Sir John Valentine Carden Survives. Part 2.

[allanpcameron]

14 February 1942. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, England.

Some of the team had planned a surprise for Sir John Carden. St Valentine’s Day was a running joke among some of Sir John’s friends and colleagues, as Valentine was his middle name. There was a box of chocolates on his desk and a card. The card had been signed by Lieutenant-General Giffard le Q Martel on behalf of the Royal Armoured Corps.

While Martel had backed the Christie suspension because of his experience in Russia before the war, he had come round to Carden’s point of view about the need for a single type of tank. The speed of the cruiser tank had been proven to be less important than reliability, protection and firepower. The A13 and Crusader weren’t bad tanks compared to the early Panzers, but their inability to be upgraded was due more to the limitations of the engine and Nuffield’s designers. What Carden had done with the A9, A10 and A11, and especially with the Valiant, had made the men of the RAC confident and victorious.

The new Carden designed tank, the Victor, had been put its paces at the various testing facilities. As with every new machine there had been plenty of teething troubles. These had been identified, and back and forth the prototypes had gone to the factories to sort out lasting fixes. Each of the pre-production models had been incrementally improved, and handed over to training establishments to let crews and mechanics begin to get to grips with all the new systems.

The Meteor engines were still being developed from Merlin aero-engines that were no longer airworthy. The various factories that were preparing to move to Meteor production from scratch were getting close to production, running a few months later than hoped, but confident that once they were up and running, they could fulfil the orders placed on them. The problem, as was often the case, was getting the sub-contractor’s efficiency and quality control up to standard.

The Merritt-Brown triple differential tank transmission on both the Churchill and Victor was proving a good system, once again, after the teething troubles had been ironed out. Quality control was proving to be a bug-bear that needed more man hours to get right. For the army’s fitters and mechanics there was a lot to learn about how to maintain and fix the new systems, so training was a priority.

As planned, the first production Victor tanks were to be fitted with the 6-pdr gun, while Vickers and the Royal Ordnance Factories geared up to produce the 75mm HV gun. The conflict between the production of the 75mm HV tank gun and 17-pdr anti-tank gun had been eased by the agreement about using a common projectile although in a different cartridge. Since the Americans had more experience with the 75mm, boring machines had been ordered to add the limited numbers available within the Vickers company. This would allow an increase in numbers of barrels being produced, so that the Victor Mark II with the 75mm HV could be in full production before the end of 1942.

Towed 6-pdr anti-tank production was just beginning to get fully into its stride, some 18000 expected to be completed by the end of the year. 2-pdr production was planned to begin to wind down later in the year, but the needs of the expanding army meant that there were a lot of anti-tank regiments, especially in the Empire forces, that needed any kind of anti-tank weapon. 11000 2-pdrs had been built so far, at least another 10000 were on order, which would take about a year at the current level of production. The first production 17-pdrs were expected to be completed in April, with about 700 expected by the end of the year, with about 4000 expected in 1943.

The ladies working in the Vickers offices enjoyed the chocolates that Sir John passed onto them. As it was a Saturday, the office staff had an early finish. As they went off, some to their own romantic adventures, there was a general feeling of hope in the air. The fighting in North Africa had gone so well. Now both the Russians and Americans were in the war on Britain’s side, the fact that Japan had entered on the side of Germany and Italy didn’t seem so bad. The battles in Malaya suggested that, like North Africa, the British Empire would soon have the upper hand, the fortress of Singapore providing the security for Australia and India. The battle of the Atlantic was still going badly, but the Royal Navy, with Canadian and American help, would sort that out sooner or later. Tonight, the dance halls would be open, and the unmarried women (and some of the married) would be out in their best clothes enjoying the idea that one day soon the war would be over and the pursuit of love, marriage and family would be all they’d have to worry about.

 

[allanpcameron]

15 February 1942. Singapore.

Lieutenant-General Percival’s Chief of Staff, Brigadier Kenneth Torrance, noted that Percival seemed slightly off colour. The GOC Malaya Command explained that he hadn’t slept well the previous night, he’d had a nightmare about walking up a road in a group who were carrying both the union flag and a white flag, surrendering his command to a Japanese general. He’s woken up covered in sweat and the dream had been so real he couldn’t get back to sleep.

Torrance made sure that his CO had a cup of tea, and then handed him a signal that had just come in from London. The Prime Minister congratulated Percival for his defence of northern Malaya, the success of the counterattack and noted that the congratulations should be passed on to everyone under his command.

The sting in the tail was that, after consultations with General Auchinleck, it was decided that a new Army would be formed in Malaya from the forces currently under Percival’s Command. The creation of the 12th Army, consisting of Indian III Corps, Australian I Corps, (with another Corps to be added) would be under the command of Lieutenant General Alan Cunningham.

General Auchinleck arrived later that morning to explain to Percival a bit more about why London had decided to make the change.

Cunningham had conquered the Italians in East Africa, and General Alan Brooke (Chief of the Imperial General Staff CIGS) was strongly of the opinion that he was the best man for the job. Lieutenant-General Heath (GOC III Indian Corps) would no doubt be delighted as they had worked well together in East Africa. Percival guessed that Bill Slim in Burma would be happy for the same reason. In some ways Percival was a little relieved. Commanding his forces was a strain, especially in the early days when so many things could have gone wrong.

Percival didn’t know Cunningham personally, though his reputation in bringing together Empire Forces from South Africa, East and West Africa, British and Sudanese was well appreciated. After the destruction of the Italians, Cunningham had been recalled to England, where he’d spent time in the War Office trying to help senior officers think through Corps and Army level command. Percival knew that he could have done with that kind of training before being appointed to Malaya. The other advantage, and this was perhaps why General Alan Brooke was keen to have Cunningham in command, was that the campaign in East Africa had been over some pretty horrible terrain. Pushing the Japanese out of Malaya, Borneo, and perhaps French Indo-China, would likely be every bit as difficult.

As well as Cunningham, 12th Army was being sent reinforcements that would be British V Corps, under the command of Lieutenant-General Edmund Schreiber. The 1st, 4th and 51st Divisions were all designated to sail to Singapore on the next couple of Winston Special Convoys. This Corps would also have an Army Tank Brigade assigned to it, with enough reinforcements to beef up the current Tank Brigades for the III Indian and I Australian Corps. Corps and Army level units of Artillery, Engineers, Signals, Medical etc would also be arriving in due course.

The Australian Corps would eventually be joined by the Australian 1 Armoured Division, bringing it up to three Australian Divisions. The III Indian Corps had been receiving drafts of troops to bring 9th and 11th Divisions back up to full strength, and in due course, 19th Indian Division, nearing the completion of its training, would join them, allowing British 18th Division to become an Army reserve.

Auchinleck told Percival that he wanted him on his ABDA staff, but there were other options, if he chose to return home. CIGS had said that Percival would have his pick of a number of roles in the War Office after his showing in Malaya. There was some obvious flattery at play here to take the sting out of Percival losing Malaya Command. Auchinleck gave him some time to think about it, after all Cunningham wouldn’t take up command of 12th Army until the beginning of March. By then, if the Australian Corps carried on the way it was going, it might have knocked the Japanese back towards the Thai border.

 

[allanpcameron]

16 February 1942. Muswellbrook, Australia.

The Australian Army Ordnance Depot had become a very busy place. Workshops had been opened to prepare tanks for delivery to the various armoured units under construction. In early 1941 there were so few tanks in Australia that the idea of building a large facility to service tanks had seemed almost laughable.

Over the last few days, a series of trains had brought the latest batch of M3 Grant tanks from the docks at Newcastle. These tanks had been the output of the three American factories during the month of December. Fifty-seven had been built by Baldwin Locomotive Works Eddystone, near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Thirty-seven from Pullman Standard Car Co. in Hammond, Indiana. Forty-two from Pressed Steel Car Co. in Hegewisch Station (south Chicago, Illinois).

The previous batches of Stuart and Grant tanks that had arrived had been processed in the same way. This began by removing the various efforts to prepare them for a sea journey. Once that had been done, the fitters and mechanics had to check each and every system and nut and bolt. Once all those jobs had been done, the armament artificers fitted the various guns that had been shipped with the tanks. The two fixed mounted .30 calibre machine guns weren’t added, the holes being filled up and the guns being set aside for other uses.

Once the tank was declared fit, it was tested and driven to a holding area. When another train arrived, the tanks were loaded onto the flat cars and then the train departed to Seymour in Victoria where the 2/1 Tank Transporter Company would collect the tanks on their Ford V8 truck and trailers and deliver them to Puckapunyal.

Brigadier John Clarebrough’s 2nd Australian Armoured Brigade’s (2nd AAB) three armoured regiments (2/8th, 2/9th and 2/10th) were excitedly waiting for the tanks to take another step towards operational readiness. Each armoured regiment needed forty-six tanks, so, along with the ten they had on hand already for training, would give them their full quota. Clarebrough had replaced Brigadier William Locke who had trained his men assiduously, getting the tanks would now allow them to put into practice all the theory they had learned.

The tanks were all powered by the Wright 975 Radial engine, which produced 340hp. Like the M3 Light Stuart’s Continental R-670 radial engine, the Australian army was learning that it required a great deal of training, even on the basics. For that reason, at Muswellbrook, there were drafts of mechanics from the Armoured Brigade’s second echelon who would, by helping get the tanks ready for use, would learn the skills they’d need eventually to keep the tanks operational.

In parallel to 1 Armoured Division, the Australian experience in Malaya, and beforehand in North Africa, had led to the decision to establish an Army Tank Brigade to be used in the infantry support role. The Headquarters of 4th Motor Brigade had been re-tasked 3rd Army Tank Brigade at the beginning of January. The 1st, 2nd and 3rd Tank Battalions were all under formation in Gretna NSW, with many of the officers and NCOs on various training programs at Puckapunyal or some of the other training establishments. The Other Ranks were also being instructed in the various skills needed as tank crew. Wireless, gunnery, mechanics, driving were all schools that the Other Ranks had to complete so that each tank crew could, if necessary, cover one another’s roles.

The Jumbuck tank, armed with the 25-pdr, was the tank which the Tank Battalions hoped to be equipped with, but pre-production trials were still being carried out. The Canadian Ram version was further ahead, but they had the advantage of having built Valiant tanks previously. A request from the Australian Government to the British War Office for Infantry Tanks had been approved. Because so much of Valiant production was being shipped to Russia, 180 Vulcan Matilda II tanks, originally meant for Murmansk, were being shipped to Australia, expected to arrive at the beginning of March.

