three weeks later, however, helped provide a sense of national unity, and many believed it helped keep the ever fracturing coalition of moderate Democrats and Liberty Party members that brought Bate into office together for the 1904 election, as many citizens thought it would have dissolved by then.
    longstreet1ac.jpg
    636583316432251777-Bosserman-2c-J.C..jpg

    The last known photographs of James Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson
    Bate and his cabinet:
    President: William B. Bate
    Vice-President: Vacant
    Secretary of State: Matthew C. Butler
    Secretary of the Treasury: Roger Q. Mills
    Secretary of War: Fitzhugh Lee
    Attorney General: Matt W. Ransom
    Postmaster General: Oscar Underwood
    Secretary of the Navy: Hilary A. Herbert
    Secretary of the Interior: Jim Hogg
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Fifty-Eight: The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt Part One
  • Chapter Fifty-Eight: The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt Part One
    449px-25_Theodore_Roosevelt_3x4.jpg

    President Theodore Roosevelt
    When Roosevelt assumed office, he realized that his campaign promise to be a continuation of McKinley could pose some potential restrictions on his cabinet. He believed that to maintain support within the party, he would likely have to maintain at least some of McKinley's appointments. In the end, half of Roosevelt's cabinet were from the previous administration, and half were new appointed men. Roosevelt wanted to show he was not afraid of the Republican Party leaders, however, by retaining only one of McKinley's men, Lyman Gage, in his post among the original and most prominent four cabinet positions: State, Treasury, War, and Attorney General. Roosevelt's recognition of the need to work with the more conservative members of his party also showed in his choices for the four previously mentioned positions. In these posts, Roosevelt would have three conservative leaning men-Henry C. Lodge at state, Lyman Gage at Treasury, and Philander C. Knox at Attorney General-with only one of the more progressive leaning Republicans-Leonard Wood at War. This careful configuration of his cabinet demonstrated both Roosevelt's political acumen, as well as his ability to figure out how to work with others.
    Henry_Cabot_Lodge_c1898.jpg
    1200px-Lyman_Gage%2C_Bain_photo_portrait.jpg
    1123_1503028198.jpg
    Philander-Knox-1909.jpg

    Henry Lodge, Lyman Gage, Leonard Wood, and Philander Knox
    Roosevelt's first major initiative in office would be bringing the vetoed Sherman Anti-Trust Act back into the spotlight. With its veto by President Hill, what could have been a restraint on monopolies with their ever increasing power had been cast aside, and it was quickly overshadowed by the turmoil of the Custer presidency. Roosevelt, however, still believed in the bill, and hoped to give it a second chance. In the House, Iowa representative William P. Hepburn, who was a progressive Republican and one of Roosevelt's closest allies in the House, guided it through with little resistance. It was in the Senate that it faced its fiercest opposition, with it being lead by President Pro Tempore William P. Frye of Maine and veteran senator Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut, both of whom viewed it as a limitation of a burgeoning U.S. industry. Leading the fight for it would be Jonation P. Dolliver, a new senator from Iowa who was a great orator. After much debate, the bill, now known as the Dolliver Anti-Trust Act, was passed, with Roosevelt signing it into law. Many recognize this moment as the time when power shifted from the old guard of the more conservative Republicans, to the new guard of progressives lead by Roosevelt, although the conservatives remained a potent force in the party.
    Lt.-Col._William_P._Hepburn_-_History_of_Iowa.jpg
    800px-William_P._Frye_-_Brady-Handy.jpg
    800px-Joseph_Roswell_Hawley_-_Brady-Handy.jpg
    Jonathan_P._Dolliver_-_History_of_Iowa.jpg

    William P. Hepburn, William P. Frye, Joseph R. Hawley, and Jonathan P. Dolliver
    Roosevelt's stance on racial issues would be mixed throughout the presidency. On one hand, he was fine with African-Americans and other minorities holding office. He also had several dinners with the John B. Washington, who by now was almost legendary to African-Americans, with many, including Roosevelt, referring to him as the "Freedmen's George Washington". His reputation for progressive being racially, however, would be challenged by the Miles City Affair. In this, hostility between the the more racist inhabitants of the city and the 27th U.S. Infantry Regiment, a colored unit garrisoned in the local Fort Davies broke into clear light. One night on February 3, 1902, both a tavern owner and a policemen were shot by an unseen assailant, with the tavern owner eventually succumbing to the wound. Seeing now an opportunity to exact punishment on their foe, the townsfolk of Miles City demanded that their mayor find out which member of the 27th committed the crime, and to take action to punish him. The mayor hesitated, not really believing in the guilt of the soldiers, but being a member of the Reform Party, which by now was in its twisting death agony since Roosevelt took most of their ideas, decided to go along with it to maintain popular support. Using evidence, which were the spent U.S. Army bullets, given to him by the mob, the mayor demanded to know which soldiers committed the crime, completely unaware that they were planted. When all the soldiers denied the accusation, the Inspector General of the Army became involved, and decided the suspect had to be a member of one of three companies he selected rather arbitrarily. When all these men again denied the accusations, the matter was brought before Roosevelt to decide. Deciding to ignore advice from both General-in-Chief Joseph A. Mower, who had taken over following Merritt's 1900 resignation from the army, and John B. Washington, Roosevelt decided to dismiss all three companies with dishonorable discharges. It is almost unanimously agreed today that none of the men dismissed even had knowledge of the shooting, and in 1978 the U.S. government would formally apologize, pardon them, and give them honorable discharges, to which only three of the accused were still alive to see.
    800px-Booker_T_Washington_retouched_flattened-crop.jpg
    fort-snelling-musicians-and-ncos-of-25th-infantry-regiment-colored-left-in-1888-badge-on-chest-and-lapels-for-markmanship-whit-visitor-from-4th-artillery-2.jpg
    download.jpg

    John B. Washington, a photograph of some of the officers of the 27th U.S. Infantry ca. 1890, and Joseph A. Mower
    In his term, Roosevelt would make two nominations to the Supreme Court. The first would occur as a result of the passing of Associate Justice William M. Evarts, who had grown to be the most respected member of the court by his constituents. Roosevelt knew that choosing a man to follow in his act would be difficult, and he ultimately went with Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. Over time, Holmes proved to be well able to live up to the legacy of his predecessor, and both are remembered by historians of the court as two of the finest legal minds to sit on the bench. Less pressure would be placed on Roosevelt for his next appointment, which was to fill a vacancy caused by Associate Justice Horace Gray's death. He would ultimately go with Elmer B. Adams, a member of the distinguished Adams political family and solid and likeable choice for the court.
    NPG-S_NPG_78_116HolmesJr-000001.jpg
    Elmer_Bragg_Adams_(US_federal_judge).jpg

    Associate Justices Oliver Holmes and Elmer Adams
    When his term came to a close, it was to clear to all that Roosevelt had managed to establish himself as the leader of the Republican Party. Although the "Old Guard" of conservatives, including Senators Mark Hanna, William B. Allison, William P. Frye, Nelson Aldrich, Matthew Quay, Thomas Platt, and Joseph R. Hawley remained a potent force and were able to block some of Roosevelt's bills in the Senate, he made clear that he was an independent man, and his renomination for the coming election seemed sure.

    Roosevelt and his cabinet:
    President: Theodore Roosevelt
    Vice-President: James S. Sherman
    Secretary of State: Henry C. Lodge
    Secretary of the Treasury: Lyman Gage
    Secretary of War: Leonard Wood
    Attorney General: Philander C. Knox
    Postmaster General: Henry C. Payne
    Secretary of the Navy: Charles J. Bonaparte
    Secretary of the Interior: Ethan Hitchcock
    Secretary of Agriculture: James Wilson
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Fifty-Nine: The U.S. Presidential Election of 1904
  • Chapter Fifty-Nine: The U.S. Presidential Election of 1904
    image.jpg

    A Republican campaign button. The 1904 election would mark the first time campaign buttons were massed produced, although they had existed since the 1860 election
    Approaching the 1904 convention, many of the more conservative members of the Republican Party were scrambling to find a candidate to rally around in the hopes of beating Roosevelt. Senators Hanna, Allison, and Quay were all approached, and none showed any real intent on challenging the incumbent and popular president. The situation only worsened for them when Vice-President Sherman announced his intent to retire from public life, removing their man from contention in the upcoming election. Roosevelt, seeing this situation, made an offer to allow the conservative faction of the party to choose his running mate in exchange for their support of his candidacy, as their opposition appeared to be the largest threat he faced right now. At first, the conservatives hesitated, still wanting to put one more effort in to try and convince Mark Hanna to oppose Roosevelt. With Hanna's death, however, they decided to accept the deal. Come convention time, Roosevelt was renominated unanimously. For the vice-presidential nomination, the conservatives settled on Charles W. Fairbanks, an Indiana senator. By making this deal, Roosevelt hoped to have united the party around him.
    800px-President_Roosevelt_-_Pach_Bros.jpg
    800px-Charles_W_Fairbanks_by_Harris_%26_Ewing.jpg

    Theodore Roosevelt and Charles W. Fairbanks
    For this election, the Democrats hoped the Republicans would divide down ideological lines, pitting conservatives against progressives. When this did not happen, many Democrats again doubted their chance, causing many potential candidates to not want to be nominated to avoid the stigma of a presidential defeat. Ultimately, after much searching, the Democrats found a man willing to be their candidate, Alton B. Parker, Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals. Parker was a very unoffensive man, with few rivals, and many people who thought highly of him. For the vice presidential nomination, the Democrats would turn to George Gray, a former Delaware senator, Judge of the United States Circuit Courts for the Third Circuit, and another unoffensive Democrat. In honesty, no Democrats expected this ticket's success, with chairman Richard Olney declaring after he adjourned the meeting and went home, "I am glad that is over. No all we have to do is wait for their inevitable defeat."
    AltonBParker.png
    George_Gray_Senator.jpg

