Stonewall Jackson's Way: An Alternate Confederacy Timeline

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Joe Wheeler?

Cleburne?

George H. Thomas jr?

These are all good guesses, but it is going to be someone else.

 

[CountofDooku]

I think it should be working now.

Indeed, looks fine now.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Fifty-Seven: The Presidency of William Bate

President William Bate
​

With his sudden and violent rise to the presidency, Bate provided the nation with something that hadn't had since President Gordon: a president who is also a capable politician and compromiser. This is not to say that the presidencies of Longstreet through Tillman were incompetent, but rather that they did not really work with their opposition party. Bate, however, due to the nature of his rise and his skill as a politician, would break this trend. One of the clearest signs of this was his cabinet choices. In acknowledgment of the role of Democrats in his rise and to try and preserve a sense of unity and normalcy, Bate would retain Tillman's three surviving cabinet members. It should be pointed out, however, that all of these men were moderates, and that these men were more politically closer to Bate than Tillman, especially on race and slavery issues. The rest of his cabinet, however, were all members of the Liberty Party. Two of his appointments, however, would cause controversy. First was Oscar Underwood, who Bate appointed Postmaster General. Underwood had become one of the few Southern politicians calling for abolition in the entirety of the CSA, although he supported it as an economic rather than racial issue. Bate, however, would guide his nomination through Congress, and he was approved, albeit narrowly. In a 1905 post-presidency interview, Bate was asked why Underwood was appointed, Bate responded with, "I saw potential in the man, who has now climbed even further up the political ladder. If he doesn't commit a major mistake, I could see him reaching the presidency." The other controversy was caused by Jim Hogg's nomination to the role of Secretary of the Interior. Hogg opposed monopolies, which he believed were cropping up in the CSA, and was a political centralist, who technically was a Liberty Party member under name, although he had no qualms with supporting measures of the Democrats if he agreed with them. His nomination would face some opposition from the more stalwart members of the Liberty Party. Despite this, his nomination was easily passed with support from both the Liberty and Democratic Party.

Oscar Underwood and Jim Hogg
​

One of the problems the Bate administration had to deal with was the rise of anarchism. Anarchists had taken out a number of world leaders recently, and the CSA people were increasingly worried about the growing danger. Bate decided to crack down on the issue, and decided to form a committee to determine if anarchist groups should be outlawed. To determine this, Bate formed his committee consisting of Secretary of War Fitzhugh Lee, Attorney General Matt W. Ransom, and Arkansas Senator James H. Berry. The committee would question some of the CSA's most prominent anarchists, including Samuel Fielden, Albert Parsons, and John Wilkes Booth. Booth had been an somewhat famous actor before and during the Civil War, although never reaching the fame of his father or brother. He would become a Democrat after the war ended, and soon made many rivals in his Liberty Party leaning state of Maryland. These rivalries doomed his acting career, but eventually he reformed himself as a politician. He would manage to be elected to two terms in the Maryland General Assembly, after which he made several unsuccessful runs for a seat in the CSA House of Representatives. After failure in that endeavor, and also losing his seat in the General Assembly, Booth would sink into a deep depression, and eventually turn the radical movement of anarchism to try and heal his wounds. He believed in using anarchism in a racist manner, targeting freed men and politicians supporting abolition laws. It was even rumored that he was responsible for one of the numerous assassination attempts on Stonewall Jackson during his presidency, and he did make it known that he would have no issue with Jackson's assassination. Overall, the committee's findings lead them to conclude that anarchism was a major threat to the CSA's public welfare and safety, and that all anarchist groups should be disbanded immediately and made illegal. Bate and congress agreed with the conclusion, and passed legislation to that effect.