The Armoured Division’s ‘fighting echelon’: six armoured regiments and the support group (recce, armoured car, motor battalions, attached artillery) was usually the focus of attention. These couldn’t move or fight without the B echelon, which consisted of a lengthy list of Intelligence Sections; Field Security; Air Liaison Sections; Engineer Field Park Squadrons and Field Companies; Signallers; the Australian Service Corps’ Brigade and troop moving Companies; Medical Corps’ Field Ambulance and field Hygiene Sections; Ordnance Corps Workshop and Sub Parks; Light Aid Detachments; mobile bath and laundry units; Postal unit; Pay Office, Provost Company; Salvage Unit; Tank Transporter Companies. Two training regiments were running the various schools necessary to have all the recruits learn their trades after they had finished their basic training.

Altogether, the Armoured Division would need almost 11000 fully trained soldiers, the majority of whom had been civilians not that long ago, and almost 3000 vehicles (including 342 tanks). Since the Armoured Division and Tank Brigade were designated for the 2nd Australian Imperial Force, the men were aware that they’d likely be sent overseas as soon as they were ready. With 6 and 8 Infantry Divisions already bloodied against Italians, Germans and Japanese, and 7 Division likely to be at the sharp end soon, getting the Armoured Division ready was amongst the highest priorities of the Australian High Command. Now that the tanks were arriving from America, another step towards that goal had been taken.

 

[allanpcameron]

17 February 1942. Kazan. CCCP

By the end of January fifty-seven ships had arrived directly from the United States bringing 21700 tons of cargo. Among the total was a variety of vehicles, including some Valiant tanks from Canada. The First Protocol signed with the Soviets by Britain and the USA, had promised some 500 tanks per month (half British, half American). Due to the continuing production bottlenecks in America, the British (with Canadian help) had been supplying more than their half of tanks, in the hope that by the end of June the Americans would be in a position to make good their shortfall.

If the Red Army was disappointed with the Matilda II, and just about satisfied with the Valiant II, regarding the American tanks they had been somewhat bemused. The M3 Light Tank, which the British called the Stuart, and the M3 Medium Tank, called the Grant by the British, were still only in small numbers. Only 28 Mediums and 31 Lights had been delivered by the end of January.

While most of the American tanks, like the British were moved from the ports to the Gorkiy training centre, the Kazan Armoured Vehicle Research Institute (NIIBT) had received one of each for full testing.

The M3 Light was the first to be trialled on both mobility and gunnery. The tank, over ten days, was driven 225km on a road, 132km on dirt roads and 63km off road. Speed trials measured a maximum of 58kph, with averages of 37.5kph on the road, 22kph on the dirt road and 17kph off road. It was found to be thirsty, using 347 litres per 100km off road. The trial confirmed the problem that the tank consumed higher octane petrol than Soviet tanks, and the fuel tank only took 200 litres. These two issues made the tank’s range problematical. The mobility tests also showed up problems with the rubber-metallic tracks, there wasn’t enough traction to climb even a 25 degree of slope, even though the engine had the power. Driving at an angle the tracks were found to slip off, and the engine had a tendency to overheat. Positively, the report noted that the tank was otherwise easy to control and the driver had good visibility. The gunnery trial found that the 37mm M5 gun was powerful enough to penetrate 50mm from 100 meters. Overall, the design of the tank’s hull didn’t impress, there were many riveted connections that were prone of failure if hit by the enemy.

The tests on the M3 Light were followed by the M3 Medium. The first things that the testers noted was the size of the fighting compartment, which could fit ten infantrymen with submachine guns, and the crew could still fire all the weapons! The hull dimensions and layout were described as ‘not modern’, the excessive height and generally flat armour made the tank vulnerable to enemy artillery fire.

The engine’s design and fuel requirement, like that of the M3 Light was criticised, generally the Soviets didn’t have 91 octane petrol available for tanks. A diesel engine would be preferred for both American tanks, but would need to be tested. On the other hand, the transmission and cooling system, the VVSS suspension were all deemed good, though the return rollers were poor as they quickly clogged up.

The armament was satisfactory, though the twin fixed machine guns in the hull couldn’t be aimed. The 75mm M2 had a good periscopic sight, but only had markings for AP shell, which hadn’t been sent with the tank. The 37mm gun in the turret suffered from the same problem, only this time lacking markings for HE, though as noted with the M3 Light there wasn’t any HE shells for it. The ammunition received so far for the 75mm was only HE, which made the lack of AP shells problematic, and raised the question of the 75mm was for infantry support and the 37mm for anti-tank work.

The mobility trials in snow noted that when grousers were attached to the tracks, the speed dropped, but the off-road performance was better, but the fuel consumption also increased, from 582 L per 100km on road, to 985 L per 100km off road. With grousers, the maximum grade climbed was 16 degrees. The tank could deal with a maximum of 80cm of snow (the same as the KV heavy tank), and could drive through 30-50cm of snow in second gear. The tank was deemed satisfactory in winter conditions, no worse that the other imported tanks. Generally, the reliability of the tank was considered good, but that was only achieved by correct and timely maintenance, which meant that it was recommended not to send it to units using Soviet vehicles as the difference in type of fuel and servicing methodology would be too great.

According to the Protocol the Americans would be supplying roughly 1725 of each of these two types of tank, which the Soviets weren’t too highly impressed by. There was talk of the follow on M4 tank, with a diesel engine, and that was something the Red Army was keen on getting hold of for testing. As for the M3 Light, they weren’t impressed and would be keen to just have one type, preferably, like the Valiant, a diesel engine, with a reasonable gun, which the 75mm could possibly be.

The sources for this update come from here:
Tank Archives: The American Highrise & Tank Archives: An American Yankee in GABTU's Court

 

[allanpcameron]

18 February 1942. Kuala Kangsar, Malaya.

7th Bn Royal Tank Regiment would have more names of battles to add to the Colours once the war was over. Their engagement at Arras in France in 1940, and now in Malaya would be added to Cambrai and all the others. Starting out with the full allocation of 58 Matilda IIs tanks, supporting 18th Division, the fighting had cost the infantry and the tanks serious casualties.

By the time that D Squadron reached Kuala Kangsar, only ten of the 18 tanks they had begun the battle with had survived intact. Some of the tanks that had been lost might be recoverable, but eighteen men were killed, and six who had managed to escape their tanks were wounded. Major Tom Craig, Squadron OC, called together the surviving tank commanders to brief them on the next phase of operations. He, like his men were dog-tired, filthy and sick to the stomach of what the Japanese had done.

The Australian 8 Division’s spearhead were up around Butterworth, almost 50 miles ahead. The Australians were planning an attack over the Muda River. 18th Division, less 55th Infantry Brigade, were chasing the Japanese up the trail towards Grik, D Squadron would move up the trail to support the infantry. Craig knew exactly the feelings that were voiced by his tank commanders. All the tanks needed some serious maintenance, and the men needed rest. To drive their tanks fifty miles over terrible terrain would pretty much wear out what was left off the tracks, and there was the real danger that by the time the Squadron reached Grik, it would likely be not much more than a troop of available tanks.

Lt-Col Jock Holden (CO 7th Bn RTR) arrived in his scout car just at that moment. He had thoughtfully brought a good supply of packets of cigarettes and assured him that one of the lorries coming up with supplies had bottles of beer for all the men. When Craig reported the state of the Squadron, Holden was sympathetic, but unable to change the orders. Information from Malaya Command was that Japanese reinforcements had been arriving in Thailand and that there was a battle going on near the Burma/Thailand border. General Auchinleck had urged Lieutenant-General Percival to keep up the momentum of the attack. 6 and 8 Australian Divisions were going to be doing most of the attacking up the main road and rail line, but 18th Division, with 7th Bn RTR, were needed to keep up the pressure on the retreating Japanese forces.

Holden noted that A Squadron were at the forefront of the chase, but they were just about at the end of their tether. B Squadron were about to take over from them, and then D Squadron would have their turn as the vanguard. The Regimental HQ, with the Light Aid Detachments, were working hard to collect the damaged and destroyed tanks, which would be sent back down to the RAC Depot. The Royal Engineers had been doing their best to help the tanks move up the trail, so that the first thirty miles the going was described as ‘good to soft’, and after that ‘pretty hairy’.

Once Holden was on his way, Major Craig tried to sort out the priorities. With only ten tanks, and since it was likely that they would have to move in single file, he worked out an order of march. Breakdowns or going off road had to be accounted for, and each troop leader was responsible getting their three tanks to the rendezvous. Until the resupply lorries arrived, the crews would get as much rest as they could. They would be busy then, and it was important to get underway as soon as everyone had everything that they needed. He gave strict instructions that one bottle of beer for each man had to be kept to, he didn’t want anyone up on charges for being drunk or disorderly.

The expectation was that the tanks would progress at not much more than walking pace, so the 30 miles to the rendezvous might well take a full day’s travel, not allowing for delays and accidents.

 

[allanpcameron]

19 February 1942. Ping River, Thailand.

Risaldar Prag Singh couldn’t believe his eyes. The Risalder was commanding a troop of three Vickers Mk VIB light tanks, in the 13th Duke of Connaught's Own Lancers. His troop were out on the left flank in support of B Company, 2nd Bn 7th Gurkha Rifles. 20th Indian Infantry Brigade (10th Indian Division) had been arriving at the river over the previous two days.

What confronted him was the sight of a Japanese officer running towards his tank with a sword in his hand, and what seemed like a regiment of screaming Japanese following him with fixed bayonets. For a moment Singh found himself trying to get over the dryness in his mouth to speak into the intercom. He didn’t really need to, his gunner didn’t wait for the order to open fire. He’d seen the same thing and his training just kicked in. The .303 bullets from the Vickers MG seemed to cut the Japanese officer in half. Singh had got over his surprise and had managed to order the driver to reverse. The other two light tanks moved in unison back along the path they had followed.

Singh had to look behind where the tank was heading to give the driver instructions. He could see one of the companies of the Gurkha rifles responding to the firing and the sudden arrival of the tanks. Singh ordered his troop to stop to support the Gurkhas. A young British officer jumped up onto the tank to ask what the problem was, but that brought him a clear view of a large body of Japanese troops charging.

He turned around and screamed an order, but before it was out of his mouth, a bullet silenced him. The Nepalese troops reacted swiftly to the threat, fast accurate musketry cut into the Japanese ranks, with Bren guns adding their weight of fire to the three tanks’ MGs. Over the time Singh and his men had been using the Mk VIB they had learned to rely much more on the .303 MG rather than the .50 MG, which always seemed prone to jamming. Now both were needed and Singh took over the .50, silently thanking God that the gun actually fired off a full belt of ammunition without a single hitch.