    Alton B. Parker and George Gray
    The 1904 election would ultimately be the last election for the Reform Party. Many of the party's populist faction, who had made up the majority of the party, had drifted towards the Republicans camp due to Roosevelt's progressive policies. This resulted the Reform Party now being made up of a few die-hard populists, a few prohibitionists, and an even smaller amount of Socialists. Many in the party agreed that there was no return for their party to its former greatness, and some did not even want to put forth the effort to nominate a candidate, resulting in an even smaller number of the Reform Party attending the convention. A major blow would strike the party when they were informed that Grover Cleveland, who had originally been the party's leader and still was considered by many to be their greatest man even though they had abandoned the policies he stood for, and he no longer actively took part in any Reform Party functions, had switched back his party loyalty to the Democratic Party. Ultimately, the party would nominate John Woolley, three time unsuccessful candidate for Illinois governor for president, and Ben Hanford, two time unsuccessful candidate for New York Governor, for vice-president.
    lossy-page1-800px-Woolley-John-G-1898.tif.jpg
    Hanford-Ben-portrait.jpg

    John Woolley and Ben Hanford
    When the campaigning season began, Roosevelt found little opposition to his candidacy. The Democrats were not spending much money on candidates they knew would fail, preferring to save it for later, and the Reform Party had no money to spend at all as their party fell apart. Roosevelt went around campaigning and delivering speeches as was his tradition. There were some half-hearted efforts from both the Democratic and Reform Party to try and find and expose corruption in the Roosevelt administration, but Roosevelt was easily able to sweep these efforts aside. When election day finally came there was little doubt as to who was going to win. The question on many people's minds was by how large of a margin it was going to be.
    Theodore-Roosevelt-elephant-cartoon-officials-1903.jpg

    A politicial cartoon depicting Roosevelt's successful efforts to quash any rumors of bribery, corruption, or graft in his administration
    When the results came in, it was another electoral landslide for Theodore Roosevelt. He had managed to garner 319 electoral votes, coming from California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Colorado, Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine. Woolley received 6 electoral votes from Wyoming and Utah, while Parker's 16 came from Kentucky and Delaware. It was clear that the era of Republican domination was not a short term thing or a fluke, and the Democrats had to hope to hold on and weather the tide, something the Reform Party proved unable to do, dissolving in 1906.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Sixty: The CSA Presidential Election of 1903
  • Chapter Sixty: The CSA Presidential Election of 1903
    restricted.jpg
    gordon-png.537319
    iipsrv.fcgi
    jackson-png.537320

    Propaganda booklets printed by the Liberty Party, promoting previous Liberty Party presidents in hopes of the populous voting for their candidate
    With the election approaching, the Liberty Party-moderate Democrats coalition still held together, although it was clear that it was bound to fall apart soon. Despite this, the ticket was clearly going to consist of a moderate Liberty Party member and a moderate Democrat. What could have been a major struggle and the breaking point for the coalition was resolved, however, by Simon B. Buckner announcing his intent to run. Buckner had plenty of political experience, having served as both Secretary of War and a Governor. He also had a fine military record, having served in the Civil War, Confederate-American War, and Spanish-Confederate War. Most importantly, however, he was known to be a moderate, with him appeasing the Democratic delegates by saying he would not force the remaining slave states into declaring abolition, while appeasing the Liberty Party delegates by saying he would do nothing to block their attempts if they decided to begin gradual emancipation, as it appeared that they were possibly about to do. For the vice-president, the coalition would nominate James H. Berry, a Democratic Senator from Arkansas who had been one of the initial Democrats to break party ranks and start the coalition, becoming one of Bate's closest adviser on Democratic opinion. He was once again a moderate, and he was a man the Liberty Party could rally around. His closest opponent in the convention would be Mississippi Representative James Z. George, another Democratic member of the coalition, whose ill-health and old age helped clear the way for Berry's nomination.
    pc20378-212x300.jpg
    BerryJames_f%5B1%5D.jpg

    Simon Buckner and James Berry
    With the moderates in their party gone for the most part, the more radical, anti-abolition Democrats gained control. What they had realized, however, was that the general public was not as outraged about the beginning of the end of slavery as they were. Recognizing this, the Democrats decided to not make the issue the focal point of their campaign, and by doing that, they had to select a man who would not remind the public of Tillman and his humiliating legislative defeat in trying to repeal the Manumission Amendment. For this role, they would turn to Augustus O. Bacon, a Georgia senator who had moderated his views on the death of slavery in his state to allow for his election to the Senate. Seeing this, and also hoping to gain Georgia's electoral votes, as it had typically gone Liberty Party, they nominated him as their candidate. For the vice-presidential role, they would nominate someone Edmund W. Pettus, the Alabama senator. Nominating Pettus was a risk, as he had been a major player in Tillman's attempted repeal of the Manumission Amendment, but he was a veteran in their party, and the Democrats were still hoping to get a vocal critic of abolition in the Executive Branch.
    AugustusOctaviusBacon.jpg
    Brig._Gen._Edmund_Winston_Pettus%2C_C.S.A.jpg

    Augustus Bacon and Edmund Pettus​

    For the Populist Party, the election of 1903 would be their second election, and their last one in which they made any impact or garnered any noticeable amount of votes. Similar to their U.S. equivalent, the Reform Party, the Populist Party was starting to wither on the vine. As the populist movement began to die down, so did the party. This did not discourage a major battle for their presidential nomination, however. One faction, known as the "Fusionists", was lead by Marion Butler, and hoped to slowly integrate their party into the Liberty Party coalition. The other faction, known as the "Rangers", was lead by Thomas E. Watson, and favored staying an independent party. The future of the party depended on which candidate received the presidential nomination, Butler or Watson. Ultimately, Watson would be the man they would nominate, but in the hopes of securing the support of the Fusionists, Watson would see to it that Butler was offered the vice-presidential nomination, which he refused, with it ultimately going to Fusionist Wilkinson Call, the former Florida senator would had lost his seat a few months prior.
    Tom_E_Watson.jpg
    800px-Wilkinson_Call_-_Brady-Handy.jpg

    Thomas Watson and Wilkinson Call
    The campaigns for the 1903 election would focus on two main issues: which territories to admit as states, and, much to the Democratic chagrin, the issue of slavery and gradual emancipation. The Liberty Party supported allowing the territories of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California-formerly Baja California and Baja Calfornia Sur- in, as they had been a part of the CSA since the Breckinridge administration and they now believed they were ready for statehood. The Democrats, meanwhile, supported making Cuba a state. Both parties had their own reasons for wanting the territories they supported in. The Liberty Party wanted their territories in as they would almost certainly support them in elections, and all of them having already been fully slave free would only put more pressure on the remaining states to end slavery. The Democrats wanted Cuba in, meanwhile, because it was almost certain to vote Democrat, and they believed it could give slavery a second life with its sugar plantations. The most divisive issue, however, would prove to be emancipation. When questioned on whether or not he supported emancipation in the remaining CSA states, Buckner's answer would be he would let the states decide, but it was abundantly clear to all that he did in fact support it, and merely answering that way to hold together his coalition. When Bacon was asked the same question, he was forced to walk a thin line, as he did not want to attack it so severely as to offend the free states, but he also did not want to seem to cozy with it as to worry the slave states. His vice-presidential candidate, however, would prove to be a massive nuisance on this subject, as he would always say he was strongly opposed to emancipation in any form, which in Bacon's eyes scared away his supporters in free states. The Populists, meanwhile, just hobbled along towards election day, campaigning on populist values that had already fallen out of the spotlight. When election day finally arrived, neither candidate seemed to be the obvious winner, and the parties could only wait with bated breath for the results.
    01315v.jpg

    A photograph of Augustus Bacon responding a newspaperman's question
    In the end, Buckner would manage to secure the presidency, gaining 81 electoral votes from Virginia, Texas, North Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, Louisiana, and Arizona. Bacon would gain 57 electoral votes from South Carolina, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi. Watson would gain no electoral votes, but managed to steal away enough Liberty Party votes in Georgia to throw it to the Democrats. With Buckner's election, it appeared that the CSA was about to gain three new states, and that slavery's end was within sight. Buckner's election would have an unintended consequence, however, one which the neither Buckner, nor Bacon, nor any other major figure in CSA politics foresaw.
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Sixty-One: Brothers Once More Part 1
  • Chapter Sixty-One: Brothers Once More Part 1
    800px-Diaz_%28LOC%29.jpg

    Mexican President Porfirio Díaz reviewing his troops in preparation for war, ca. 1904
    Upon taking office, President Simon B. Buckner began his efforts to bring Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California in as a state. What he did not know, however, was who he had offended with this effort. That man would be Mexican President Porfirio Díaz. Following President Tejada backing down from Gordon's threats to use military force to enforce the CSA's newly acquired Mexican land, Díaz had launched a revolt to seize power in Mexico. His revolt had succeeded, crushing Tejada's supporters, and forcing Tejada himself into exile. Since then, Díaz had served as Mexico's president, conducting elections like normally, but always making sure he was the winner. Now, with the CSA planning to finally make the former Mexican territory into states, Díaz decided the time to act was now. He had seized power by criticizing Tejada for backing down in the face of the CSA, so what kind of leader would he be if he allowed that territory to become states in the CSA? As soon as Buckner won the election, he began mobilizing a Mexican army in preparation for war.
    800px-Porfirio_diaz.jpg