Samuel Fielden, Albert Parsons, and John Booth
​

It was in the final months of the Bate presidency that tragedy struck the nation. On January 2, 1904, James Longstreet would pass away. Two weeks later, on January 16, 1904, Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson, would also pass away. The double punch would strike the CSA hard, and the nation went into mourning with such sadness that had not been seen since the joint Lee-Thomas funeral. Their death also highlighted that many of the CSA's original heroes were gone. Of the main men in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia, Lee and Thomas had died in 1873, followed by Ewell in 1876. D.H. Hill had died in 1891, and A.P. Hill has passed in 1900. With Jackson and Longstreet gone, only Stuart remained of Lee's high-ranking officers from the valiant force, and he lived his life very much out of the public eye. He would, however, agree to break his life of solitude and deliver a eulogy at the funeral of a man who was quite possibly his best friend. Among the other dignitaries were President Bate, his cabinet, General-in-Chief Simon B. Buckner, Jackson's former chief-of-staff Alexander "Sandie" Pendleton, Generals Rodes, Pender, and Cleburne, along with many senators, representatives, and comrades from the Civil War and Confederate-American War. Even former president John B. Gordon attended and delivered a speech, although the poor weather and his refusal to put a hat on during the ceremony likely led to the case of pneumonia that would ultimately kill him. Longstreet's and Jackson's deathes, along with Gordon's three weeks later, however, helped provide a sense of national unity, and many believed it helped keep the ever fracturing coalition of moderate Democrats and Liberty Party members that brought Bate into office together for the 1904 election, as many citizens thought it would have dissolved by then.

The last known photographs of James Longstreet and Stonewall Jackson
​

Bate and his cabinet:
President: William B. Bate
Vice-President: Vacant
Secretary of State: Matthew C. Butler
Secretary of the Treasury: Roger Q. Mills
Secretary of War: Fitzhugh Lee
Attorney General: Matt W. Ransom
Postmaster General: Oscar Underwood
Secretary of the Navy: Hilary A. Herbert
Secretary of the Interior: Jim Hogg

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

I have to a decision for this TL, and while it is not too important, I thought I should bring it to the attention of anyone who is interested. As stated in a earlier message, I was originally planning to end this TL in 1916. I have changed my mind on this. Instead of ending it in 1916, I have decided to end it a decade earlier, at roughly 1906. My reasoning behind this is that by extending this TL a decade longer, I would have really nothing interesting to add, and the ending I currently have would probably work better with an end date at 1906. Just to clarify, the last chapter was not the final chapter of Stonewall Jackson’s Way, and there are several more chapters to go. I just want to inform anyone interested in this TL of this update.

 

[sampleswift]

I have an idea. Maybe end the TL with a bang, and another American War, and maybe the end of the CSA...
If this timeline is ending, maybe have it go out in a blaze of glory?

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

I have an idea. Maybe end the TL with a bang, and another American War, and maybe the end of the CSA...
If this timeline is ending, maybe have it go out in a blaze of glory?

Well, my TL will not end like that (although maybe I should planned it in that way). My TL still has more major event coming up, and with that event’s conclusion, my TL will conclude as well. Also, thank you for your interest. I thought your latest chapter on Abraham Lincoln was quite interesting.

 

[PGSBHurricane]

I have to a decision for this TL, and while it is not too important, I thought I should bring it to the attention of anyone who is interested. As stated in a earlier message, I was originally planning to end this TL in 1916. I have changed my mind on this. Instead of ending it in 1916, I have decided to end it a decade earlier, at roughly 1906. My reasoning behind this is that by extending this TL a decade longer, I would have really nothing interesting to add, and the ending I currently have would probably work better with an end date at 1906. Just to clarify, the last chapter was not the final chapter of Stonewall Jackson’s Way, and there are several more chapters to go. I just want to inform anyone interested in this TL of this update.

Is there going to be an epilogue or spinoff that goes past 1906?

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Is there going to be an epilogue or spinoff that goes past 1906?

The last chapter of the TL will also include an epilogue. As for a spin-off or continuation ala America’s Silver Age (which is a great TL I might add) I am unsure. As for right now, I have none planned, but I come up with something, or someone suggests an interesting idea, there might be a spin-off.

 

[sampleswift]

Well, my TL will not end like that (although maybe I should planned it in that way). My TL still has more major event coming up, and with that event’s conclusion, my TL will conclude as well. Also, thank you for your interest. I thought your latest chapter on Abraham Lincoln was quite interesting.