The Japanese troops, thinned out by the combined tank and infantry fire, broke like a wave onto the Gurkha Company, and the fight became a melee of hand to hand fighting. The .50 MG jammed just at the beginning of the second belt, and the gunner pushed Singh out of his way while he tried to free the jammed round and get it working again. Singh took over the .303 MG and tried to keep the turret moving from right to left and back to spray the next wave of Japanese troops. He was distracted by the screams of the driver, some Japanese were firing directly into the driver’s viewing sights, and attempting to force open his hatch and the engine hatch. This made Singh aware that there were other Japanese troops above him on the turret, probably trying to open the hatch to drop in grenades. Singh shouted the order for the driver advance, hopefully running over the Japanese at the front of the tank. As the tank lurched forward the sickening screams of someone being crushed under the left track pierced the noise of the battle all around. Leaving the gunner to fight the vehicle Singh used the radio to check the other two tanks in the troop. One failed to respond, and the other was right in the middle of the melee and beginning to receive the same attention.

Singh ordered that tank to advance towards him, and warned them that his gunner would use the MG on any Japanese on their tanks, asking them to do the same. They knew armour should be strong enough to withstand the .303 bullets, but being struck by a burst from a friendly machine gun was nerve wracking. Because the Japanese and Gurkhas were mixed in together it was too dangerous to open fire, in case they hit their own side. There didn’t seem to be a third wave of Japanese troops, so Singh had time to change the radio set to the Squadron net. Reporting the situation to Captain George Garlick, the Squadron OC, Singh was ordered to stay with the Gurkhas and support them as best he could.

The Risalder took the chance to open the top hatch, with his pistol drawn, to try to see clearly just what exactly was going on. The weight of numbers was favouring the Japanese, and although the Gurkhas were taking a heavy toll on their enemy, it was clear to Singh that at least some of the Japanese were disengaged and moving in the direction of the Gurkha Battalion HQ. Signalling the other tank, he gave orders that the two tanks were to advance to the Gurkha position. There was no signal worked out between the tanks and the infantry for what to do in this situation, so Singh hoped that the Gurkhas would understand what he was about to do.

Staying exposed in the turret he waved he pistol around his head in an attempt to signal ‘rally on me’. The gunners in both tanks were firing short bursts trying to be careful not to hit the Gurkhas. Jemadar Chatruman Limbu, the senior surviving Gurkha officer, saw what the tank commander was doing and got the remnant of his platoon to move fast towards the tanks, picking up other men and sections as they went. The tanks came to a halt for a moment or two and Singh motioned for Limbu and his men to climb aboard. Limbu shook his head, but ordered that the wounded should be placed on the tanks. Motioning the tank commander forward, Limbu and his survivors followed the tanks, still fighting, taking on any Japanese who tried to intervene.

As Singh moved forward his two tanks were able to engage the enemy who had broken through the Gurkha Company. The driver, still upset by his close call, had to be told again and again to keep his speed down, the wounded on the deck above the engine were clinging on as best they could, and the soldiers following were always in danger of being left behind if the tank went too quickly. The two tanks, with the survivors of the Company arrived at the Battalion HQ just after the final Japanese attack was repulsed. Because of the toll that B Company and Singh’s troop had taken, the Battalion HQ’s men had been able to fend the Japanese off.

Singh and Limbu found themselves in front of the Battalion CO being congratulated on their work. A strong Japanese force had crossed further up-river and made a flanking attack all along 20th Brigade’s side. While B Company had taken the worst of it, the rest of the Battalion had also been attacked. Lt Col Orgil wanted Singh, with Limbu, to support the Signals Platoon as they re-established communications with the other Companies. Limbu was now commanding B Company, whose losses were made up to some degree by volunteers from the Administration and Pioneer Platoons. While the men had a chance to replenish their ammunition, and get some water, Singh and Limbu, with the Lieutenant commanding the Signallers, worked out how they would go about following their orders and get the Battalion’s cohesion back together.

 

[allanpcameron]

20 February 1942. Butterworth, Malaya.

The Generals pored over the maps trying to make sense of what the Japanese were up to. Lieutenant-General Ivor Mackay (GOC I Australian Corps), Major-General Morshead (GOC 9 Division), Major-General Cecil Callaghan (GOC 8 Division) and Major-General Beckwith-Smith (GOC 18th Infantry Division) were immensely proud of the two Australian and one British Divisions. The destruction of the Japanese army around Ipoh and Kuala Kangsar had been a desperate fight, and the butcher’s bill had been awful.

The mobility of 8 Division had allowed them to advance back up the road that the 11th Indian Division had retreated down. The lack of Japanese resistance had been something of a surprise. There had been small groups of Japanese at various river crossings and villages, but these hadn’t put up too much of a fight. The fact the Divisional Cavalry Regiment’s light tanks and other armoured vehicles were the vanguard of the advance, put the Japanese at a complete disadvantage. The tanks tended to blast through any resistance, with the infantry following up and securing the area.

The Muda River had been one of the main defensive lines and had been heavily fought over. The reconnaissance patrols had found the obvious crossing points and some less obvious places. There were obvious signs that the Japanese had some kind of reception waiting for the Australians. There were some aggressive patrols trying to get a clearer picture, but for Mackay something seemed odd. Part of the problem was that Intelligence had estimates of the size of the Japanese forces, but the reality on the ground was quite different.

One of 9 Division’s Brigades had followed the road from Taiping via Selama, and had found almost no traces of the Japanese except lots of destruction and a civilian population that had been severely maltreated. Just about every bit of food had been stolen and the Australians found that they were sharing much of their own rations with the locals. On the main road from Taiping, the same destruction, theft and maltreatment was even greater. There was obviously some kind of problem with the Japanese logistical tail, that their soldiers were living off the land.

Two Brigades of 18th Division had followed the trail up towards Grik, chasing the retiring Japanese all the way. Regular firefights erupted as the British would come across a rear-guard which would sell itself heavily to allow other units to escape. The presence of the Infantry Tanks made these encounters particularly costly for the Japanese, but getting the tanks through some pretty bad terrain hadn’t been easy. Supplying the two Brigades was particularly difficult, and so Beckwith-Smith had ordered them to stop at Grik until they were fully replenished.

The effect of all this information was that the Japanese seemed to have been trying to run their attack on a shoestring, and had somehow underestimated the British Empire’s forces that they were up against. Perhaps they believed that they’d be able to subsist off captured army supplies, but 11th Indian Division had been particularly careful to avoid letting anything fall into enemy hands.

The Australians had had to pause to allow their own supplies to catch up with them. Fuel for the tanks and lorries, food and ammunition for the men and guns were brought up in convoys, which often had some kind of aerial escort to prevent the Japanese air force from intercepting them. The days of having to run convoys at night to prevent enemy aircraft from attacking seemed to be behind the Australians.

Part of the good news was that Georgetown and Penang Island had been liberated. Soon coastal craft would be bringing supplies up by sea, taking strain off the roads and the badly damaged railway. Major-General Morshead was keen to keep up the pressure on the Japanese, not to allow them time to dig in and create another defensive position that would need to be reduced piece by piece. Callaghan agreed, but was aware that there wasn’t much behind them. One weakened Brigade of 18th Infantry Division were still in the vicinity of the recent battle around Ipoh. The III Indian Corps were back in Johore being reconstituted after their exertions at the beginning of the campaign.

Callaghan argued for a limited objective, to get to Gurun which had proven to be a good defensive position. The Australians could stop there until there was a strong enough force to push up into Thailand. He reminded the others that the objective of the counter-attack was to draw the Japanese forces away from Thailand, so that Slim’s thrust from Burma could get going. Beckwith-Smith was agreeable. He noted that his two effective Brigades could advance from Grik to Kroh, and once again plug the road over the centre of the country towards Patani. Morshead, however, was keen to keep up the pressure. It could be that be stopping at Gurun and Kroh, would simply give the Japanese time to recover. Once the supplies were coming forward in sufficient quantities, there was probably nothing to stop the Corps from reaching Jitra, even Signora in Thailand. 9 Division had travelled a lot further in North Africa, kicking the Italians all the way. It was entirely feasible to do the same to the Japanese.

Lieutenant-General Mackay was torn between the two arguments, his heart was with Morshead, but his head was telling him that the Japanese couldn’t possibly be as weak as it seemed. Getting too far ahead of support from the south of Malaya could well be a trap. He could find himself coming up against fresh Japanese troops just as his own men were at the end of their tether. Mackay would have to confer with Lieutenant-General Percival, and offer him the two alternatives.

 

[allanpcameron]

21 February 1942. Nottinghamshire, England.

Brigadier Roy Jerram (CO 33rd Army Tank Brigade) watched the march past of the three Battalions of Churchill tanks. On the review platform was the man that some said had given his name to the A22 tank. The Prime Minister, with all due humility, always gave the credit to his ancestor, John Churchill, the first Duke of Marlborough, the victor of Blenheim.

The noise of 178 Infantry Tank Mark IV passing was almost deafening, even at a distance, and the reviewing stand was vibrating as the mass of the vehicles made the ground shake. The Prime Minister was beaming with delight, with General Alan Brooke (CIGS) standing a few paces behind him, grimacing.

As the review came to an end, Brigadier Jerram led the VIP party back to an impromptu Officers Mess. Churchill and Brook had arrived just after 10:00hrs, and had watched various demonstrations of gunnery, tanks manoeuvring, meeting the men, climbing all over one of the tanks, finishing with the review. It was now 17:00hrs and although Churchill was physically tired, he was enthused by what he had seen.

There was no doubt that a tank Brigade was a powerful force, but the Prime Minister, over a large brandy, picked up on something that had been bothering him for much of the day. Jerram, and Brooke, were obviously less impressed by what they had witnessed. Always direct, the PM asked Jerram why he wasn’t happy.

Jerram, had commanded a mixed Squadron of Infantry Tank Mk I and II at Arras, and reflected on that battle and the enormous difference between 7th Panzer Division’s Czech built Pz 38s and the British Infantry Tanks. Jerram knew that the First Army Tank Brigade had been very lucky at Arras. The speed of the panzers hadn’t been a factor, whereas the 2-pdr gun Matilda II and 2-pdr pompom of the Matilda had managed to defeat, not only the tanks, but the anti-tank guns and other artillery that could well have made mincemeat of the British tanks.