    President Porfirio Díaz
    Upon being informed of Mexico's beginning to form an army, and Díaz's increasingly hostile outlook at the Confederacy, President Buckner realized that he probably should prepare his forces as well. For this, he would turn to General-in-Chief George H. Thomas Jr., who began mobilizing a force of his own. Soon the CSA had two army corps of volunteers, as well as the regular army division. In this time seeming crisis, Buckner would find a new ally. President Roosevelt, who had been interested in improving relations with his southern neighbor, had been in communications with Buckner's Secretary of State, Patrick Cleburne. In their communications, Roosevelt had made clear that in the event of Mexico declaring war on the CSA, he would provide them with a corps of troops under General John J. Pershing, as well as joining in their war with Mexico. Buckner was overjoyed at the news, but still hoped for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. More and more it seemed, however, that peace was not likely to occur.
    Samue_Benton.jpg
    800px-General_John_Joseph_Pershing_head_on_shoulders.jpg

    George Thomas Jr. and John Pershing
    And yet another player was added to the strife. Upon word reaching the general public of Díaz's planned war with the CSA, as well as the war with the U.S. that would almost certainly come with, the movement brewing underneath the surface against Díaz grew exponentially. Among the leaders of the movement were Francisco I. Madero-who served as their figurehead-, Pascual Orozco, Bernardo Reyes, Pancho Villa, and Emiliano Zapata. For the moment, they agreed to stay quiet, but as soon as war was declared they planned on launching their revolt to oust Díaz, who they thought would lead Mexico to an inevitable defeat, more territory loss, and possibly even the loss of independence, their worse fear.
    Francisco_I._Madero%2C_retrato.png
    Pasqual_Orozco_4350858909_e010cde9b1_o.jpg
    800px-Portrait_of_General_Bernardo_Reyes.jpg
    Villa_close_up.jpg
    439px-Emiliano_Zapata4.jpg

    Francisco I. Madero, Pascual Orozco, Bernardo Reyes, Pancho Villa, and Emiliano Zapata
    Unaware of the rebellion brewing within his own country, and holding firm to his belief of ultimate Mexican victory, Díaz declared war on the CSA on May 1, 1905. And with it North America burst into war and flames.

    Buckner and his cabinet:
    President: Simon B. Buckner
    Vice-President: James H. Berry
    Secretary of State: Patrick Cleburne
    Secretary of the Treasury: Oscar Underwood
    Secretary of War: Joseph Wheeler
    Attorney General: James B. Frazier
    Postmaster General: Henry Lloyd
    Secretary of the Navy: M. Hoke Smith
    Secretary of the Interior: John N. Garner
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Sixty-Two: Brothers Once More Part 2
  • Chapter Sixty-Two: Brothers Once More Part 2
    1024px-General_Pershing_and_General_Bliss_inspecting_the_camp.jpg

    General John J. Pershing of the U.S. Army inspecting the camp of his corps in preparation for the Second Mexican-American War
    The war that broke out on May 1, 1905 would go by many names. To the Mexicans, it would be known as the Mexican Revolution. The CSA would refer to it as the Confederate-Mexican War, while the U.S. would name it the Second Mexican-American War. Regardless by what it was referred to, with Díaz's declaration of war, the conflict grew much quicker than he expected. The day after Mexico declared war on the CSA, Roosevelt would request Congress to declare war against Mexico, which they would do, but not before Massachusetts Senator George F. Hoar, who had returned to his Senate seat after serving as Attorney General by taking the seat vacated by Henry C. Lodge, delivered an impassioned speeches, the last one he would deliver before his death, in which he decried Roosevelt for supporting "The slave-holding society of former states of our Union that refers to itself as the Confederate States of America". Despite Hoar's speech, Congress would still declare war on Mexico on May 3, and Roosevelt would send the promised corps of U.S. Army troops under John J. Pershing. Meanwhile, in Mexico, Madero launched his revolt, and they promised to continue fighting until the corrupt government under Díaz had been overthrown. Madero would not live to see this day, however, as shortly after he launched the Revolution, Díaz sent in soldiers to kill him and the Magón brothers, Ricardo, Enrique, and Jesús, who were among the most prominent figure heads of the revolution. This goal was only made the more easy when Díaz was tipped off that the four men were staying in a hotel together discussing plans for the revolution. On May 16, soldiers would storm the hotel the men were staying at, and kill them, along with several innocent civilians who were also staying at the hotel, as well as Madero's brother Gustavo, who the raiding Mexican soldiers also found in the meeting. With this, the revolution had its first martyrs, and leadership of the revolution passed to Pascual Orozco, who was currently leading the ever increasing revolutionary army, with his two subordinate commanders being Bernardo Reyes and Pancho Villa, who each commanded a division of untrained but fiercely patriotic soldiers who were loyal to the cause. The arms for this army had been purchased from the U.S. government.
    Francisco-Madero-1910.jpg
    2018-05-06_12-05-10___7148.jpg
    800px-Magon.png
    Enrique_Flores_Magon.jpg
    Jesus_Flores_Magon.jpg

    The First Martyrs of the Revolution: Francisco and Gustavo Madero, and Ricardo, Enrique, and Jesús Magón
    On May 2, President Buckner ordered Thomas to begin his invasion of Mexico. Under his command were two volunteer corps under Thomas J. Jackson II and James Longstreet Jr., both the sons of former presidents, and the Reserve Corps under Robert L. Bullard, which consisted of the regular CSA Army. In his subordinates Jackson and Longstreet, Thomas had two very different men. Jackson was a Democrat, which many attributed to his long service under Nathan B. Forrest, including serving as his chief-of-staff during the Confederate-American War, as well as brigade commander under Wheeler during the Spanish-Confederate War. Longstreet was a member of the Liberty Party, and had served as a commander of a Georgia infantry regiment during the Confederate-American War, as well as serving as an infantry brigade commander under Stephen D. Ramseur and James B. Terrill in the Spanish-Confederate War. Jackson was in favor of a rapid drive towards Mexico City, while Longstreet preferred await for the arrival of Pershing, than moving in to defeat the armies of Díaz in pitched battle. Ultimately, Thomas decided to go with Longstreet's plan, a slight Jackson would not forget and that would come back to haunt Thomas in later years. With this in mind, Thomas stayed in his camp in northern Mexico and trained his troops, and finally began movement with the arrival of Pershing on June 1, 1905.
    Stonewalljr2.jpg
    president-of-csa-png.443202
    800px-111-SC-31923_-_NARA_-_55223004-cropped.jpg

    Thomas Jackson II, James Longstreet Jr., and Robert Bullard
    In response to the CSA beginning to proactively invade his country, Díaz would lead the majority of his army out to face the CSA forces, leaving behind his vice-president Ramón Corral to maintain control of Mexico City until his return. Many historians cite this as a poor choice, as Corral lacked military experience and did hardly anything to try and halt the rapid expansion of Orozco's forces, and the measures he did take were ineffective. Meanwhile, Díaz would still find himself heavily outnumbered by his enemy, but remembering his glory days at the Battle of Puebla during the Second Franco-Mexican War, he decided to commit his forces to battle. This rapidly proved to be a tremendous error, with Thomas executing a flanking maneuver in which he crushed Díaz's flank and forced him into retreat with heavy causalities. Díaz would bring the remnants of his army back to Mexico City to confront the army of Mexican rebels which Orozco now lead towards hoping to capture the city and win the revolution. On June 21, Orozco's forces reached the city, and they promptly began storming it, with roughly twelve thousand rebels trying to take it from two thousand loyal soldiers, as Orozco had received the reinforcements of a third division that Zapata had brought to join in the battle. Despite their vast numerically superiority, the causalities on the side of the rebels mounted quickly, but not without significant gain, having forced Díaz and his remaining men into the northwest of the city, which was even more heavily fortified then what they had already taken. Not wanting to stop now, Orozco ordered Reyes and Villa to continue the push and seize the rest of the city. Eventually, they managed to break through, and they began a mad rush for the Chapultepec Castle, which was Díaz's palace, and where he was. Storming up the hill with his division, Villa would be fatally shot through the head by a sniper, with one of his brigade commanders, Giuseppe Garibaldi II, a grandson of Giuseppe Garibaldi who had come to Mexico when he was approached by revolutionary leaders to join their cause, now leading the charge. Under Garibaldi, the Chapultepec Castle was breached and a violent and hectic fight broke out between the surviving guards of the president and the rebels. Upon seeing the hopelessness of his situation, Díaz would join his guards, led by his nephew Félix Díaz, in the final battle, firing off his revolvers until he was finally struck down and bludgeoned to death by rebel soldiers. With his death, the rebellion had suceeded, the remaining guards under Félix surrendered, and Orozco was elected by his soldiers to be Mexico's new president. The rise of Orozco also marked the end of the war for the Confederates and Americans, who had achieved their goal of eliminating the threat to the southern border. On July 4, 1905 the war officially ended, and both the CSA and U.S. recognized the new Mexican government under Orozco.
    800px-Peppino_Garibaldi.jpg
    F%C3%A9lix_D%C3%ADaz.JPG

    Giuseppe Garibaldi II and Félix Díaz
    With the war over, the volunteer forces of the CSA were disbanded, and the U.S. troops under Pershing returned home. To celebrate their victory, Roosevelt held a banquet, and invited the military leaders of the war to it, as well as government officials from both the U.S. and CSA, including Buckner and his cabinet. By all accounts, the night was one of joy, and the tensions that was expected from some people never showed. After the meal, a U.S. newspaperman would approach Virginia congressman Alexander "Sandie" Pendleton, and asked him in light of the gallant and successful service of Thomas J. Jackson II in the war, what did he think he was the key to the success of Jackson II's father, Stonewall, as Pendleton had known him better than almost anyone else. Pausing for a moment, Pendleton would answer the question as follows: "Jackson had no one key to his success. If you had asked him personally, I believe he would attribute it to the providence of God to a faithful servant to bring about what he had planned to be done. Others have pointed to his daring, aggressivity, or his brilliant tactical mind. I personally do not subscribe to any of these theories on their own. I personally believe that it was the unique combination and amount of this features that were embodied by Jackson that made him the general that he was. It was simply, as the old song goes, Stonewall Jackson's way."
    Alexander_Pendleton_c1860s.png