Thank you so much. I appreciate your support as well.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Fifty-Eight: The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt Part One

President Theodore Roosevelt
​

When Roosevelt assumed office, he realized that his campaign promise to be a continuation of McKinley could pose some potential restrictions on his cabinet. He believed that to maintain support within the party, he would likely have to maintain at least some of McKinley's appointments. In the end, half of Roosevelt's cabinet were from the previous administration, and half were new appointed men. Roosevelt wanted to show he was not afraid of the Republican Party leaders, however, by retaining only one of McKinley's men, Lyman Gage, in his post among the original and most prominent four cabinet positions: State, Treasury, War, and Attorney General. Roosevelt's recognition of the need to work with the more conservative members of his party also showed in his choices for the four previously mentioned positions. In these posts, Roosevelt would have three conservative leaning men-Henry C. Lodge at state, Lyman Gage at Treasury, and Philander C. Knox at Attorney General-with only one of the more progressive leaning Republicans-Leonard Wood at War. This careful configuration of his cabinet demonstrated both Roosevelt's political acumen, as well as his ability to figure out how to work with others.

Henry Lodge, Lyman Gage, Leonard Wood, and Philander Knox
​

Roosevelt's first major initiative in office would be bringing the vetoed Sherman Anti-Trust Act back into the spotlight. With its veto by President Hill, what could have been a restraint on monopolies with their ever increasing power had been cast aside, and it was quickly overshadowed by the turmoil of the Custer presidency. Roosevelt, however, still believed in the bill, and hoped to give it a second chance. In the House, Iowa representative William P. Hepburn, who was a progressive Republican and one of Roosevelt's closest allies in the House, guided it through with little resistance. It was in the Senate that it faced its fiercest opposition, with it being lead by President Pro Tempore William P. Frye of Maine and veteran senator Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut, both of whom viewed it as a limitation of a burgeoning U.S. industry. Leading the fight for it would be Jonation P. Dolliver, a new senator from Iowa who was a great orator. After much debate, the bill, now known as the Dolliver Anti-Trust Act, was passed, with Roosevelt signing it into law. Many recognize this moment as the time when power shifted from the old guard of the more conservative Republicans, to the new guard of progressives lead by Roosevelt, although the conservatives remained a potent force in the party.

William P. Hepburn, William P. Frye, Joseph R. Hawley, and Jonathan P. Dolliver
​

Roosevelt's stance on racial issues would be mixed throughout the presidency. On one hand, he was fine with African-Americans and other minorities holding office. He also had several dinners with the John B. Washington, who by now was almost legendary to African-Americans, with many, including Roosevelt, referring to him as the "Freedmen's George Washington". His reputation for progressive being racially, however, would be challenged by the Miles City Affair. In this, hostility between the the more racist inhabitants of the city and the 27th U.S. Infantry Regiment, a colored unit garrisoned in the local Fort Davies broke into clear light. One night on February 3, 1902, both a tavern owner and a policemen were shot by an unseen assailant, with the tavern owner eventually succumbing to the wound. Seeing now an opportunity to exact punishment on their foe, the townsfolk of Miles City demanded that their mayor find out which member of the 27th committed the crime, and to take action to punish him. The mayor hesitated, not really believing in the guilt of the soldiers, but being a member of the Reform Party, which by now was in its twisting death agony since Roosevelt took most of their ideas, decided to go along with it to maintain popular support. Using evidence, which were the spent U.S. Army bullets, given to him by the mob, the mayor demanded to know which soldiers committed the crime, completely unaware that they were planted. When all the soldiers denied the accusation, the Inspector General of the Army became involved, and decided the suspect had to be a member of one of three companies he selected rather arbitrarily. When all these men again denied the accusations, the matter was brought before Roosevelt to decide. Deciding to ignore advice from both General-in-Chief Joseph A. Mower, who had taken over following Merritt's 1900 resignation from the army, and John B. Washington, Roosevelt decided to dismiss all three companies with dishonorable discharges. It is almost unanimously agreed today that none of the men dismissed even had knowledge of the shooting, and in 1978 the U.S. government would formally apologize, pardon them, and give them honorable discharges, to which only three of the accused were still alive to see.