Every single one of the Churchills in his Tank Brigade had the 2-pdr gun in the turret and a 3-inch howitzer in the hull. Neither of which completely fulfilled the needs of an Infantry Support tank. The lessons of North Africa were that the 2-pdr was becoming obsolescent, and the position and accuracy of the 3-inch howitzer left a lot to be desired. Although the Brigade had tried swapping the two guns around, it was clear to Jerram that his tank needed one good dual-purpose gun in the turret, and at least one, if not two machine guns, one co-axial and one in the hull.

General Alan Brooke found himself in agreement with Jerram. The French B 1bis and the American Grant, like the Churchill, tried to do too many things in one tank. The word coming back from Malaya, like that in North Africa, was that infantry supporting tanks needed a good High Explosive capability, but also needed to be able to protect the infantry from enemy tanks, for which they needed Armour Piercing ammunition. Although an Artillery man through and through, Brooke was constantly dismayed at the decision-making process about tank guns. The Director of Artillery had been dead set against the pompom in the A11, but Jerram’s experience was that the 40mm HE was crucial in suppressing the enemy artillery and anti-tank guns. Now, the same Director of Artillery was doing everything in his power to undermine Vickers attempt to create a good dual-purpose gun with their 75mm HV.

The 6-pdr and new 17-pdr were very good AP guns, but still lacked a completely effective HE shell. They were now working on a replacement for the 3-pdr Close Support gun in the hulls of the Churchills’ with a new 95mm howitzer. This design was a concoction of part of a 3.7-in AA gun barrel, with a 6-pdr recoil mechanism and a 25-pdr’s breech mechanism, firing modified shells for the 3.7-inch Mountain Howitzer. It was meant to fit a tank that carried the 6-pdr without needing a different mounting. This was what had been done with the 3-inch howitzer fitted for 2-pdr mountings. Unfortunately, so far, unlike the 3-inch, this had proven impossible. The new howitzer needed a different turret mounting from the gun tanks, complicating production.

As far as Brooke could deduce this had been born in the minds of people who’d studied the Panzer IV’s 75mm KwK 37 L24. Everything that had been learned up until now pointed to an end of the Cruiser/Infantry Tank distinction. The Valiant I and I* had proven that there was no great difference between the two, and the either could be used in Tank or Armoured Brigades. The Victor was, once armed with the 75mm HV, designed from the start as a ‘universal tank’. Mobile, well protected and with a dual-purpose gun was what was needed. The 178 Churchills were very well protected, not terribly mobile (at least in regards to speed) and carried two different guns, complicating matters for the crew.

Ultimately that was what Jerram wanted for his Brigade, the best tank available. 178 Victors would make today’s demonstration look a lot more like 1942 than 1918. The Prime Minister’s reply was along the lines of a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush. It was better to have reasonable tanks than have nothing while waiting for something better to come along. Jerram agreed, but if he found himself up against a German Panzer Division, he didn’t think he’d be as lucky as he’d been at Arras. He could see a place for these Churchills against Japanese opposition, and perhaps as a successor to the Matilda IIs they would come into their own. He knew full well that the Soviets, in a knife fight with the Wehrmacht, had no inclination to take the Churchill, not while they could get Valiants. That spoke volumes about the Churchill tank.

Brooke wrote in his diary later that the drive back to London with the PM had been tense. It was as if Jerram’s ‘complaints’ as the PM called them, was somehow ungrateful. Brooke disagreed, any soldier going into battle had to be confident in his equipment as well as his training. The design of the Churchill tank was a relic of the past, it could still be of limited use. Brooke reminded the PM that previous visits to Armoured Brigades with the Crusader cruiser tanks had thrown up the same basic complaint. The Crusader wasn’t bad, but the Valiant and the Victor were good tanks. The Valiant had proven itself in North Africa, but opening a second front against the Germans would need a tank that at least matched, if not outmatched the German tanks that were no doubt in development. If, as suspected, the Germans had a long 75mm tank gun, even an 88mm gun, on a well-protected tank, then the Royal Armoured Corps needed something that could beat them. The Crusader and the Churchill, even the planned Cromwell, wouldn’t fit the bill. The Victor probably would, at least for the next two years. By 1944 Brooke hoped that Carden’s design for the follow on to the Victor would be replacing them in front line units. Brooke noted that the PM went a bit quiet in the last part of the journey, and as yet, he couldn’t read the PM’s mind, only he knew that something was being chewed over.

 

[allanpcameron]

22 February 1942. Ping River, Thailand.

When they set off from Rangoon by lighter to Moulmein, B Squadron of 4th Duke of Cambridge's Own Hodson's Horse was equipped with a mixture of Marmon-Harrington Mark III Armoured Cars and Indian Pattern armoured carriers and universal carriers.

C Squadron were following in sixteen ‘reconditioned’ A10 Cobras and two Mk VIB light tanks. Before they left Iraq all the tanks had been stripped down to the base metal, and everything that could be, was replaced. The RASC men estimated the tanks’ lifespan would be extended, if they weren’t too badly handled. The crews laughed at the memory when the tanks were being shaken about coming over some pretty terrible country.

A Squadron (twelve A13 Mark IV Cruisers and four light tanks) and the Regimental HQ (two Vickers MkVI light tanks and two armoured carriers with extra radio equipment) were the tail of the Regiment’s movement.

The road over from the Burmese border had been difficult with so much of 10th Indian Division trying to travel at best speed over very poor trails. By the time the Regiment had reached the battlefield, three armoured cars, four A10s, six A13s and two MkVI light tanks had been left behind due to breakdowns or falling prey to other hazards.

The two Brigades of 11th African Division had done a good job of securing the western side of the river Ping, while awaiting the 10th Indian Division to come up. The arrival of the Japanese 38th Division, the conquerors of Hong Kong, could have led to something of a stalemate. Instead, the Japanese had taken the initiative and crossed the river further upstream then hit the flank of 10th Indian Division as it moved up to support the African Brigades. The battle so far had consisted in sudden bloody encounters as one side often blundered into the other side.

As far as the British commanders could ascertain, one Japanese Regiment (the equivalent of a British Brigade) had made the crossing and been engaged. There had been points where Japanese forces had cut the road, and their roadblocks had to be overwhelmed and then cleared so that communications could be maintained between the various Brigades.

The presence of the two Indian Armoured Regiments, (the other was 13th Duke of Connaught's Own Lancers) even although considered weak in normal times, gave the Indian Infantry Brigades an edge over their Japanese rivals.

 

[allanpcameron]

23 February 1942. Darwin, Australia.

The Australian port had become one of the most important hubs of supplies running between Australia and the Dutch East Indies. The feeling around the town was it was becoming more American by the day. The airfield was awash with P40s, A20s, A24s, B17s, even some LB24s. Many of the aircraft were transiting towards the main airfields in Java, but pursuit squadrons were on constant alert.

There had been another Pearl Harbour type attack against Surabaya, which seemed to include the involvement of possibly four Japanese aircraft carriers. Unlike Pearl Harbour, not everything had gone Japan’s way. The radar had provided early warning and the Japanese aircraft had been met with strong resistance. Claims about how many aircraft had been shot down, most likely massively overestimated, gave the allies a boost. The fact was that KM Java had been sunk, and USS Houston, HMS Exeter and HMAS Perth had all suffered some damage. Three destroyers (USS Paul Jones, HMS Jupiter, KM Kortenaer) had also been sunk, and three others were damaged.

A number of other civilian ships were sunk or damaged, and the port installation had also been degraded. The local airfields had also been attacked, and some aircraft had been destroyed on the ground. The Japanese aircraft carriers had managed to avoid being spotted either by aerial reconnaissance or submarine sighting, and had presumably retired from the area. The effect on the ABDAfloat Combined Striking Force had been catastrophic. With thoughts of offensive action having to be put on hold.

Darwin’s role had become all the more important with the damage done to Surabaya. The constant stream of American reinforcements arrived at the larger Australian ports, spent some time training, then would be fed into Darwin, either overland or by coastal traffic. From Darwin they were sent to the on-going battle on Celebes, or to reinforce Java or other East Indies islands.

The Australian Brigades on Ambon and Timor had to be maintained and some coastal shipping had been diverted to Papua New Guinea where they were being used to evacuate the Australian troops from New Britain. Brigadier Stanley Savage’s 17 Brigade had given a good account of themselves defending Rabaul. The evacuation shipping took the Australians to Lae initially. They would then be shipped back to Australia, the sick having priority.

There had been discussions about reinforcing the 1st Independent Company that was looking after the defence of Vila (New Hebrides), Tulagi (Guadalcanal), Buka Passage (Bougainville), and Lorengau (Manus Island). There had been no word from the detachment on New Ireland and all were posted missing. Reinforcing the forward air observation line, unless with large forces, would likely mean that if the Japanese did move on these places, it would mean the death or capture of the Australians, without any clear gain.

As much as the Intelligence services could gather, it was believed that the defence of Rabaul had gutted the Japanese infantry force sent to capture it. It was therefore believed that the Japanese were having to consolidate their gain there, while waiting for reinforcements to move further into the Solomon Islands. Some kind of radio traffic suggested that the Japanese were worried that the Australian 17 Brigade might attempt to retake Rabaul. Delaying the Japanese expansion was a decent result, but once they were able to establish air bases, it would be difficult to stop them.

The voices of American troops were heard as another vehicle convoy approached the docks. The 1st and 2nd Battalions of 147th Field Artillery Regiment (South Dakota National Guard), 1st Bn 148th FAR (Idaho NG) had initially been designated to protect Darwin. The possibility of an invasion of Australia was highly unlikely, and the Texan National Guard (2nd Bn 131st FAR) at Kendari had provided the American press with a positive story. Major-General Julian Barnes had agreed to release the two battalions to reinforce the Texans on Celebes. Under the designation of 26th US Field Artillery Brigade (CO Colonel Albert Searle), along with two Australian Infantry Battalions moving from Timor, these reinforcements would hopefully keep Kendari out of Japanese hands, protecting Java.

 

[allanpcameron]

24 February 1942. Butterworth, Malaya

When the 6 Division Cavalry Regiment had returned from North Africa and been redesignated as 8 Division Cavalry Regiment, they had been used to making do with whatever was at hand. Starting off with universal carriers, a few light tanks, even horses for a time, they’d taken ownership of some Italian tanks and tankettes which had managed to fool the Italians long enough to capture Tobruk.