    Alexander Pendleton​
     
    Last edited:
    Mexican Revolution Table
  • The Mexican Revolution
    soldaderas-640454381.jpg

    lossy-page1-800px-En_route_with_the_American_Field_Headquarters_from_El_Valle_to_Las_Cruces%2C_Mexico%2C_April_10%2C_1916._Company_A%2C_6th_Infant_-_NARA_-_523005.tif.jpg
    800px-Diaz_%28LOC%29.jpg

    800px-Pancho_villa_horseback.jpg
    American_First_World_War_Official_Exchange_Collection_Q85303.jpg
    Clockwise from top: Armed Rebel soldaderas, President Porfirio Díaz reviewing his troops in the preparation for war, a United States soldiers armed with a M1903 Springfield rifle, Rebel General Pancho Villa, Confederate States troops training in Camp Bullard

    Date: May 1, 1905 - July 4, 1905
    Location: Mexico
    Result: Rebel-U.S.-CSA Victory
    • Mexican government under Porfirio Díaz is deposed
    • New Mexican government under President Pascual Orozco is established
    • United States and Confederate States recognize Orozco government
    Belligerents
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_States_%281912-1959%29.svg.png
    United States
    25px-Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg.png
    Confederate States
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_Mexican_States_%281916-1934%29.svg.png
    Mexican Rebels
    23px-Flag_of_Mexico_%281893-1916%29.svg.png
    Mexico
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_States_%281912-1959%29.svg.png
    Theodore Roosevelt
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_States_%281912-1959%29.svg.png
    Leonard Wood
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_States_%281912-1959%29.svg.png
    John J. Pershing
    25px-Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg.png
    Simon B. Buckner
    25px-Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg.png
    Joseph Wheeler
    25px-Flag_of_the_Confederate_States_of_America_%281861%E2%80%931863%29.svg.png
    George H. Thomas Jr.
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_Mexican_States_%281916-1934%29.svg.png
    Francisco I. Madero †
    23px-Flag_of_the_United_Mexican_States_%281916-1934%29.svg.png
    Pascual Orozco
    23px-Flag_of_Mexico_%281893-1916%29.svg.png
    Porfirio Díaz †
    23px-Flag_of_Mexico_%281893-1916%29.svg.png
    Ramón Corral (POW)
     
    Last edited:
    Epilogue
  • Epilogue
    Theodore Roosevelt: After leaving office in 1909, Roosevelt still remained a force in U.S. politics. He was regularly consulted by his successor and friend, Henry C. Lodge, as well as Lodge’s successor, Charles E. Hughes. Ultimately, Roosevelt would live on until 1921, with him going down in history as the greatest American president since Garfield, and rivaling even the Founders as the greatest American in history.
    theodore-roosevelt-medium.jpg


    Simon B. Buckner: It was in Buckner’s term that the last five CSA states with slavery sucessfully approved gradual emancipation plans. With the closure of his term in office, Buckner would return to his home state of Arizona. From there, he would live out the rest of his days in peace, eventually passing away in 1914.
    Buckner1b.jpg


    George H. Thomas Jr: Thomas would continue his service in the army until 1914, resigning at the rank of full General. He would return to the public eye, however, by becoming Secretary of War under President Underwood. In this position, he would support Underwood in his efforts to quash the small pockets of slavery remaining in the country even after the passage of the abolition amendment, even going so far as to send in small detachments of troops to quash riots and hate groups that cropped up in the South as a result of the final emancipation. He would request of President Jackson II to stay on as his Secretary of War to properly finish these goals despite their differing political parties. This request would be denied, with many attributing this as Jackson’s getting his revenge for his plans being rejected during the Mexican Revolution. This would result in those his objectives dying after with his leaving of office and the pulling out of the troops he sent in. To his dying day, Thomas would always regret the lives lost as a result of the pull out, with his last words in 1942 being “How many lives have been lost as a result of me?”
    ap630a.jpg


    Patrick Cleburne: Buckner’s Secretary of State would also prove to be his successor to the office of the presidency, with elected with M. Hoke Smith as Vice President. From there, Cleburne would effectively end his political career as well as the moderate Democratic-Liberty Party coalition created by Bate and continued by Buckner with his support of an abolition amendment that put a permanent end to slavery in the CSA, despite all of the states already having finished their gradual emancipation programs by the time of its passage. Although Cleburne would manage to see to the amendment's successful approval, he would be hated in his time for it, and an effort to remove and besmirch him in Confederate memory began. In the modern day, however, he is remembered for what he was, among the greatest of the CSA’s generals from the American Civil War and Confederate-American War, as well as one of their bravest presidents. He was also noted for bringing in the last piece of the CSA's original territory, the Indian Territory, into the Confederacy as the state of Verdigris, a name chosen by a committee consisting of both citizens of the CSA and U.S. in recognition of their growing cooperation, after the Verdigris River which flowed through the state. This decision would come under fire from many of the Native Americans living there, as they had been left out of the process, but Cleburne would sooth their pain with an increase in Native's rights that he had long been planning.
    41aQPRW8ryL._AC_.jpg


    Henry C. Lodge: Roosevelt’s Secretary of State would also reach the executive branch. Lodge would become famous for his desire to enter the Great War on the side of the Allied Powers, although he would never do it in response to public opinion being against it. Still wanting to support them, he would implement a policy of making the U.S. effectively an arms dealer to the Allies, with him eventually and begrudgingly extending this policy to the Central Powers to make clear that America was neutral. Many European historian point to Lodge’s refusal to ignore the voice of the people as the reason for the Allied defeat, if it could be called that, in the Great War, as they speculate that the addition of U.S. forces to the Allied trench lines might have been all that was needed to break through the Central trench lines before French morale finally gave out, bringing the war to a close, although the fall of the allies would occur during the term of his successor.
    170px-Henry_Cabot_Lodge_cph.3a38855.jpg


    Oscar Underwood: Underwood would ultimately be elected to succeed Cleburne, albeit narrowly, after serving as serving as his Secretary of State. His victory over Claude Kitchin can largely be attributed to the fact that he presented himself as the anti-war candidate, and made Kitchin appear to be a violent warmonger, even though he was as much of a dove as Underwood. While in office, Underwood continued the policy of strengthening U.S.-CSA relations as begun by Roosevelt and Buckner. He and Hughes would sign a defensive pact guaranteeing the support of the other nation in the scenario that one of them is attacked and forced into the war. Underwood’s term in office was focused on internal improvement, as making sure that by 1920 all slavery had been eliminated from the CSA.
    OscarUnderwood.jpg


    Philander C. Knox: Roosevelt’s Attorney General would go on to become Lodge’s Secretary of State after being considered for the vice-presidency. When the Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court opened with the death of John M. Harlan, Knox would eagerly seek the position, but faced stiff competition from Ohio Governor William Howard Taft, his chief rival for the nomination. Both men desperately wanted the position, with Lodge ultimately giving it to Knox, whose views better aligned with his. Knox would be succeeded by James E. Watson as Secretary of State. From his new position, Knox would often come into conflict with the more progressive judges of his court, particularly Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr, a Roosevelt appointment, and Harlan F. Stone, a Hughes appointee. He was not despised by either of these men, however, and both agreed that Knox ruled by what he thought was the correct way under U.S. law, not by his political alignment. His court’s most famous case would come with Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey v. United States, in which Henry M. Flagler’s expansive oil monopoly was brought to court for violating the Dolliver Anti-Trust Act. The court’s ruling against Standard Oil would break up the largest monopoly in history with the slam of a gavel. Knox would continue in his role as Chief Justice until his death in 1921.
    Philander-Knox.jpg


    Thomas J. Jackson II: With his gallant service in the Second Mexican War, Jackson had brought himself into the national spotlight. During the Cleburne and Underwood administrations, he stayed out of politics, and kept his political opinions to himself. For the 1921 CSA election, however, he would reveal his Democratic leanings, which he had gained from service under General Forrest. He entered the convention, hoping to bring attention to himself and promote himself as a good candidate for Secretary of War, a position he desired to push for military reform, especially implementing planes and tanks better into the CSA Army. A deadlocked convention, however, would ultimately choose him to be their presidential candidate. His campaign would attack the Liberty Party for ending slavery, as well as for allowing the CSA to remain only a power in the Americas, where entry into the Great War could have made them an international power. Ultimately, Jackson would win the presidency. His term in office would generally be seen as a backslide in terms of civil rights, doing nothing to persecute hate groups attacking the freed slaves in the South. His term would bring about the start of the CSA tank corps, with him placing his former aide-de-camp Colonel George S. Patton Jr. in command of it, and also expanding and innovating the CSA Air Force. When Jackson II left office, he was considered by many to be the antithesis of his father in politics, but near, if not his equal in the field of battle.
    Stonewalljr.jpg


    Charles E. Hughes: Among Roosevelt’s most ardent supporters, Hughes would continue in his seat as New York Governor until his appointment to the Supreme Court as an Associate Justice by Henry C. Lodge. He would be approached by the Republicans to be their candidate for the 1916 election, knowing he was a moderate who could appeal to both wings of the Republican Party, especially after the bitter division of the party in the 1912 election. Following this, Hughes would go to defeat Democratic candidate Delaware Senator Willard Saulsbury Jr. in the 1916 president election. Hughes would continue the policy of neutrality established by his predecessor, which he actually supported as he had no interest in entering the Great War. Hughes’ presidency would be a time of prosperity and economic growth, although Hughes was said to have wanted to return to the judiciary branch. He would make this clear by declining a second term, clearing the way for Calvin Coolidge’s nomination and ultimately his two terms in office. Many believe this helps explain Coolidge’s choice to nominate him to the Supreme Court as Chief Justice following the death of Philander Knox. Hughes would accept the post, and serve in it until his death in 1941.
    C.E._Hughes_LCCN2014701714.jpg