John B. Washington, a photograph of some of the officers of the 27th U.S. Infantry ca. 1890, and Joseph A. Mower
​

In his term, Roosevelt would make two nominations to the Supreme Court. The first would occur as a result of the passing of Associate Justice William M. Evarts, who had grown to be the most respected member of the court by his constituents. Roosevelt knew that choosing a man to follow in his act would be difficult, and he ultimately went with Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. Over time, Holmes proved to be well able to live up to the legacy of his predecessor, and both are remembered by historians of the court as two of the finest legal minds to sit on the bench. Less pressure would be placed on Roosevelt for his next appointment, which was to fill a vacancy caused by Associate Justice Horace Gray's death. He would ultimately go with Elmer B. Adams, a member of the distinguished Adams political family and solid and likeable choice for the court.

Associate Justices Oliver Holmes and Elmer Adams
​

When his term came to a close, it was to clear to all that Roosevelt had managed to establish himself as the leader of the Republican Party. Although the "Old Guard" of conservatives, including Senators Mark Hanna, William B. Allison, William P. Frye, Nelson Aldrich, Matthew Quay, Thomas Platt, and Joseph R. Hawley remained a potent force and were able to block some of Roosevelt's bills in the Senate, he made clear that he was an independent man, and his renomination for the coming election seemed sure.

Roosevelt and his cabinet:
President: Theodore Roosevelt
Vice-President: James S. Sherman
Secretary of State: Henry C. Lodge
Secretary of the Treasury: Lyman Gage
Secretary of War: Leonard Wood
Attorney General: Philander C. Knox
Postmaster General: Henry C. Payne
Secretary of the Navy: Charles J. Bonaparte
Secretary of the Interior: Ethan Hitchcock
Secretary of Agriculture: James Wilson

 

[cheffisti]

Chapter Fifty-Eight: The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt

President Theodore Roosevelt
​

When Roosevelt assumed office, he realized that his campaign promise to be a continuation of McKinley could pose some potential restrictions on his cabinet. He believed that to maintain support within the party, he would likely have to maintain at least some of McKinley's appointments. In the end, half of Roosevelt's cabinet were from the previous administration, and half were new appointed men. Roosevelt wanted to show he was not afraid of the Republican Party leaders, however, by retaining only one of McKinley's men, Lyman Gage, in his post among the original and most prominent four cabinet positions: State, Treasury, War, and Attorney General. Roosevelt's recognition of the need to work with the more conservative members of his party also showed in his choices for the four previously mentioned positions. In these posts, Roosevelt would have three conservative leaning men-Henry C. Lodge at state, Lyman Gage at Treasury, and Philander C. Knox at Attorney General-with only one of the more progressive leaning Republicans-Leonard Wood at War. This careful configuration of his cabinet demonstrated both Roosevelt's political acumen, as well as his ability to figure out how to work with others.

Henry Lodge, Lyman Gage, Leonard Wood, and Philander Knox
​

Roosevelt's first major initiative in office would be bringing the vetoed Sherman Anti-Trust Act back into the spotlight. With its veto by President Hill, what could have been a restraint on monopolies with their ever increasing power had been cast aside, and it was quickly overshadowed by the turmoil of the Custer presidency. Roosevelt, however, still believed in the bill, and hoped to give it a second chance. In the House, Iowa representative William P. Hepburn, who was a progressive Republican and one of Roosevelt's closest allies in the House, guided it through with little resistance. It was in the Senate that it faced its fiercest opposition, with it being lead by President Pro Tempore William P. Frye of Maine and veteran senator Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut, both of whom viewed it as a limitation of a burgeoning U.S. industry. Leading the fight for it would be Jonation P. Dolliver, a new senator from Iowa who was a great orator. After much debate, the bill, now known as the Dolliver Anti-Trust Act, was passed, with Roosevelt signing it into law. Many recognize this moment as the time when power shifted from the old guard of the more conservative Republicans, to the new guard of progressives lead by Roosevelt, although the conservatives remained a potent force in the party.