The Regiment’s Light Aid Detachment and workshop, recently arrived at Butterworth, had plenty of experience of being inventive in fixing up all sorts of broken vehicles, and the M3 Stuart tanks had taken plenty of work to keep them on the road. One of the effects of the battles around Ipoh had been trying to figure out ways of winkling out Japanese units from all sorts of dugouts and protected positions. Much of the work had been done by the infantry with a variety of explosive devices.

When the Australians had been running about in Italian tanks, they’d had the chance to examine a CV33 flame-throwing tankette. It was something they’d all be glad not to be on the receiving end of it, but the idea had been floated as a possible solution to digging out the Japanese. Quite a few Japanese flamethrowers had been captured and these had been examined and tested. The range of the Type 100 flame was a maximum of 30 yards. A couple of the Japanese flamethrowers had been sent back to Singapore to be examined to see if they could be copied, even improved upon. The idea was simple enough to copy though there were different opinions about the best way of increasing the range.

The fact that the flamethrowers seemed to be issued to Japanese engineers, had become a matter of debate about how best to use them. The Australians had, not unusually, kept a couple for themselves. The weight of the whole unit, when loaded was just under 60lbs, which the men agreed was too heavy for general use. Those that’d been captured were designed as a backpack, but it could only be carried for short distances. Loading it onto a universal carrier was possible, a bit like the Italian tankette. They’d be able then to carry more fuel for it. The reality was that the universal carrier was still going to be too vulnerable.

One Stuart tank’s turret had been damaged and jammed too badly to be fixed locally. As usual the tank was being stripped of anything useful before being sent back for a full repair job. A couple of the mechanics, when they were removing the .30 hull machine gun, had suggested trying to put one of the captured flamethrowers in its place. The suggestion was taken to the OC of the workshop, who was happy to see whether or not it could be done. There was a fair bit of trepidation, no one liked the idea of putting something that flammable inside the tank.

A bit of inventive bodging got the flamethrower set up in place of the hull mounted machine gun, and it was tested successfully. The problem was that the tank would need to come within a very short range of a target to successfully engage it. The Stuart tank had proven to be vulnerable to all sorts of Japanese countermeasures (not least the use of flamethrowers). Putting it in a Matilda II would certainly provide the crew with extra protection, and it seemed that someone had already been thinking along those lines.

In the meantime, there wasn’t a great deal of the Japanese nitrogen to provide the pressure or the odd mixture of petrol and tar that they used as fuel. The Australians had some ideas about what could be used to pressurise the fuel and what would be the best mixture for the fuel itself. Nobody had much time to give it more thought, but back at Singapore the Royal Armoured Corps depot saw the report of the Australian tinkering and could see the advantages of having a few flame tanks in each tank battalion. A corner of one of the workshops became the ‘dragon den’, where more thought and tinkering went on. One of the men had taken to calling the fire projector ‘Smaug’ after the dragon in Tolkien’s novel ‘The Hobbit.’ The reports eventually found themselves in the hands of Major-General Percy Hobart and the Petroleum Warfare Department. In response the PWD sent notes on some of its work back to Singapore, allowing for more cross-fertilisation of the idea of giving the allies an effective flame tank.

 

[allanpcameron]

25 February 1942. Blairgowrie, Scotland.

Brigadier-General Stanisław Maczek saluted his men as they marched past. Commander in Chief of the Polish Forces, Władysław Sikorski, had managed to persuade the British to form an Armoured Division from the Polish troops that had been evacuated from France. The core of Maczek’s senior officers were made up of his old command of 10th Mechanised Brigade.

The 10th Armoured Brigade, now joined by the 16th Armoured Brigade, formed the Polish 1st Armoured Division (Pierwsza Dywizja Pancerna), but would have to wait for full equipment to be issued. The next few months would see many of the men off on courses to learn new skills and improve old ones. It would make a nice change for many of them from guarding airfields and parts of the Scottish coastline.

One of the problems Maczek faced was trying to reach the establishment of almost eleven thousand men. There was a limited quantity of recruits available, with particular problems in supply, workshops and medical services. There was also the question of replacements of casualties in due course. Sikorski had agreed that the Polish forces could accept volunteers from other nationalities, but that wasn’t going to solve all the problems.

The Polish forces in the Middle East were about to be reinforced with survivors from the Soviet gulags. Sikorski was negotiating with Churchill to bring Anders men back to Britain, so that they could recover from their captivity and be trained on new equipment. General Wavell was into two minds about agreeing to this request. Under Wavell’s command was one strong Polish Brigade, which had been so effective in the defence of Crete. There was no way of knowing how many Poles would arrive from Russia, and what kind of state they would be in. Wavell could appreciate having an even stronger Polish contingent under his command.

On the other hand, there was still a great strain on the Middle East’s resources because of the length of time it took convoys to reach Egypt. With the Japanese invasion of Malaya and the Far East, the resources of India, on which the Middle East depended, were now being partly diverted. Having so many people, probably needing a lot of medical care, then training, would probably take at least a year for them to be operational. The idea of sending them back to Britain would certainly cause difficulties for shipping resources, but Wavell could see the advantages of the Poles health, equipment and training if it happened within the British Isles.

The idea of sending the Independent Polish Brigade from Egypt back to Britain, to provide Sikorski with a creditable basis for a Polish Corps, wasn’t something that Wavell wanted. The Brigade had done well on Crete and provided the Middle East Command with a seasoned and well-trained unit for which there would be plenty of work to be done in the future. Sikorski was adamant that any Air Force or Navy personnel that Anders brought should be sent back to Britain, and he was keen to have anyone with mechanised experience for Maczek’s Armoured Division.

All of that was beyond Maczek’s immediate concerns. The people of Scotland had welcomed the Poles very warmly, and Maczek was pleased that the formation of the Armoured Division would continue under the auspices of Scottish Command. Lieutenant-General Augustus Thorne (GOC Scottish Command) attending the parade to mark the establishment of the Polish Armoured Division, shared Maczek’s happiness that they would stay in Scotland. Thorne was pulling all the strings at his disposal to try to get the Poles equipped with tanks as soon as possible. It was likely that the Division would be equipped with Crusader tanks in the first instance. Thorne would have preferred Valiants, but as a training tank the Crusaders might well be useful. Hopefully these would be replaced eventually with a more effective tank.

Experimentation with the shape of an Armoured Division was still being undertaken. The Guards Armoured Division was trying to learn the lessons that Lieutenant-General O’Connor had shown effective in North Africa. It was becoming clearer that the current model of two Armoured Brigades and a Support Group wasn’t flexible enough. Having one Armoured Brigade and one Motorised Infantry Brigade, with Divisional strength artillery and engineers was certainly winning adherents. With the Poles’ lack of numbers, having one Armoured and one Infantry Brigade was perhaps a more realistic formation. The reality of the situation for the Polish Armoured Division was that between 10th and 16th Armoured Brigades, there was certainly enough for one strong Armoured Brigade with a depth of resources.

The formation of the 1st Airborne Division had given the Poles a particular outlet for their enthusiasm. Colonel Stanisław Sosabowski had been transforming his 4th Rifle Brigade into a Parachute Brigade. Based in Upper Largo in Fife, this Brigade’s enthusiasm had given Thorne’s staff a few headaches, but Thorne himself was delighted to have them in his command. With Sosabowski having taken with him the cream of the Polish infantry, the other infantry units in Polish I Corps were little more than cadres. If Thorne had been asked, then bringing the Polish Parachute Brigade back as a mechanised Infantry Brigade would be a better option. However, Thorne knew he wouldn’t have much luck persuading Sosabowski.

The Poles were scouring the world for the children of Polish emigrants, looking in Canada, the United States, Argentina and many other places where Poles had made their homes. This had worked in France in the 1940 to some extent, but Sikorski and Maczek were aware that this wasn’t going to solve the problems, that would rely on Anders and the men and women gathering in Southern Russia.

 

[allanpcameron]

26 February 1942. Grik, Malaya.

Major Tom Craig accepted the cup of strong sweet tea with gratitude. As 7th Bn RTR D Squadron’s Officer Commanding, any kind of fluid replacing all the sweat was a relief. With temperatures above 80° (F) and humidity about 80%, life inside a tank was pretty awful. At least Craig could stick his head outside the turret’s hatch, though the smell of the jungle decay and unburied dead wasn’t much better than the fug from three men in a hot confined space.

His Squadron had made it up the trail to Grik, surprisingly only losing one tank from the ten that had started. Unfortunately, that tank had rolled down a steep embankment, killing two of the crew and severely injuring the others. Once they’d arrived at 53rd Infantry Brigade’s HQ, his nine Matilda IIs had had a few days to get some much-needed maintenance. A and B Squadrons were also present at Grik, and between all three, they had 24 tanks capable of action. The miraculous arrival of a Workshop lorry from one of the Light Aid Detachments had allowed some of the harder jobs to be undertaken, otherwise there would only have been eighteen tanks available.

The infantry of 53rd and 54th Brigades were holding position as the RASC transport attempted to get enough supplies for them to be able to move forward again. The 5th Battalion Norfolk Regiment were furthest forward, pushing patrols forward towards Kroh. So far, they had only been meeting rear-guard actions, so just where exactly the main body of the Japanese army was unknown.

Craig had finished his tea as the meeting with the other Squadron commanders and troop leaders continued to discuss the current situation and figure out their next moves. The good news was that a fresh round of tea was passed to him, and he knew he could savour this one a bit more. The two Brigade Commanders, Cecil Duke (53rd) and Edward Backhouse (54th) were under orders to hold in place until enough supplies were on hand. The senior Quartermasters in both Brigades estimated that it would take another few days before sufficient material was on hand to allow forward movement.

Lieutenant-General Percival had decided to have the Australians move forward to positions around Gurun and to hold there until his successor, Lieutenant-General Alan Cunningham was in place at the beginning of March. 18th Division were to retake Kroh and to establish themselves on the Thai border and protect the Australians’ right flank. When Brigadier Duke had received his orders regarding occupying Kroh and sealing the road from Thailand he requested a Squadron of tanks to support him. Lt-Col Jock Holden (CO 7th Bn RTR) had decided to merge the running tanks into two Squadrons of twelve tanks each. Since D Squadron had nine of the runners, a troop from B Squadron was added to Craig’s command. The rest of A and B Squadrons would merge. Craig’s D Squadron would support Duke’s 53rd Brigade, and A Squadron would support Backhouse’s 54th Brigade.