    John N. Garner: Buckner’s Secretary of the Interior would go on to achieve great things. First, he managed to be elected House Speaker in 1926, followed two years later by the Liberty Party nomination for the presidency, in which he won a narrow election against Theodore Bilbo. In office, he would take the first steps in what became the CSA Civil Rights Movement, although he certainly would not have realized it or claimed it as an achievement. He did this by sending in troops to, in his words, “keep order”, with the effect of protecting African-Americans who were being targeted because they held factory and other non-agricultural jobs, and were establishing churches, schools, and stores, which some citizens, including even his rival Bilbo, did not believe in and wanted to stop it via violence. This all was sparked by the CSA going through the effects of the Great Depression, although it was not hurt too badly, especially in comparison to Europe. Nonetheless, Garner would help guide his country through what ultimately became known in the CSA as the Panic of 1929, with most of his presidency focused on restoring the CSA’s industry. Ultimately, when his term concluded, industry was back on the rise, and he had a high approval rating.
    220px-JohnNanceGarner.png


    Grover Cleveland: Following the death of the Reform Party, Cleveland would say the following in 1907 about the party he once led, “It was a most interesting experiment. It attempted to force itself into the national eye, and it succeeded in doing so. It was a representation of what could occur when the American people banded together, and it nearly came to power. It is my firm belief that if Bryan had not been assassinated, people would be speaking of the Republican and Reform Parties, rather than the Republicans and Democrats. Even though the party ultimately abandoned me, and I ultimately abandoned the party, I still believe in the dream it stood for.” Cleveland would die two years later.
    President_Grover_Cleveland.jpg


    Alexander “Sandie” Pendleton: The man who was as close to Jackson as anyone else, and knew him as few others did would retire from politics a year after his now famous quip. In the 1916 and 1922 elections, efforts were made by the Liberty Party to attempt to convince him to agree to be their candidate for president. Pendleton, firmly in his retirement, would refuse all of these advances, and instead focus on his memoirs, as well as writing biographies of Jackson, Lee, Thomas, Longstreet, Stuart, D.H. Hill, A.P. Hill, and Ewell based on his wartime experiences. It was in the midst of writing his biography on Jackson that he had a stroke while writing about Jackson’s service in the Battle of Chancellorsville, causing him to redouble his efforts on his series on the Army of Northern Virginia’s top generals. It was in 1927 on the last book he intended on writing, his biography on Ewell, that his fatal stroke would occur, killing him in the midst of writing about Ewell’s service in the Shenandoah Valley. Pendleton would be referred to by subsequent historians as “The Last of the Romans”, representing one of the last members of the group of people who had actively served in the Civil War.
    73af55601c0dfc0fab7fc13657cd0d08.jpg
     
    Last edited:
    The CSA Presidents Part1: 1-9
  • The CSA Presidents Part 1: 1-9
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice-PresidentPolitical Party
    800px-Davis4-2.JPG
    Jefferson DavisMississippiFebruary 22, 1862 - February 22, 1868Alexander H. StephensUnaffiliated
    John-C.-Breckinridge-by-Mathew-Brady_%28cropped%29.jpg
    John C. BreckinridgeVirginiaFebruary 22, 1868 - February 22, 1874Benjamin H. HillUnaffiliated (1868-1872), Liberty (1872-1874)
    800px-John_Brown_Gordon_postbellum.jpg
    John B. GordonGeorgiaFebruary 22, 1874 - February 22, 1880Zebulon B. VanceLiberty
    james-longstreet-medium.jpg
    James LongstreetGeorgiaFebruary 22, 1880 - February 22, 1886Wade Hampton IIILiberty
    lossy-page1-800px-Jubal_Anderson_Early%2C_1816-1893%2C_bust%2C_facing_left%2C_in_civilian_clothes_LCCN2005692152.tif.jpg
    Jubal A. EarlyVirginiaFebruary 22, 1886- February 22, 1892Richard CokeDemocratic
    800px-General_Thomas_Jonathon__Stonewall__Jackson_(copy_plate).jpg
    Thomas "Stonewall" J. JacksonVirginiaFebruary 22, 1892-February 22, 1898William B. BateLiberty
    800px-Benjamin_Tillman_cph.3a02079.jpg
    Ben TillmanSouth CarolinaFebruary 22, 1898 - January 1, 1900John T. MorganDemocratic
    William_B._Bate_1905.png
    William B. BateTennesseeJanuary 2, 1900 - February 22, 1904VacantLiberty
    800px-thumbnail.jpg
    Simon B. BucknerArizonaFebruary 22, 1904 - February 22, 1910James H. BerryLiberty
     
    Last edited:
    The CSA Presidents Part 2: 10-25
  • The CSA Presidents Part 2: 10-25
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice-PresidentPolitical Party
    PatrickCleburne1_f.jpg
    Patrick CleburneArkansasFebruary 22, 1910 - February 22, 1916M. Hoke SmithLiberty
    Oscar_W._Underwood.jpg
    Oscar UnderwoodAlabamaFebruary 22, 1916 - February 22, 1922Duncan U. FletcherLiberty
    Stonewalljr.jpg
    Thomas J. Jackson Jr.VirginiaFebruary 22, 1922 - February 22, 1928Furnifold M. SimmonsDemocratic
    John_Nance_Garner_%281%29.jpg
    John N. GarnerTexasFebruary 22, 1928 - February 22, 1934Lister HillLiberty
    Joseph_T._Robinson_cropped.jpg
    Joseph T. RobinsonArkansasFebruary 22, 1934 - July 14, 1937Cordell HullLiberty
    800px-Hull-Cordell-LOC.jpg
    Cordell HullTennesseeJuly 14, 1937 - February 22, 1940VacantLiberty
    480px-Harry_F._Byrd_headshot.jpg
    Harry F. ByrdVirginiaFebruary 22, 1940 - February 22, 1946Richard Russell Jr.Democratic
    800px-James_F._Byrnes_cph.3c32232.jpg
    James F. ByrnesSouth CarolinaFebruary 22, 1946 - August 5, 1949Samuel T. RayburnLiberty
    501px-Sam_Rayburn.jpg
    Samuel T. RayburnTexasAugust 5, 1949 - February 22, 1952VacantLiberty
    Richard_RussellJr.jpg
    Richard RussellGeorgiaFebruary 22, 1952 - February 22, 1958John SparkmanDemocratic
    Alabama_Sen._John_Sparkman.jpg
    John SparkmanAlabamaFebruary 22, 1958 - February 22, 1964Strom ThurmondDemocratic
    800px-SenatorKefauver%28D-TN%29.jpg
    Estes KefauverTennesseeFebruary 22, 1964 - July 21, 1964Cecil H. UnderwoodLiberty
    Cecil_H._Underwood.jpg
    Cecil H. UnderwoodVirginiaJuly 21, 1964 - February 22, 1970VacantLiberty
    Howard_Baker_1989.jpg
    Howard BakerTennesseeFebruary 22, 1970 - February 22, 1976Jim WrightLiberty
    800px-George_C_Wallace.jpg
    George WallaceAlabamaFebruary 22, 1976 - February 22, 1982Robert L. F. SikesDemocratic
    20130506202237%21John_Connally.jpg
    John ConnallyTexasFebruary 22, 1982 - February 22, 1988John W. Warner IIILiberty
     
    Last edited:
    The U.S. Presidents Part 1: 1-9
  • The U.S. Presidents Part 1: 1-9
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice PresidentPolitical Party
    GeorgeWashington.jpg
    George WashingtonVirginiaApril 30, 1789 - March 4, 1797John Adams
    Unaffiliated
    800px-Johnadams.jpg
    John AdamsMassachusettsMarch 4, 1797 - March 4, 1801Thomas JeffersonFederalist
    Thomas_Jefferson_by_Rembrandt_Peale_1805_cropped.jpg
    Thomas JeffersonVirginiaMarch 4, 1801 - March 4, 1809Aaron Burr (1801-1805)
    George Clinton (1805-1809)
    Democratic-Republican
    800px-James_Madison_%28cropped_3x4_close%29.jpg
    James MadisonVirginiaMarch 4, 1809 - March 4, 1817George Clinton (1809-1812)
    Vacant (1812-1813)
    Elbridge Gerry (1813-1814)
    Vacant (1814-1817)
    Democratic-Republican
    800px-James_Monroe_by_John_Vanderlyn_%28detail%29%2C_1816_-_DSC03230.JPG
    James MonroeVirginiaMarch 4, 1817 - March 4, 1825Daniel D. TompkinsDemocratic-Republican
    John_Quincy_Adams.jpg
    John Q. AdamsMassachusettsMarch 4, 1825 - March 4, 1829John C. CalhounDemocratic-Republican (1825-1828)
    National Republican (1828-1829)
    800px-Andrew_Jackson_A13734.jpg
    Andrew JacksonTennesseeMarch 4, 1829 - March 4, 1837John C. Calhoun (1829-1832)
    Vacant (1832-1833)
    Martin Van Buren (1833-1837)
    Democratic
    800px-Martin_Van_Buren_by_Mathew_Brady_c1855-58_%28cropped%29.jpg
    Martin Van BurenNew YorkMarch 4, 1837 - March 4, 1841Richard M. JohnsonDemocratic
    20110626234645%21William_Henry_Harrison_daguerreotype.jpg
    William H. HarrisonOhioMarch 4, 1841 - April 4, 1841John TylerWhig
     