William P. Hepburn, William P. Frye, Joseph R. Hawley, and Jonathan P. Dolliver
​

Roosevelt's stance on racial issues would be mixed throughout the presidency. On one hand, he was fine with African-Americans and other minorities holding office. He also had several dinners with the John B. Washington, who by now was almost legendary to African-Americans, with many, including Roosevelt, referring to him as the "Freedmen's George Washington". His reputation for progressive being racially, however, would be challenged by the Miles City Affair. In this, hostility between the the more racist inhabitants of the city and the 27th U.S. Infantry Regiment, a colored unit garrisoned in the local Fort Davies broke into clear light. One night on February 3, 1902, both a tavern owner and a policemen were shot by an unseen assailant, with the tavern owner eventually succumbing to the wound. Seeing now an opportunity to exact punishment on their foe, the townsfolk of Miles City demanded that their mayor find out which member of the 27th committed the crime, and to take action to punish him. The mayor hesitated, not really believing in the guilt of the soldiers, but being a member of the Reform Party, which by now was in its twisting death agony since Roosevelt took most of their ideas, decided to go along with it to maintain popular support. Using evidence, which were the spent U.S. Army bullets, given to him by the mob, the mayor demanded to know which soldiers committed the crime, completely unaware that they were planted. When all the soldiers denied the accusation, the Inspector General of the Army became involved, and decided the suspect had to be a member of one of three companies he selected rather arbitrarily. When all these men again denied the accusations, the matter was brought before Roosevelt to decide. Deciding to ignore advice from both General-in-Chief Joseph A. Mower, who had taken over following Merritt's 1900 resignation from the army, and John B. Washington, Roosevelt decided to dismiss all three companies with dishonorable discharges. It is almost unanimously agreed today that none of the men dismissed even had knowledge of the shooting, and in 1978 the U.S. government would formally apologize, pardon them, and give them honorable discharges, to which only three of the accused were still alive to see.

John B. Washington, a photograph of some of the officers of the 27th U.S. Infantry ca. 1890, and Joseph A. Mower
​

When his term came to a close, it was to clear to all that Roosevelt had managed to establish himself as the leader of the Republican Party. Although the "Old Guard" of conservatives, including Senators Mark Hanna, William B. Allison, William P. Frye, Nelson Aldrich, Matthew Quay, and Joseph R. Hawley remained a potent force and were able to block some of Roosevelt's bills in the Senate, he made clear that he was an independent man, and his renomination for the coming election seemed sure.

Roosevelt and his cabinet:
President: Theodore Roosevelt
Vice-President: James S. Sherman
Secretary of State: Henry C. Lodge
Secretary of the Treasury: Lyman Gage
Secretary of War: Leonard Wood
Attorney General: Philander C. Knox
Postmaster General: Henry C. Payne
Secretary of the Navy: Charles J. Bonaparte
Secretary of the Interior: Ethan Hitchcock
Secretary of Agriculture: James Wilson

Just so your aware Charles J. Bonaparte was from Baltimore, Maryland. This would had been a good add for the CSA. Overall still enjoying this read.

 

[Odinson]

@TheRockofChickamauga , I found somethings that might interest you.

Short booklets published by W. Duke & Sons Tobacco production during the 1880s

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Just so your aware Charles J. Bonaparte was from Baltimore, Maryland. This would had been a good add for the CSA. Overall still enjoying this read.

Yeah, I was aware that Bonaparte was from Maryland, but he was one of the people who migrated north after Maryland seceded, similar to both Arthur P. Gorman and Joshua Levering from this TL.

@TheRockofChickamauga , I found somethings that might interest you.
View attachment 537319View attachment 537320
Short booklets published by W. Duke & Sons Tobacco production during the 1880s

Those are some interesting books, and now that I see them, I think I thought of a use for them in my TL. Thanks for the find!

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Fifty-Nine: The U.S. Presidential Election of 1904

A Republican campaign button. The 1904 election would mark the first time campaign buttons were massed produced, although they had existed since the 1860 election
​

Approaching the 1904 convention, many of the more conservative members of the Republican Party were scrambling to find a candidate to rally around in the hopes of beating Roosevelt. Senators Hanna, Allison, and Quay were all approached, and none showed any real intent on challenging the incumbent and popular president. The situation only worsened for them when Vice-President Sherman announced his intent to retire from public life, removing their man from contention in the upcoming election. Roosevelt, seeing this situation, made an offer to allow the conservative faction of the party to choose his running mate in exchange for their support of his candidacy, as their opposition appeared to be the largest threat he faced right now. At first, the conservatives hesitated, still wanting to put one more effort in to try and convince Mark Hanna to oppose Roosevelt. With Hanna's death, however, they decided to accept the deal. Come convention time, Roosevelt was renominated unanimously. For the vice-presidential nomination, the conservatives settled on Charles W. Fairbanks, an Indiana senator. By making this deal, Roosevelt hoped to have united the party around him.