Once the meeting had broken up, Craig made his way to Duke’s Brigade HQ to sort out the details of what the Infantry CO wanted. Very sensibly (from Craig’s point of view) Duke wanted the twelve tanks to stick together with his Brigade HQ and be allocated to one of the Infantry Battalions as and when required. Craig had worried that the he’d have to allocate one of his troops to each Battalion, so this was a better way of going about things. When Craig requested that each Battalion should have at least a few hours training and familiarisation with his tanks, Brigadier Duke was happy to oblige. During the previous fighting the tanks and the infantry had learned that they needed to work together to defeat the Japanese. Going forward over the terrain towards Kroh would need every bit of that cooperation.

To Craig’s delight the meeting with Brigadier Duke had included another cup of tea, and for the first time in quite a few days Craig felt that his liquid levels were about where they should be. The advantage of tea was that the water had to be well boiled, so avoiding any kind of stomach upset was a bonus.

 

[allanpcameron]

27 February 1942. Birmingham, England.

Chief Production Engineer for the Nuffield Organisation, Andrew Robertson wasn’t looking forward to the arrival of the delegation from the Ministry of Supply. The seven firms under the Nuffield umbrella had been contracted to build 2,062 Crusader tanks to be delivered by May 1942. At the end of February, despite Robertson’s best efforts, 1044 was the total produced so far. Production was now running at over 190 per month, so they would complete the order by the end of July or beginning of August, just a few months late. There were a lot of reasons for the failure, not least the time it took to overcome some of the design problems which had plagued the early production models. There had been bottlenecks in getting armour plate and especially guns, the emphasis on more spare parts being produced had contributed to failure to complete the order on time.

Sir Miles Thomas, the Vice-Chairman of the Nuffield Organisation, arrived along with the Ministry of Supply team and by the looks on their faces, Robertson thought that there was more bad news than just the failure to complete the order on time. He wasn’t wrong.

The three biggest producers of the Crusader: Mechanizations and Aero Ltd, Morris Commercial and Ruston Bucyrus were all preparing to move onto the Mark III Crusader beginning in May. The redesigned turret was able to squeeze in the 6-pdr gun, at the cost of the loader. The new mark would have the Mk. IV Liberty engine, which they hoped would fix many of the reliability issues previously encountered. With updated water pumps and the cooling fans being driven by a drive shaft rather than the chain drive, the primary problems of reliability should be fixed.

Lord Nuffield had believed that the improvements to the Crusader would increase its desirability, winning large enough orders to keep the seven firms producing it busy until its replacement, the Cromwell, would be ready for production. The Cromwell prototype with the Mk IV Liberty engine was due to be delivered in March, and it was hoped production could begin before the end of the year. Getting a 6-pdr tank into production had necessitated the change to the Crusader’s turret, as the Cromwell was still far off production.

The men from the Ministry of Supply did their best to break the bad news as gently as possible. Two of the firms, Mechanizations and Aero Ltd and Morris Commercial would indeed build the Crusader III, but the hulls only. The various ‘funnies’: AVRE, self-propelled artillery and anti-aircraft guns, Artillery Observation Post would be built on the improved hull. The army had rejected the new turret as it would mean the commander acting as loader, thereby reducing efficiency. A two-man turret was a retrograde step that the Royal Armoured Corps wouldn’t accept.

The bad news kept coming. The prototype Cromwell with the Liberty Engine would undergo tests, but it’s power to weight ratio would probably not be acceptable. The addition of about 8 tons on the Cromwell over the Crusader, with the same engine, when other better engines were available wouldn’t make sense. If Lord Nuffield was wedded to the Liberty Engine, then the Ministry of Supply would have to review what his two main firms would be able to contribute to the tanks of the future.

The other five companies that were currently building the Crusader (Ruston-Bucyrus; John Lysaght; Milners Safe; West’s Gas and Fodens) would be transferred to Vickers-Armstrong’s umbrella group to build the Victor tank. This would take a bit of time to learn the welding techniques required. Because each of the sites were only able to deliver a minimum of five and a maximum of ten tanks per week, the Royal Ordnance Factory in Leeds had been undergoing expansion as a dedicated tank factory. The companies would provide the trained workforce and such machine tools as required. The Ministry of Supply would compensate the firms for the dislocation, and the Ministry of Labour would look after the rehousing of the employees and their families. All of this should result in moving the combined capacity of the five firms from about 130 tanks per month, to nearer 200.

Robertson and Thomas didn’t know it at the time, but the original reasons for having an alternative to the Vickers tanks for insurance was now being dropped. The M4 American tanks coming from Lend Lease would fulfil the role that previously the Nuffield Organisation had undertaken. Concentration on building the Victor as the main British tank for Armoured Divisions would allow for standardisation. Nuffield’s Cromwell, like the Crusader didn’t have the capacity to be improved upon, unlike the Victor that was designed with a powerful enough engine to up-gun and increase armour on it.

 

[allanpcameron]

28 February 1942. Lembang, Java.

General Auchinleck was reading through the reports that had come in during the night. Two ships, USS Langley and SS Sea Witch, had successfully unloaded their P40 fighters at Tjilatjap. The fifty-seven fighters would be a godsend once they were fully operational. At least the thirty-two off the Langley were already assembled, those on the Sea Witch were in crates and it would take a great deal of effort to get them fit for the fight.

The USAAF’s 5th Air Force were really starting to gather in strength. Arriving at Brisbane just the other day from the US were three squadrons of A-20’s, four of B26s and a couple of P39 fighter squadrons, it might be another couple of months for them to be operational, but Air Marshall Richard Peirse (CO ABDAair) was becoming more confident about going on the offensive.

Peirse, very sensibly to Auchinleck’s mind, wasn’t interfering with Major General Lewis Brereton (GOC 5th Air Force) operational control. Instead Peirse was trying to keep the overview of the whole ABDA situation. The Dutch ML-KNIL and MLD were on their last legs, and while the American reinforcements reaching Java were extremely welcome, the attack on Surabaya showed up just how weak the air defence of Java was. Until that could be improved then naval action was always going to be limited. Force Z was meant to have come forward from Ceylon for another sortie, but the loses at Surabaya had meant it had to be postponed. Even with HMS Ark Royal in attendance, the need for land-based fighter support would be needed for the battlewagons. Peirse and Brereton were both convinced of the efficacy of bombers and Auchinleck worried a little that they might become myopic about this.

The RAF build up in Singapore and Burma was another sign of hope for Auchinleck and the next Durban-Malaya convoy was due to arrive at Rangoon and Singapore in early March bringing much needed reinforcements for the RAF and some mobile radar stations. The tide was definitely turning regarding the air war in Malaya and Burma, Auchinleck noted the importance of the American Volunteer Group who’d given the RAF some very good pointers about how to fight the Japanese rather than the Germans and Italians.

The problem of the Philippines wasn’t getting any easier. Reports from Bataan suggested that a new formation of Japanese troops was replacing the worn out units that had withdrawn. As far as Intelligence could surmise, the 48th Japanese Division was the new formation. They had been pulled back and rested when the American and Philippine forces had retired to the Bataan Peninsula. It was possible that the 48th Division was meant to continue the conquest of the Netherlands East Indies, but perhaps had to be used to finish off MacArthur’s force. If indeed that was the case the situation on Bataan would likely take a turn for the worse very quickly.

While Rabaul and New Guinea weren’t specifically part of ABDA’s remit, Auchinleck noted that evacuation of the Australian Brigade on New Britain was underway, albeit slowly. The American infantry units which were tasked with securing New Caledonia for the Free French were being looked at as a possible blocking force in the Solomon Islands. The Intelligence wasn’t clear about Japanese intentions. Reading between the lines, the Australians had given the Rabaul invasion force a good kicking, so that they weren’t in a position currently to keep moving forward. If that was the case then Brigadier Savige’s men had done a lot better than it looked.

The good news was that overall, the Japanese advance seemed to have been halted for the moment. With Dutch and American forces holding Kendari on the Celebes, then Ambon and Timor seemed safe enough protecting the route from Australia to Java. The loss of Borneo gave the Japanese airfields close enough to constantly threaten Java. The USAAF bombers were doing their best to prevent those air fields from being developed, and once the numbers of US medium bombers increased, then that mission should be made easier.

Auchinleck had requested help from London regarding the probability of having to organise amphibious operations. The War Office had sent his request to Lord Louis Mountbatten, Combined Operations Advisor to the Chiefs of Staff, but Auchinleck wasn’t sure what help Mountbatten or his new organisation would be. The point was moot until Auchinleck had a strong enough force to be able to dig the Japanese out of Borneo, and open the way to the Philippines.

General Alexander in Burma and Lieutenant-General Cunningham were getting the lion’s share of reinforcements coming from Britain and the Middle East. The Dutch forces were going to be limited to holding the Malay barrier, with allied help. Going on the offensive would require a lot more infantry, The fact that the Australian 7 Division were trained in amphibious operations for the forthcoming Dodecanese campaign was interesting. Auchinleck suspected that Wavell would have a serious grievance if the Australian Division was re-tasked to ABDA Command.

 

[allanpcameron]

1 March 1942. Farnborough, England.

The various Victor prototype tanks were now replaced with eight pre-production models. Vickers still felt that there were more problems to be ironed out before they were confident of starting full production and sending the tanks off the Royal Armoured Corps. There were various differences between the eight tanks.

The first Victor used an engine that had once powered a Hurricane which had pranged on landing. The engine had been stripped down and de-rated to take the pool petrol used by the army. The engine had a lot of miles on it, and it was basically hand built by Vickers and used in one of the earlier prototypes. The second and third tanks were powered by Meteor engines made by Rover. Again, these were ex-RAF engines reconditioned for tank use. Tanks four and five had engines made by Leyland. These were made from scratch, using heavier steel to replace the alloys more necessary for flight. Tanks six and seven were powered by Meadows’ Meteor. Meadows had taken the more unusual path of collecting pieces of engines that had been declared non-airworthy from the factories producing the aircraft version to quicken production. The eighth was a diesel Meteor that a team from Perkins had built.

Leyland had made the most progress in getting the Meteor into full production. It had been the recipient of a number of machine tools from the United States which allowed the company to build the engines without any need for cast off parts from aircraft production. The Leyland engine was therefore heavier than the others, but the weight difference didn’t affect the overall performance of the tank. Sir John Cardin had a small bet with the production team that the Leyland engine would be judged the best of the three. His reasoning was that the engine was built as a whole, whereas the others were generally patched together. While quality control was in place at Rover and Meadows to make sure the patches held, Cardin believed that Leyland’s engine would pass the stresses and strains with fewer problems.