    The U.S. Presidents Part 2: 10-18
  • The U.S. Presidents Part 2: 10-18
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice PresidentPolitical Party
    450px-John_Tyler_%28cropped_3x4%29.png
    John TylerVirginiaApril 4, 1841 - March 4, 1845VacantWhig (1841)
    Unaffiliated (1841-1845)
    800px-Polk_1849.jpg
    James K. PolkTennesseeMarch 4, 1845 - March 4, 1849George M. DallasDemocratic
    Zachary_Taylor_restored_and_cropped_%28cropped%29.png
    Zachary TaylorLouisianaMarch 4, 1849 - July 9, 1850Millard FillmoreWhig
    800px-Fillmore.jpg
    Millard FillmoreNew YorkJuly 9, 1850 - March 4, 1853VacantWhig
    800px-Franklin_Pierce_-_Cropped.jpg
    Franklin PierceNew HampshireMarch 4, 1853 - March 4, 1857William R. King (1853)
    Vacant (1853-1857)
    Democratic
    Buchanan-thumbnail.jpg
    James BuchananPennsylvaniaMarch 4, 1857 - March 4, 1861John C. BreckinridgeDemocratic
    Abraham_Lincoln_O-77_matte_collodion_print.jpg
    Abraham LincolnIllinoisMarch 4, 1861 - March 4, 1865Hannibal HamlinRepublican
    GeorgeHPendleton_%28cropped_3x4%29.png
    George H. PendletonOhioMarch 4, 1865 - March 4, 1869Thomas H. Seymour (1865-1868)
    Vacant (1868-1869)
    Democratic
    Gen._Daniel_Sickles_-_NARA_-_528813.jpg
    Daniel E. SicklesNew YorkMarch 4, 1869 - March 4, 1877Daniel VoorheesDemocratic
     
    The U.S. Presidents Part 3: 19-27
  • The U.S. Presidents Part 3: 19-27
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice-PresidentPolitical Party
    800px-Gen._William_B._Hazen_(4228664886).jpg
    William B. HazenOhioMarch 4, 1877 - March 4, 1881William A. WheelerRepublican
    James_Garfield_After.jpg
    James A. GarfieldOhioMarch 4, 1881 - March 4, 1885Chester A. ArthurRepublican
    Hon._Roscoe_Conkling%2C_N.Y_-_NARA_-_527412_%28cropped%29.jpg
    Roscoe ConklingNew YorkMarch 4, 1885 - March 4, 1889Carl SchurzRepublican
    800px-Samuel_J._Randall_-_Brady-Handy.jpg
    Samuel J. RandallPennsylvaniaMarch 4, 1889 - April 17, 1890David B. HillDemocratic
    DavidBennettHill.png
    David B. HillNew YorkApril 17, 1890 - March 4, 1893VacantDemocratic (1890-1891)
    Unaffiliated (1891-1893)
    george-armstrong-custer-medium.jpg
    George A. CusterNew YorkMarch 4, 1893 - March 5, 1897Donald M. DickinsonDemocratic
    800px-William_McKinley-head%26shoulders.jpg
    William McKinleyOhioMarch 5, 1897 - March 4, 1901Theodore RooseveltRepublican
    Theodore_Roosevelt_circa_1902.jpg
    Theodore RooseveltNew YorkMarch 4, 1901 - March 4, 1909James S. Sherman (1901-1905)
    Charles W. Fairbanks (1905-1909)
    Republican
    800px-Henry_Cabot_Lodge_c1916_cropped.jpg
    Henry C. LodgeMassachusettsMarch 4, 1909 - March 4, 1917Albert B. CumminsRepublican
     
    Last edited:
    The U.S. Presidents Part 4: 28-38
  • The U.S. Presidents Part 4: 28-38
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeVice-PresidentPolitical Party
    800px-Charles_Evans_Hughes%28cropped%29.jpg
    Charles E. HughesNew YorkMarch 4, 1917 - March 4, 1921Leonard WoodRepublican
    Calvin_Coolidge_LCCN2014716387.jpg
    Calvin CoolidgeMassachusettsMarch 4, 1921 - March 4, 1929James W. Wadsworth Jr.Republican
    Portrait_of_Al_Smith_%28cropped%29.jpg
    Al SmithNew YorkMarch 4, 1929 - March 4, 1933Alben W. BarkleyDemocrat
    James_W._Wadsworth,_Jr.jpg
    James W. Wadsworth Jr.New YorkMarch 4, 1933 - March 4, 1937Lester J. DickinsonRepublican
    800px-1944_portrait_of_FDR_%281%29%28small%29.jpg
    Franklin D. RooseveltNew YorkMarch 4, 1937 - March 4, 1941Paul V. McNuttDemocrat
    RobertATaft83rdCongress.png
    Robert A. TaftOhioMarch 4, 1941 - March 4, 1949Thomas E. Dewey (1941-1946)
    Vacant (1946-1949)
    Republican
    Arthur_H._Vandenberg.jpg
    Arthur H. VandenbergMichiganMarch 4, 1949 - April 18, 1951Harold StassenRepublican
    800px-Harold_Stassen.jpg
    Harold StassenMinnesotaApril 18, 1951 - March 4, 1957Vacant
    Earl Warren (1953-1957)
    Republican
    William_Averell_Harriman.jpg
    William A. HarrimanNew YorkMarch 4, 1957 - March 4, 1965Adlai Stevenson IIDemocratic
    EverettDirksen.jpg
    Everett McK. DirksenIllinoisMarch 4, 1965 - March 4, 1969Henry C. Lodge IIRepublican
    unnamed.jpg
    Henry C. Lodge IIMassachusettsMarch 4, 1969 - March 4, 1977George W. RomneyRepublican
     
    Last edited:
    Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 1: 1-9
  • Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 1: 1-9
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeAppointed by
    lossy-page1-800px-CJ_Jay.tif.jpg
    John JayNew YorkSeptember 26, 1789 - June 29, 1795George Washington
    NPG-9700390A_1.jpg
    John RutledgeSouth CarolinaAugust 12, 1795 - December 28, 1795George Washington
    Oliver_Ellsworth_by_John_Trumbull.jpg
    Oliver EllsworthConnecticutMarch 8, 1796 - December 15, 1800George Washington
    CJMarshall.jpg
    John MarshallVirginiaFebruary 4, 1801 - July 6, 1835John Adams
    Roger_B_Taney_by_Mathew_Brady_1849.jpg
    Roger B. TaneyMarylandMarch 28, 1836 - October 12, 1864Andrew Jackson
    Ira_Harris.jpg
    Ira HarrisNew YorkNovember 2, 1864 - March 3, 1866Abraham Lincoln
    545px-George_Washington_Woodward_-_Brady-Handy.jpg
    George W. WoodwardPennsylvaniaMay 13, 1866 - May 10, 1875George H. Pendleton
    HoratioSeymour_circa1860.png
    Horatio SeymourNew YorkJuly 15, 1875 - February 12, 1883Daniel E. Sickles
    John_Marshall_Harlan_%281833-1911%29.jpg
    John M. HarlanKentuckyApril 13, 1883 - October 14, 1911James A. Garfield
     
    Last edited:
    Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 2: 10-13
  • Chief Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court Part 2: 10-13
    PortraitNameHome StateTime in OfficeAppointed by
    Philander_C_Knox-H%26E.jpg
    Philander C. KnoxPennsylvaniaDecember 2, 1911 - October 12, 1921Henry C. Lodge
    lossy-page1-800px-CJ_Hughes.tif.jpg
    Charles E. HughesNew YorkNovember 15, 1921 - December 1, 1941Calvin Coolidge
    800px-Chief_Justice_Harlan_Fiske_Stone_photograph_circa_1927-1932_%28cropped%29.jpg
    Harlan F. StoneNew HampshireDecember 8, 1941 - April 22, 1946Robert A. Taft
    800px-Thomas_Dewey.jpg
    Thomas E. DeweyNew YorkApril 30, 1946 - March 16, 1971Robert A. Taft
    800px-Spiro_Agnew.jpg
    Spiro AgnewNew YorkMarch 31, 1971 - September 17, 1996Henry C. Lodge II
     
    Last edited:
    Chapter Sixty-Three: The Railroad War
  • Chapter Sixty-Three: The Railroad War
    u-g-PRP0U20.jpg

    A cartoon mocking William Vanderbilt in the wake of the Great Railroad Strike of 1877
    By the late 1860s, Cornelius Vanderbilt and his railroad empire were considered by many to be the man to beat when it came to railroading. Although not impervious to attacks, such as when Jay Gould and Jim Fisk managed to wrest control of the Erie Railway from him by watering down the stock, no one had dared to try and usurp the elder Vanderbilt's role as the unquestioned leader of America's rail lines. That was, until Thomas A. Scott appeared on the scene. A former assistant secretary of war during the Lincoln administration, his service in 1861 and 1862 had been noted for how he had brought efficiency to the Union's railroads and better organized supply. He now led the Pennsylvania Railroad. Scott hoped to be able to take Vanderbilt's title, and soon made preparations to take actions to strengthen himself for the upcoming battle. Beginning to see Scott's rising power on the horizon, Vanderbilt also began moving to add to his position. Believing that kerosene would be the next burgeoning industry, Vanderbilt contacted a young industrialist he saw potential in: John D. Rockefeller. Vanderbilt hoped to get good rates for his company transporting Rockefeller's kerosene. On his way to meet Vanderbilt, however, Rockefeller would be killed in a tragic train accident known as the Angola Horror, in which the train derailed on a bridge, slid down on gouge, and caught fire. Following this catastrophe, Vanderbilt decided to look somewhere for a new young oilman. He eventually would give up on the goal, however, and decided to focus on the ever increasing threat Scott was posing. In 1874, he would pass away. The job of maintaining the empire would pass on to his son William, and Scott prepared to take advantage of the Vanderbilt's companies temporary distraction, as well as the Panic of 1873 which was shaking the nation.
    Cornelius_Vanderbilt_by_Howell_%26_Meyer.jpg
    Thomas_Alexander_Scott_-_Project_Gutenberg_eText_17976.jpg
    1059_1489541858.jpg