Theodore Roosevelt and Charles W. Fairbanks
​

For this election, the Democrats hoped the Republicans would divide down ideological lines, pitting conservatives against progressives. When this did not happen, many Democrats again doubted their chance, causing many potential candidates to not want to be nominated to avoid the stigma of a presidential defeat. Ultimately, after much searching, the Democrats found a man willing to be their candidate, Alton B. Parker, Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals. Parker was a very unoffensive man, with few rivals, and many people who thought highly of him. For the vice presidential nomination, the Democrats would turn to George Gray, a former Delaware senator, Judge of the United States Circuit Courts for the Third Circuit, and another unoffensive Democrat. In honesty, no Democrats expected this ticket's success, with chairman Richard Olney declaring after he adjourned the meeting and went home, "I am glad that is over. No all we have to do is wait for their inevitable defeat."

Alton B. Parker and George Gray
​

The 1904 election would ultimately be the last election for the Reform Party. Many of the party's populist faction, who had made up the majority of the party, had drifted towards the Republicans camp due to Roosevelt's progressive policies. This resulted the Reform Party now being made up of a few die-hard populists, a few prohibitionists, and an even smaller amount of Socialists. Many in the party agreed that there was no return for their party to its former greatness, and some did not even want to put forth the effort to nominate a candidate, resulting in an even smaller number of the Reform Party attending the convention. A major blow would strike the party when they were informed that Grover Cleveland, who had originally been the party's leader and still was considered by many to be their greatest man even though they had abandoned the policies he stood for, and he no longer actively took part in any Reform Party functions, had switched back his party loyalty to the Democratic Party. Ultimately, the party would nominate John Woolley, three time unsuccessful candidate for Illinois governor for president, and Ben Hanford, two time unsuccessful candidate for New York Governor, for vice-president.

John Woolley and Ben Hanford
​

When the campaigning season began, Roosevelt found little opposition to his candidacy. The Democrats were not spending much money on candidates they knew would fail, preferring to save it for later, and the Reform Party had no money to spend at all as their party fell apart. Roosevelt went around campaigning and delivering speeches as was his tradition. There were some half-hearted efforts from both the Democratic and Reform Party to try and find and expose corruption in the Roosevelt administration, but Roosevelt was easily able to sweep these efforts aside. When election day finally came there was little doubt as to who was going to win. The question on many people's minds was by how large of a margin it was going to be.

A politicial cartoon depicting Roosevelt's successful efforts to quash any rumors of bribery, corruption, or graft in his administration
​

When the results came in, it was another electoral landslide for Theodore Roosevelt. He had managed to garner 319 electoral votes, coming from California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Colorado, Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine. Woolley received 6 electoral votes from Wyoming and Utah, while Parker's 16 came from Kentucky and Delaware. It was clear that the era of Republican domination was not a short term thing or a fluke, and the Democrats had to hope to hold on and weather the tide, something the Reform Party proved unable to do, dissolving in 1906.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Sixty: The CSA Presidential Election of 1903

Propaganda booklets printed by the Liberty Party, promoting previous Liberty Party presidents in hopes of the populous voting for their candidate
​

With the election approaching, the Liberty Party-moderate Democrats coalition still held together, although it was clear that it was bound to fall apart soon. Despite this, the ticket was clearly going to consist of a moderate Liberty Party member and a moderate Democrat. What could have been a major struggle and the breaking point for the coalition was resolved, however, by Simon B. Buckner announcing his intent to run. Buckner had plenty of political experience, having served as both Secretary of War and a Governor. He also had a fine military record, having served in the Civil War, Confederate-American War, and Spanish-Confederate War. Most importantly, however, he was known to be a moderate, with him appeasing the Democratic delegates by saying he would not force the remaining slave states into declaring abolition, while appeasing the Liberty Party delegates by saying he would do nothing to block their attempts if they decided to begin gradual emancipation, as it appeared that they were possibly about to do. For the vice-president, the coalition would nominate James H. Berry, a Democratic Senator from Arkansas who had been one of the initial Democrats to break party ranks and start the coalition, becoming one of Bate's closest adviser on Democratic opinion. He was once again a moderate, and he was a man the Liberty Party could rally around. His closest opponent in the convention would be Mississippi Representative James Z. George, another Democratic member of the coalition, whose ill-health and old age helped clear the way for Berry's nomination.