Unlike the Valiant I and I* which used different diesel and petrol engines, there was no particular desire from the Royal Armoured Corps to complicate matters of needing the two different fuel supplies. The petrol engines were certainly giving more power, the Perkins diesel was underpowered by comparison, and Perkins accepted that more work needed to be done on it. Sir John Carden was aware that the Russian desire for diesel powered Valiants would probably mean, if the Victor was exported to Russia, that offering a diesel version would be necessary.

Knowing that the Victor was likely to be petrol powered had meant that a great deal of thought had gone in to providing large enough capacity fuel tanks to give the tank a reasonable range of operation. Like all tanks the Victor was designed to carry the external auxiliary fuel tank, and because of the expanded internal fuel tanks, the Victor could carry two, one on each side, adding another 60 gallons to its internal capacity of 130 gallons. The engine was a thirsty beast, using 1.43 mpg on the road and 0.76 mpg off-road. With the auxiliary tanks, the Victor would be capable of a radius of action of between 271 (road) and 144 (off-road) miles. The auxiliary tanks obviously added to the overall weight of the tank, but the increased power compensated, and as the external tanks would normally be jettisoned before action, the fighting weight of the tank would generally be better.

As well as the different sources of the engines, four of the tanks were equipped with the long 6-pdr gun and the other four had the still experimental 75mm HV gun. The aim of having both types, even although the 75mm HV wasn’t fully ready for production, was to check out the layout of the way in which ammunition was carried and how the crew would cope with the different layouts. The 6-pdr armed tanks could carry 74 shells, while the 75mm HV had room only for 64 shells.

Part of the controversy about the new Victor tank, in the light of the information coming from the Far East, was the absence of a hull mounted machine gun to supplement the co-axial. Sir John Carden had been adamant that the nature of the forward slope of the front armour would be compromised by having to provide a machine gun opening. He was also keen to keep the crew down to four, an extra machine gun meant an extra crew member, with the loss of space for storing more ammunition and the crew’s gear. He also was convinced that the provision of the HE projectiles for the 6-pdr and 75mm HV would more than compensate for the lack of the extra machine gun. The American lend-lease tanks all came with an extra mounting on the turret, supposedly for Anti-Air use. It was entirely possible to add the same kind of fitting, providing the tank commander, or someone else to the extra firepower. Whether that gun would be an American Browning .30 or .50 or a British Bren would be up to the RAC and the War Office.

The testing of the prototypes had been able to show up frailties in the suspension and gearing, so the reliability of the pre-production models wasn’t likely to cause any headaches. The question that those testing and evaluating would be the engines themselves and the crews’ ability to fight the tank. The next couple of months were going to be critical, the various bottlenecks to tank production, especially provision of engines and armour plate had to overcome.

 

[allanpcameron]

2 March 1942. Salisbury Plain, England.

Oliver Leese, (GOC Guards Armoured Division), with his Brigade Commanders (Allan Adair, William Fox-Pitt and Lionel Manners-Smith) hosted General Alan Brooke, CIGS with Q Martell (GOC Royal Armoured Corps). Since the Guards Armoured Division had been created, Major-General Leese had been trying to make sure that his Division would maintain the ’elite’ status that the Brigade of Guards enjoyed. For the last couple of months his officers and men had undergone intense training on top of learning whole new skills.

As originally constituted the Division had conformed to the same basic organisation as all British Armoured Divisions: two Armoured Brigades and a Support Group. Following the example of what had happened in North Africa during Operation Compass, Leese was now showing Brooke and Martel his proposed revised organisation.

The 2nd Bn Household Cavalry Regiment in Humber Armoured Cars provided the Divisional Reconnaissance Regiment. Brigadier Fox-Pitt’s 5th Guards Armoured Brigade, three armoured Battalions (2nd Grenadier Guards, 1st Coldstream Guards, 2nd Irish Guards). The 1st Grenadier Guards provided the motorised infantry Battalion. Instead of a Support Group, the 32nd Guards Infantry Brigade (6 Coldstream, 3 Irish and 3 Welsh Guards) had been assigned to the Division. There were two Royal Artillery field regiments and one Royal Horse Artillery regiment with Birch SPGs. There was also an anti-tank and Light anti-aircraft regiments, Signals, Royal Engineer field squadrons and a Bridging troop of ‘funnies’ based on the Crusader hull.

The other Guards Armoured Brigade (6th GAB) were acting as an independent Brigade for the purposes of the forthcoming exercise. Brigadier Alan Adair had been testing out the idea of a ‘Mixed Division’ of one Tank Brigade and two Infantry Brigades. For the purposes of the exercise, the Guards Armoured Division would act as the enemy force confronting XII Corps. Adair’s 6th GAB was attached to

46th (North Midland) Infantry Division, while the rest of XII Corps 43rd (Wessex) Infantry Division, 53rd (Welsh) Division, along with 25th Tank Brigade were acting as the defending force.

Lieutenant General Bernard Montgomery, GOC XII Corps, had ordered his Divisional Commanders to make sure that the Guards Armoured Division were given no chance to ‘win’ the exercise. The choice of the umpires was one of the ways that he was trying to achieve his objective, and with his Corp’s overwhelming artillery advantage was another.

The exercise was proposing that 46th Mixed Division, with 6th GAB replacing 137th Infantry Brigade, had broken through an enemy position, and the Guards Armoured Division was a counter-attacking force. The rest of XII Corps would complete the breakthrough, should 46th Mixed Division successfully hold off the counter-attack. Major-General Harry Freeman-Attwood (GOC 46th Div) had had long chats with Brigadier Adair regarding the best use of the armoured Brigade.

The exercise would take place over a few days, and Leese had an inkling that Montgomery would try to do everything in his power to win the exercise, but Leese had some ideas of his own. There had been plenty of time to examine the German tactics in both France and North Africa. Leese had noted particularly the speed of German communications that had allowed the flexibility to counter the pre-prepared French and British movements. Looking at the German radios in the captured panzers, Leese had organised the use of extra command tanks for each of his units.

The command tanks were normal Valiant IIs but with a mock gun. This provided more space for both radios to communicate between the armoured, artillery and infantry units. The Royal Signals had been very busy teaching the Guards officers the best and most secure methods of using their radios. One of the things that Lieutenant-General O’Connor had suspected was that the Germans had been attempting to intercept British transmissions. Leese had persuaded his senior Royal Signals officer to attempt to listen into Montgomery’s communications. This was to be done without the Umpires attached to Leese’s HQ knowing.

One of the things that the Royal Signals had noticed was the way in which some of the Guards Officers used codewords that weren’t very hard to decipher. Having been sternly warned to use only the approved codes, Leese’s command had practised their communication skills intensively until they were second nature. It had however given the Signals officers an idea. No 1 Special Wireless Section (Type C) from the Canadian Signal Reinforcements Unit, commanded by Lieutenant Cooper, was something of an oddity, and Cooper’s Section had been picked up by someone in Leese’s HQ staff as an ad-hoc ‘friendly-force’ monitoring element.

Unlike most of the Canadian Signals units, Cooper’s men hadn’t gone on the Special Operator’s Training Battalion at Trowbridge, Wiltshire. This involved four weeks of specialised training on German and Italian radio procedures, and methods to detect enemy signals. Instead, Cooper’s section had been practicing their skills listening to British units. This had brought them to the attention of Leese who saw a report that they had intercepted operational security violations. The most egregious violations were a couple of English operators who "mentioned in clear several names of places as well as names of officers up to the rank of Colonel, and described in detail an area defence scheme of which they were a part, giving locations of H.Q. and other security information.”

Leese suspected that just as Montgomery was likely to be trying to tip the scales against Leese’s Command, having a listening ear on the other side’s communications would even the odds even just a little.

(The photos here are from OTL Covenanter cruiser tanks of 2nd (Armoured) Irish Guards of British Guards Armoured Division during an inspection of Southern Command, England, United Kingdom, 3 Mar 1942)

 

[allanpcameron]

3 March 1942. Berlin, Germany.

Two models were on display, with two companies vying to produce the new war-winning panzer that would outclass all and any Soviet and British tanks. The specifications had been produced in November 1941 by Waffen Prüfämter (Weapons Testing Office) 6, (Wa. Prüf. 6), the German organization in charge of tank development.

The new tank was to have a combat weight of between 30-35 tonnes, with 35° sloped 60 mm (2.36 inch) thick frontal armour, and 50° sloped 40mm (1.57 inch) side armour. It was to house the new Rheinmetall’s 7,5cm cannon as main armament. The engine was expected to produce between 650 and 700 metric horsepower enabling speeds of between 4 kph (2.5 mph) in lowest gear and 55 kph (34.2 mph) in top gear, and be able to operate for 5 hours without interruption.

The reason for Daimler-Benz and M.A.N to have to produce this tank was mostly the work of General Heinz Guderian, the commander of the 2nd Panzer Army. After his frightening encounters with the new Soviet T34 and KV1 tanks, he had sent for a commission to come and study the Soviet tanks that had been knocked out, and to talk to the men that had been involved in fighting them to determine what advantages the Soviet tanks possessed over the German vehicles, and what could be incorporated into new German designs.

The Special Armor Investigation Committee was led by Oberst Sebastian Fichtner, head of Wa. Prüf. 6, the German organization in charge of tank development and the team included members of most of the big tank and armour manufacturers.

The commission had arrived at the front on November 18th, 1941. They examined a recent battlefield and met with repair and recovery personnel of the XXIV Panzer Korps, examining several knocked-out T-34s and KV 1s. They noted three design advantages the T-34 possessed over the Panzer III. The first was the sloped armour, which afforded greater protection than flat armour of the same thickness. The second was the suspension; the T-34 had five large roadwheels and no return rollers, giving a smoother ride and greater suspension travel. In addition, its wide tracks gave low ground pressure, ensuring that it did not bog down on soft terrain. The third was the long gun barrel overhanging the front of the tank. The longer barrel allowed better muzzle velocity, but the German tank designers avoided having it overhanging the front of the tank as it could complicate manoeuvring in forests and cities.