    Cornelius Vanderbilt, Thomas Scott, and William Vanderbilt
    Exploiting the economic turmoil created by the Panic of 1873 and William Vanderbilt trying to orientate himself with his new position, Scott moved rapidly to bring in new railroads. In this, he also brought many new men into his company, many of whom were shrewd, capable businessmen. Working with Andrew Carnegie, Scott's most trusted protege and president of his most crucial line, the Pennsylvania Railroad, they would bring in the Erie Railway, whose president was Jim Fisk. Many historians believe Scott targeted trying to get this line due to Fisk's humiliation of the elder Vanderbilt, and how he had been unable to keep control of it. Not long after that, Scott would bring in the bankrupted Northern Pacific Railway and its president Jay Cooke. Cooke had made a name for him in helping finance the Civil War, and this likely played a role in Scott's decision to save him, as both men were staunch Unionists. Another bankrupt line Scott would work on would be the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, providing the funding for James J. Hill to purchase the line and become its president in return for annexation into the empire. Scott next focused bringing in the Union Pacific line, famous for its role as part of the Transcontinental Railroad, under Jay Gould, another one of Vanderbilt's former rivals. With this investment came the chief engineer of the line, former Union general Grenville Dodge. Seeing talent in the man, Scott would bring him to be the chief engineer of the Pennsylvania. Finally, Scott brought in the New York Elevated Railroad under Cyrus W. Field. In securing this railroad, Scott was purchasing railroads in traditional Vanderbilt territory. Despite the high up front cost of securing the many railways, Scott was also bringing in much revenue, and some predicted that Scott's empire that soon overtake Vanderbilt's.
    carniege.jpg
    Jubilee-jim-fisk.jpg
    jay-cookes-quotes-7.jpg
    James_J._Hill_at_35.jpg
    1-2-67C-25-ExplorePAHistory-a0c0m9-a_349.jpg
    Grenville-M.-Dodge.jpg
    800px-CyrusField4.jpg

    Andrew Carnegie, James Fisk, Jay Cooke, James J. Hill, Jay Gould, Grenville Dodge, and Cyrus Field
    Despite Scott's rapid growth, William Vanderbilt did not take the rapid action that many suspected his father would have done. He was much less interested in expansion than his father, although for the sake of the man, to whom William has grown close to in his later years, he hoped to retain his position as the largest railroad industralist. With him now leading the empire, he brought in a new man to be the president of his railroad empire's central line, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad,: Henry C. Frick. Frick was a blossoming business man with a reputation for harshness. He was also a personally very ambitious man, and as soon as he got a position in Vanderbilt's company, rumors started that he was aspiring to acquire Vanderbilt's power and prestige. More and more, Vanderbilt was withdrawing from active control of the company, and leaving it to lower level members to handle matters. This was shown clearly in Vanderbilt's response to some workers on his lines joining in on the Railroad Strike of 1877. Rather than handle the matter himself, Vanderbilt would delegate it to Frick, a known strike-breaker, to handle. After his negotiations broke down due his unwillingness to compromise, Frick took matter into his own hands, and would call in Pinkertons to break the strikes. What followed was the bloodiest days of the Vanderbilt Empire, as all across his lines, workers were slain by the dozens as Frick callously watched and Scott smirked at the once great empire collapsed in on itself.
    industrialist-henry-c-frick-underwood-archives.jpg

    Henry C. Frick
    With Frick's brutal actions, the railroad lines on the Vanderbilt Empire were put down, but it seemed decline was inevitable. Scott was beginning to poach more and more of the cargo that the empire depended on, and Vanderbilt soon found that the cargo that his father had expected to be the wave of the future, kerosene, did not require transportation by train anymore, as the oil barrons were using pipelines. In desperation, Vanderbilt contacted Henry Flagler, the man who now ran Standard Oil following Rockefeller's tragic death. In response to Vanderbilt's invitation to come meet with him in New York City to talk about cargo rates, Flagler would respond that Vanderbilt should come to him in Cleveland if he wanted to talk. Humiliated, Vanderbilt would oblige him. When he reached Standard Oil's plants, he was astonished by their size, and started losing faith in his chances of success. This would be justified when he entered into a meeting with Flagler and his vice president, John D. Archbold. Any offer that Vanderbilt gave was rapidly rebuffed by the two oilmen, and after a few hours of tense debate, Vanderbilt would leave having failed to secure a deal. Like his empire, Vanderbilt was a broken man, and on the railroad ride back to New York, he would catch a cold, which developed into pneumonia and caused his death in 1880.
    Portrait_of_Henry_Morrison_Flagler.jpg
    800px-John_Dustin_Archbold_portrait.jpg

    Henry Flagler and John Archbold
    With Vanderbilt's death, the empire dissolved. Frick would be the most domineering and powerful of his successors, having the stake in the most companies, but he was far from rivaling the new leader of the railroads: Thomas Scott. Scott would not live to enjoy his dominance for long, however. In 1882, Scott would pass away, designating Carnegie to be his successor. With this new found power, Carnegie would move Dodge, who he had grown quite friendly to during their time working together on the Pennsylvania, to be his successor as president of the line. In his time, Carnegie would work on bringing many of the broken parts of the former Vanderbilt Empire into his own, although Frick refused to allow this to happen to him and the rail lines he controlled. Frick would meet his end, however, after the Pullman Strike of 1894. Frick had publicly voice his support for Custer's actions, a position that made him very unpopular and the board of directors of the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad very uneasy. Eventually, the board decided to fire Frick, hoping to gain a less controversial and more able to successor. His successor could not save them, however, and within a year of Frick's departure, the New York Central and Hudson River Railroad was under the control of Carnegie. This event is generally used to denote the end of the great railroad war, as the pride of the Vanderbilts' was now the property of their sworn rival. The war would go down in history as one of the famous events of America's Gilted Age.
     
    Chapter Sixty Four: We Must Rise From the Ashes
  • Chapter Sixty Four: We Must Rise From the Ashes
    9f5c15d6-4ce3-44f8-8154-12f7ef53d2d9.jpg

    Citizens of Mexico City gathering in front of a cathedral to listen to a speech by Pascual Orozco
    With the final shots of the Mexican Revolution finally starting to be silenced, Pascual Orozco, Mexico's defacto leader, decided it was time to hold an election. Although it was clear who was going to be Mexico's leader ever since the fatal shot struck Díaz's body, Orozco still insisted on holding an election as their revolution had promised to bring democracy to Mexico after almost three decades of an effective dictatorship. Orozco would, of course, be the candidate of the Democracy Party as he referred to the new organization. For his running-mate, Orozco originally supported fellow revolutionary and his second-in-command Bernardo Reyes. Reyes would decline the opportunity, preferring instead to receive the role of General-in-Chief of Mexico's Armies, a position which he believed carried more prestige and influence, which he hoped he would receive should Orozco be elected. He would instead suggest Venustiano Carranza, a revolutionary politician who had also served under Díaz, where he had first made his connections with Reyes. Following the advice of his most trusted subordinate, Orozco would see to it that Carranza was slated to be his running mate. Both Orozco and Reyes hoped that Carranza could help gather support among the higher classes, who were wary of how the Revolution might affect them.
    Orozco.jpg
    Portrait_of_Venustiano_Carranza_%28cropped%29.jpg

    Pascual Orozco and Venustiano Carranza

    For a true election, however, there needed to be at least two candidates running. At least that was the opinion of the revolutionaries. To fill the role of Orozco's opponent, a position no one truly desired to fill, the revolutionaries had to "convince" Interim President Ramón Corral to run against Orozco. To be his running-mate, the revolutionaries originally planned to have Victoriano Huerta, a senior officer under Díaz and the man that Díaz had placed in charge of the defenses of Mexico City prior to the assault of the city after he and the remnants of his army returned, run with Corral. His name was dropped, however, when war crime accusation were brought up against for his time as commander of Mexico City, for which he would be tried and executed. After deciding Huerta might not be the best choice, they decided to go with Secretary of the Finance of Mexico José Yves Limantour. Limantour had held that position since 1893, and was closely associated with the Díaz government. In creating this ticket, the revolutionaries tried to give off the appearance of giving the Mexican people a choice between the old way of rule under Díaz and the new order under Orozco and the revolutionaries, although choosing the former would have undoubtedly been the start of another major conflict. Luckily for the Mexican people, the foreseeable result of a decisive Democracy Party victory occurred, and Orozco was sworn in as the 37th president of Mexico. In mere days after the election, both Corral and Limantour would leave Mexico, never to return.
    800px-Ramon_Corral_Verdugo.jpg
    Jos%C3%A9_Yves_Limantour_1910_%28cropped%29.jpg