Simon Buckner and James Berry
​

With the moderates in their party gone for the most part, the more radical, anti-abolition Democrats gained control. What they had realized, however, was that the general public was not as outraged about the beginning of the end of slavery as they were. Recognizing this, the Democrats decided to not make the issue the focal point of their campaign, and by doing that, they had to select a man who would not remind the public of Tillman and his humiliating legislative defeat in trying to repeal the Manumission Amendment. For this role, they would turn to Augustus O. Bacon, a Georgia senator who had moderated his views on the death of slavery in his state to allow for his election to the Senate. Seeing this, and also hoping to gain Georgia's electoral votes, as it had typically gone Liberty Party, they nominated him as their candidate. For the vice-presidential role, they would nominate someone Edmund W. Pettus, the Alabama senator. Nominating Pettus was a risk, as he had been a major player in Tillman's attempted repeal of the Manumission Amendment, but he was a veteran in their party, and the Democrats were still hoping to get a vocal critic of abolition in the Executive Branch.

Augustus Bacon and Edmund Pettus​

For the Populist Party, the election of 1903 would be their second election, and their last one in which they made any impact or garnered any noticeable amount of votes. Similar to their U.S. equivalent, the Reform Party, the Populist Party was starting to wither on the vine. As the populist movement began to die down, so did the party. This did not discourage a major battle for their presidential nomination, however. One faction, known as the "Fusionists", was lead by Marion Butler, and hoped to slowly integrate their party into the Liberty Party coalition. The other faction, known as the "Rangers", was lead by Thomas E. Watson, and favored staying an independent party. The future of the party depended on which candidate received the presidential nomination, Butler or Watson. Ultimately, Watson would be the man they would nominate, but in the hopes of securing the support of the Fusionists, Watson would see to it that Butler was offered the vice-presidential nomination, which he refused, with it ultimately going to Fusionist Wilkinson Call, the former Florida senator would had lost his seat a few months prior.

Thomas Watson and Wilkinson Call
​

The campaigns for the 1903 election would focus on two main issues: which territories to admit as states, and, much to the Democratic chagrin, the issue of slavery and gradual emancipation. The Liberty Party supported allowing the territories of Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California-formerly Baja California and Baja Calfornia Sur- in, as they had been a part of the CSA since the Breckinridge administration and they now believed they were ready for statehood. The Democrats, meanwhile, supported making Cuba a state. Both parties had their own reasons for wanting the territories they supported in. The Liberty Party wanted their territories in as they would almost certainly support them in elections, and all of them having already been fully slave free would only put more pressure on the remaining states to end slavery. The Democrats wanted Cuba in, meanwhile, because it was almost certain to vote Democrat, and they believed it could give slavery a second life with its sugar plantations. The most divisive issue, however, would prove to be emancipation. When questioned on whether or not he supported emancipation in the remaining CSA states, Buckner's answer would be he would let the states decide, but it was abundantly clear to all that he did in fact support it, and merely answering that way to hold together his coalition. When Bacon was asked the same question, he was forced to walk a thin line, as he did not want to attack it so severely as to offend the free states, but he also did not want to seem to cozy with it as to worry the slave states. His vice-presidential candidate, however, would prove to be a massive nuisance on this subject, as he would always say he was strongly opposed to emancipation in any form, which in Bacon's eyes scared away his supporters in free states. The Populists, meanwhile, just hobbled along towards election day, campaigning on populist values that had already fallen out of the spotlight. When election day finally arrived, neither candidate seemed to be the obvious winner, and the parties could only wait with bated breath for the results.

A photograph of Augustus Bacon responding a newspaperman's question
​

In the end, Buckner would manage to secure the presidency, gaining 81 electoral votes from Virginia, Texas, North Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, Louisiana, and Arizona. Bacon would gain 57 electoral votes from South Carolina, Arkansas, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi. Watson would gain no electoral votes, but managed to steal away enough Liberty Party votes in Georgia to throw it to the Democrats. With Buckner's election, it appeared that the CSA was about to gain three new states, and that slavery's end was within sight. Buckner's election would have an unintended consequence, however, one which the neither Buckner, nor Bacon, nor any other major figure in CSA politics foresaw.

 

[Ironshark]

ah the end is coming
"dixe plays sadly "

 

[Gentleman Johnny]

ah the end is coming
"dixe plays sadly "

It better not. Some turmoil, sure, but if the end comes I will be extremely disappointed.

 

[TheRockofChickamauga]

Chapter Sixty-One: Brothers Once More Part 1

Mexican President Porfirio Díaz reviewing his troops in preparation for war, ca. 1904
​

Upon taking office, President Simon B. Buckner began his efforts to bring Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California in as a state. What he did not know, however, was who he had offended with this effort. That man would be Mexican President Porfirio Díaz. Following President Tejada backing down from Gordon's threats to use military force to enforce the CSA's newly acquired Mexican land, Díaz had launched a revolt to seize power in Mexico. His revolt had succeeded, crushing Tejada's supporters, and forcing Tejada himself into exile. Since then, Díaz had served as Mexico's president, conducting elections like normally, but always making sure he was the winner. Now, with the CSA planning to finally make the former Mexican territory into states, Díaz decided the time to act was now. He had seized power by criticizing Tejada for backing down in the face of the CSA, so what kind of leader would he be if he allowed that territory to become states in the CSA? As soon as Buckner won the election, he began mobilizing a Mexican army in preparation for war.

President Porfirio Díaz
​

Upon being informed of Mexico's beginning to form an army, and Díaz's increasingly hostile outlook at the Confederacy, President Buckner realized that he probably should prepare his forces as well. For this, he would turn to General-in-Chief George H. Thomas Jr., who began mobilizing a force of his own. Soon the CSA had two army corps of volunteers, as well as the regular army division. In this time seeming crisis, Buckner would find a new ally. President Roosevelt, who had been interested in improving relations with his southern neighbor, had been in communications with Buckner's Secretary of State, Patrick Cleburne. In their communications, Roosevelt had made clear that in the event of Mexico declaring war on the CSA, he would provide them with a corps of troops under General John J. Pershing, as well as joining in their war with Mexico. Buckner was overjoyed at the news, but still hoped for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. More and more it seemed, however, that peace was not likely to occur.

George Thomas Jr. and John Pershing
​

And yet another player was added to the strife. Upon word reaching the general public of Díaz's planned war with the CSA, as well as the war with the U.S. that would almost certainly come with, the movement brewing underneath the surface against Díaz grew exponentially. Among the leaders of the movement were Francisco I. Madero-who served as their figurehead-, Pascual Orozco, Bernardo Reyes, Pancho Villa, and Emiliano Zapata. For the moment, they agreed to stay quiet, but as soon as war was declared they planned on launching their revolt to oust Díaz, who they thought would lead Mexico to an inevitable defeat, more territory loss, and possibly even the loss of independence, their worse fear.

Francisco I. Madero, Pascual Orozco, Bernardo Reyes, Pancho Villa, and Emiliano Zapata
​

Unaware of the rebellion brewing within his own country, and holding firm to his belief of ultimate Mexican victory, Díaz declared war on the CSA on May 1, 1905. And with it North America burst into war and flames.

Buckner and his cabinet:
President: Simon B. Buckner
Vice-President: James H. Berry
Secretary of State: Patrick Cleburne
Secretary of the Treasury: Oscar Underwood
Secretary of War: Joseph Wheeler
Attorney General: James B. Frazier
Postmaster General: Henry Lloyd
Secretary of the Navy: M. Hoke Smith
Secretary of the Interior: John N. Garner

 

[Odinson]

Looks like this timeline is gonna end with a bang

 

[sampleswift]

Let me guess. Another Diaz bites the dust due to fighting superior opponents (just the CSA would be hard). CSA + Help + Internal problem = Disaster.