    Ramón Corral and José Yves Limantour
    In his inaugural address, Orozco would become famous for his quote, "Now that he have overthrown the tyranny of Díaz, and loosed the chains of his oppression, we must rise from the ashes he had forced us to live in. Now is our great opportunity to bring about change." Orozco was intent on following through with his promise. The first thing he was to uproot was the Mexican Army. Although all of the army was disbanded, Orozco effectively made it only a purge of the officer corps, many of whom still held loyalties to the Díaz government. When he formed his new army he brought back many of the former soldiers and NCOs from the old one, as loyalty to the revolutionaries was more widespread among these men. Combining this force with the remainders of the army he had commanded during the revolution, as well as a few new recruits, and he had formed his new army. To head this force, Orozco would turn to Reyes as expected, and gave him the command he was desiring. Now General-in-Chief of Mexico's Army, Reyes would launch the career of a man who would eventually come to a place of prominence in Mexico: then Lieutenant Álvaro Obregón. Seeing potential in the young officer, Reyes would attach him to his staff as an aide-de-camp, and ensured he was steadily through the ranks, securing for him the rank of major in a matter of roughly two months in an army notorious for its slow rate of promotion.
    Face_detail%2C_%C3%81lvaro_Obreg%C3%B3n%2C_from-_Obregon_and_yaqui_staff_%28cropped%29.jpg

    Álvaro Obregón during his time as a young staff officer for Reyes
    Another change Orozco would look into would be land reform. This issue had been of key importance for many of the more rural members of the revolutionary army, including Emiliano Zapata and the now late Pancho Villa. They hoped to take the land that had been gobbled up by large Mexican landowners, and redistribute it to their ancestral owners. At first, Orozco would consider this, as rural farmers and laborers had been a key portion of his army, and had been important in guaranteeing his rise to power. On the other hand, if he enacted a policy like this, he risked losing the support of his more affluent supporters, who were already nervous that Orozco might start coming after their wealth to spread among Mexico's poor citizens. Three of his closest advisors, Vice-President Carranza, General-in-Chief Reyes, and Secretary of Foreign Affairs Pedro Lascuráin, all stood in opposition to the measure. In the end, Orozco announced that land reform would be left to the courts, knowingly sacrificing the measure of almost certain death among men who would certainly side almost unanimously with the landowners. This move enraged Zapata, who swore that he would run in the next election and defeat Orozco. At the same time, he began mobilizing former comrades from the revolution in preparation for election day defeat. In Zapata's mind, whether through ballot or bullet he would make sure that the land would return to the original owners as he believed the revolution had promised them.
    mexican_revolutions_1_lg.jpg

    Some of the secret soldiers Zapata raised, known as the Zapatistas​
     
    Chapter Sixty-Five: Now the Torch Passes to Us
  • Chapter Sixty-Five: Now the Torch Passes to Us
    250px-Emiliano_Zapata_en_la_ciudad_de_Cuernavaca.jpg

    A photograph of Emiliano Zapata and some of his supporters in preparation for the 1909 election
    With Zapata and his supporters unsatisfied with Orozco's actions in response for their clamor for land reform, Zapata would organize an effort to run in the upcoming presidential election, scheduled to occur in 1909. Labeling themselves as the People's Party, although they were mostly referred to as the Zapatistas due to their leader, the party also had a militant arm, which despite being on the underground Zapata was not afraid to break out if necessary. When the campaigning season for the election began, Orozco and Carranza once again ran as a ticket for Mexico's presidency and vice-presidency. Similarly to the previous election, Orozco had considered bringing on Reyes to be his running-mate, but once again he decided against it. This time, his decision was not based on Reyes wanting the job, but rather Orozco wanting a man he trusted in charge of the army should Zapata decided to contest the elections results with violence. Meanwhile, Zapata launched his own campaign with a base among poor, rural farmers while trying to reach out to the urban unemployed poor. Many in the latter category, however, still held Orozco as their hero for liberating Mexico from Díaz, and his efforts to promote the creation of jobs in the city. To run with him, Zapata would bring on a young but capable and loyal lieutenant, Genovevo de la O.
    225px-Emiliano_Zapata%2C_1914.jpg
    Genovevo_de_la_O.jpg

    Emiliano Zapata and Genovevo de la O
    When the campaigning first begun, Zapata attacked Orozco for seeking a second term, pointing out the example of their neighbor, the CSA, which only allowed for one presidential term in office. He also claimed that Orozco was trying to position himself to become another Díaz and to consolidate power under him. Orozco would skillfully parry this accusations by pointing out their were no rules in the Mexican constitution laying out term limits, and that presidents in America traditional served two terms. He would also point out that this was Mexico, not the CSA or U.S.A., and that they are not subject to the traditions or rules of their northern neighbors. Another interesting thing to note would be which martyrs of their revolution each side gathered around and held up. Orozco and the Democracy Party held up Francisco I. Madero as their hero, while Zapata and the People's Party held Pancho Villa in high regard. This pointed out their differences in ideology. While Madero had been a wealthy man before sparking the revolution, Villa had been born into a poor life, but had risen through the ranks through skill and hard work. People throughout Mexico collectively held their breath when election day finally arrived, knowing that no matter the result, violence was likely to follow.
    22014899_4.jpg

    A detail from a Democracy Party banner made to lionize Madero due to him being a hero of their party
    When the results came in, Orozco had managed to secure his reelection. While he had not won by a crushing margin, his victory was not exactly close either, and Zapata was humiliated by the defeat. In the wake of it, he came to decide that the ideals that the Mexican Revolution espoused had been abandoned, and that the time for waiting was over. In a thundering speech in which he would declare the beginning of a second revolution, he would boldly declare to a large gathering of his now publicly armed Zapatistas "Now the torch passes to us! The ghosts of Villa, Juárez, Hidalgo cry out to us to go out and secure the rights that they fought for! The rights that many great Mexicans of the past have died for! The revolution that ousted that tyrant Díaz has only cleared the way for another in the form of Orozco! We must bring about the true revolution!" With this declaration, the many Zapatista syndicates that Zapata had seen to all erupted in revolt at once. While in many urban centers the revolts were small, out in the rural farmlands, the Zapatistas were able to form their own governments. As Orozco gathered his forces and prepared to send out the army to deal with the threat to his presidency, the Zapatistas began systemically seizing land from the rich landowners and returning it to those loyal to the cause. Afterwards, they would frequently execute the landowners for good measure, as well as anyone who they deemed an enemy to their revolution. The most famous victim of these purges would be Félix Díaz, nephew to the former dictator and commander of his guards during the revolution, who had since retired from public life to live on a large and luxurious estate. When Orozco had gotten all of his forces together, however, he prepared to strike with a vengeance.
    Jefes_Zapatistas_en_el_restaurante_Sanborns.jpg

    A gathering of Zapatista bosses enjoying some refreshments in the home of the landowner who they had executed shortly before
    With the army of the Mexican government now sent out to fight the Zapatistas, many of the smaller branches of the revolt were rapidly crushed, with the army handing out brutal reprisals to the leaders, often executing or brutalizing their families in front of them before having them hanged. Despite the fall of many of the smaller groups of his allies, Zapata, who himself lead a large army, continued on with the revolution. When he was informed General of Brigade Álvaro Obregón had been dispatched from the main force under Reyes to go out and deal with small contingents of Zapatistas, he would send out Genovevo de la O with a force that outnumbered that of Obregón's to eradicate his force, and hopeful kill the young general, as he knew that Obregón was the darling of Reyes, and an officer highly favored by Orozco. The result of this movement would prove to be a humiliating defeat for Zapata, as despite his numerical disadvantage, Obregón managed to pull out a victory. He had entrenched upon receiving word of de la O's intentions, and when de la O's and his mounted soldiers charged the defenses, he had showered them with machine gun fire before sweeping in on de la O's shattered flank with infantry. de la O himself was captured after being dismounted and wounded in the heel. When he was brought to the capital and interrogated, he would leak the location of many secret stashes of weapons and the hideouts of many Zapatistas before revealing that part of his mission had been to kill Obregón. He was subsequently executed for treason, while Obregón was promoted to General of Division for his decisive victory.
    10th_cav_charge_mexico.jpg

    A depiction of what would become known as the Battle of Slaughter Valley, in which mounted Zapatistas were mowed down by the hundreds, and many more wounded, captured, or executed
    With his close protege de la O dead, and the morale among his troops beginning to flag, Zapata was faced with a choice. He could either transform his revolution into a guerrilla campaign, or he could rule the dice in a do or die final battle. Although he would preferred a hit and run guerrilla campaign, he was all too aware that if he choose this option, many of his men would simply return home and abandon his revolution. Instead, he decided to face the numerically superior federal army under Reyes in a final showdown, winner take all. The site of the confrontation would be Anenecuilco, Morelos, Zapata's home town. Dismounting his forces and fortifying the town, Zapata ready himself for what would either be his final act or the triumph of his revolution. It was at this time, however, that he realized that in terms of heavy guns, his army was woefully unprepared. Easily stockpiled and hidden things like handguns, rifles, and the ammunition for them he had plenty, but in machine guns or artillery pieces, he would his army heavily lacking, possessing only three machine guns which he been seized or no functioning artillery pieces. Nonetheless, Zapata realized that retreat was tantamount to capitulation, as his army would surely dissolve. Thus he would face Reyes on that hot, sunny day. Reminiscent of the Alamo, the defenders of Anencuilco would be slaughtered, but they never wavered or retreated from the field, and made sure that Reyes paid for his victory. In fact, victory seemed a possibility until reinforcements and many more machine guns under Obregón arrived, and cleared the streets of any defenders. In the end, Zapata's body riddled with bullets would be found with the rest of his men on the city streets, immortalized in the famous photograph which has gone down into Mexican legend. Despite the end of his revolution, Orozco would take the message to heart, and see to it that better Mexican land reform was passed, and that many a rural farmer would be given a land plot to be his own to feed his family and earn a living.
    El_cad%C3%A1ver_de_Emiliano_Zapata%2C_exhibido_en_Cuautla%2C_Morelos.jpg

    The famous photo of Zapata's lifeless body in the grasps of four curious federal soldiers.​
     
    Status
    Not open for further replies.
    Top