General Guderian, in his turn laid out for the commission the issues experienced so far and requested the following: All current panzers should be up-gunned. Any new panzers needed to have wider tracks and lower ground pressure to deal with the terrain. Panzers had to be able to drive cross-country and on unimproved trails in all seasons. A new panzer must have heavier armament, improved armour protection, and higher tactical mobility compared to previous designs. It should also have a more powerful motor and maintain a high power-to-weight ratio. These findings echoed those that had come from North Africa concerning the British Valiant tank. Sebastian Fichtner felt that the VK20 project to replace the Panzers III and IV, which was nearly completed, would be able to be adapted to fit Guderian’s list of needs. However, Fritz Todt ordered him to cancel all efforts on the VK20 project and start afresh on a 30 tonne tank. At the same time Henschel and Porsche had been involved in work on a heavy breakthrough tank but with a very low priority. The breakthrough tank was now given a high priority.

Rheinmetall-Borsig’s new tank cannon, was to be capable of penetrating 140 mm (5.51 in) of armour at 1 km. Originally designed with a barrel length of L/60, or 60 calibers, this turned out to be slightly anemic, so the barrel length was increased to L/70; resulting in being standardized as the 7.5 cm KwK 42 L/70. They had also produced a turret to house the gun, which M.A.N.’s designer team (led by Paul Max Wiebicke) incorporated into their new design. Wiebicke also used a draft of their VK20.02, incorporating sloped armour, so that the work on the VK20 wasn’t completely lost. The turret was placed in the centre of the tank as far back as possible to reduce the length of the barrel overhanging the front of the tank. The crew layout was normal for panzers, though some extra thought went into overhead hatches for the driver and radio operator.

The armour was exactly in line with the specifications, but they had problems with the engine. The planned powerplant was a 650 hp liquid-cooled two-stroke V8 diesel engine being developed at M.A.N.’s Augsburg plant. Despite starting work on it in 1940, development of engine was slow and it became too large and heavy, eventually being abandoned. Instead, M.A.N. went with Maybach’s HL 210 engine; bringing in Maybach to do the work of mounting the engine and designing the cooling system and transmission.

The suspension design was described as an ‘interleaved eight-wheel setup’, as there were eight axles, even though each axle carried more than one wheel. It was a complicated suspension system, but combined with a wide track, it gave the tank a smooth ride and a consistent, low ground pressure. 750 litres of fuel would give the tank 270 km (on road) or 195 km (off road) range. It would be capable of a top speed of 55 kph as was specified, and the weight would likely be about 36 tonnes. To try to make the design even more appealing, Wiebicke had incorporated a system to allow deep wading with ease, making the engine compartment watertight.

Daimler-Benz’s design team decided on a much closer copy of the T-34 than M.A.N.’s design. It retained the Soviet all-round sloping armour, forward mounted turret, and rear-mounted transmission – a feature uncommon in German tanks. Armed with the Rheinmetall 7.5 cm cannon, Daimler opted to go with their own turret design instead of using the one developed by Rheinmetall. Daimler-Benz’s turret had a turret ring diameter of 1600 mm, 50 mm less than that of the Rheinmetall turret used on M.A.N.’s design.

Once again the armour was as specified, and again Daimler-Benz used elements of their work on the VK20 project. The engine and transmission would be a Daimler-Benz MB 507 water-cooled V12 diesel engine, working through a rear-mounted hydraulic-assist transmission and a hydraulic, controlled differential, regenerative steering mechanism. This transmission, developed jointly between Daimler-Benz and Ortlinghaus, incorporated a hydraulic multi-plate clutch, which afforded smooth gear changes and was easy to use. It wasn’t however without its problems.

Daimler-Benz’s suspension was similar to the suspension of the M.A.N. design in that it consisted of four sets of interleaved roadwheels, arranged in three rows, though the suspension itself was leaf springs, which had the advantages of being easy to repair and maintain, and was already familiar to tank crews. Relatively narrow tracks gave the 35 tonne panzer a ground pressure that was just about acceptable.

The range of the Daimler-Benz panzer, carrying only 550 liters of fuel internally, giving it a projected 195 km (on road) and 140 km (off-road) range. It was designed with additional fuel tanks on the rear of the hull that could be jettisoned before going into battle. Top speed was also 56 kph, and the crew would have the usual layout in panzers, though the Daimler-Benz panzer had side hatches in the hull and turret.

At the meeting Adolf Hitler and Albert Speer (Reich Minister for Armaments and Ammunition) both expressed a preference for the Daimler-Benz design. Hitler felt that the Daimler design was superior in almost every way, and particularly liked the fact that it used a diesel engine; he felt this was the way forward in tank design. Although inclined to order the Daimler design there and then, Hitler formed a committee to weigh the advantages of both designs and suggest which should be produced. Oberst Wolfgang Thomale (OKH Inspector of the tank corps) and Robert Eberan von Eberhorst (professor at Dresden Technical University) were appointed to lead the committee, and would begin deliberations in May. There were two main considerations to decide between the two designs. Firstly, large numbers of the panzer would need to be operational by the summer of 1943, meaning that production would have to begin by December 1942. This was the crucial factor, but secondly, to balance the numerical superiority of the Soviets, the German machine had to be of higher quality.

The committee found that Daimler-Benz wouldn’t be able to have their turret design in production by the December deadline. The smaller turret ring meant that they couldn’t fit the Rheinmetall turret without an entire redesign. The M.A.N. design had greater operational range, its suspension gave a better firing platform, the engine was already in production, and the deep wading capability all meant that the committee chose the M.A.N. design unanimously. This decision was communicated to the Chairman of the Panzerkommission, Dr Ferdinand Porche on 11 May, with the name ‘Panther’ first recorded. When informed, Adolf Hitler, still preferring the Daimler-Benz design, conceded that getting the tank into production as quickly as possible, meant that he had to go along with the committee’s recommendation. He did however insist that the frontal armour should be increased from 60mm to 80mm. The next day, M.A.N. were awarded the contract to begin work on the prototypes and prepare for full production beginning in December.


I've taken most of this from here: Please remember that the first Valiants wouldn't have been in action with the Soviets, though it is mentioned that the Valiants in North Africa have been encountered.
VK30.01(D) and VK30.02(M) - Panther Prototypes - Tank Encyclopedia (tanks-encyclopedia.com)

 

[allanpcameron]

4 March 1942. Suez, Egypt.

Having sailed from Liverpool on 10 January the ships bound for Egypt of Winston Special Convoy (WS15A) docked and were being unloaded. The rest of the convoy (WS15B) sailing for Bombay were just arriving and DM 3 was due to arrive in Singapore in another couple of days. The monthly arrival of the Winston Specials was always greeted with great enthusiasm as among the first things off the ships were the mail parcels to be distributed throughout the Middle East.

Of particular interest to GHQ was the Royal Armoured Corps’ Special Service Regiment. Formed from volunteers, the Regiment had the usual format of an HQ and three Squadrons. The Regiment was equipped with Duplex Drive Valiant II* and Tetrarchs. B and C Squadrons had 32 DD Tetrarchs (including six armed with the 3-inch Close Support cannon), HQ and A Squadrons had twenty DD Valiant II*, of which four were Close Support variants.

This Regiment was the final piece of the amphibious jigsaw necessary for the invasion of Rhodes. Like all tanks arriving in Egypt, they would be transported to the RAC depots where they would be made fully ready for their role. The Tetrarchs were a concern regarding the cooling system, which might not be robust enough for the hot temperatures expected in the Mediterranean area. Once they were ready for operations, the Special Service Regiment would undergo a series of rehearsals, along with the Special Service Brigade and Australian 7 Division in preparation for the invasion of Rhodes.

One of the more unusual items carried as deck cargo on most of the ships were sections of Landing Craft Tanks(2). Built in four sections they could be disassembled and reassembled relatively easily. With twenty sections carried between the ships, the five LCTs would provide the RAC Special Service Regiment with the ability to lift all the Valiant II* DD tanks in one wave, each LCT capable of carrying four Valiants, allowing the older LCT(1) already in service to carry the lighter Tetrarch DD tanks.

Admiral Cunningham had persuaded the Admiralty in London to lend the Mediterranean Fleet Third Battle Squadron (HMS Ramillies, Resolution, Royal Sovereign, Revenge) for the upcoming Dodecanese campaign. Admiral Philips, under whose command the four R Class battleships should have gone to, agreed to the loan in exchange for the use of HMS Queen Elizabeth which would act along with HMS Warspite and Nelson in the Eastern Fleet. Cunningham was conscious that that left him only HMS Valiant as a modernised Queen Elizabeth Class battleship, but with the current situation of peace along the North African coast he wasn’t too worried.

HMS Ramillies was the last of the R Class battleships to arrive, and all four of them would need time to exercise together, then with the invasion fleet, and practice their shore bombardment skills in naval gunfire support. The monitor HMS Terror was now fully repaired and would be joined by her sister ship, HMS Erebus later in the month. Cunningham was therefore able to support the Dodecanese campaign with thirty-six 15-inch guns, and still have HMS Valiant available for any other task required.

8th and 10th Armies were also receiving various reinforcements and replacements from the ships that had docked. These included Self-Propelled Birch Guns for the Royal Horse Artillery regiments, and Vanguards for the Light Anti-Aircraft Regiments. The Royal Engineers were getting some Bridging tanks, Armoured Recovery Vehicles and mine-clearing tanks. A number of Viking APCs had been included for trials and evaluation.

Another new vehicle that had been sent out for evaluation was an artillery tractor based on the A15 Crusader hull. Having a tracked and protected tractor for gun crews was something that the Royal Artillery could see as a replacement for the Quad, which although popular, was somewhat vulnerable. The new 4.5-inch Mk 2 field guns for the Royal Artillery Medium Regiments would normally be towed by Matador Field Artillery Tractors. The Crusader Gun Tractor was in contention as an alternative, looking also to the future with the towed 17-pdr anti-tank gun. The tractor could transport the crew of ten for the medium guns, and there were a couple more that were fitted out to carry extra ammunition for the guns.

 

[allanpcameron]

5 March 1942. London, England.

Lord Louis Mountbatten, Combined Operations Advisor to the Chiefs of Staff, was attempting to finalise some of his work before setting off to Egypt and places beyond. His Combined Operations staff had plenty of work to get on with during his absence, but he couldn’t help himself from leaving a ‘to do’ list for his subordinates.

The biggest question that his staff had to find an answer to was opening a second front at the behest of Stalin and the Soviets. Mountbatten was aware that a good portion of the amphibious craft needed for a second front were in the Mediterranean, and until these could be replaced by new ships, the ability to land even a Brigade sized force on enemy shores was going to be a struggle.

Everyone was hollering for a ‘Second Front Now’ as if, magically he could do a Dunkirk the other way round. General Alan Brooke, the new CIGS, had made it clear that the Infantry and Armoured Divisions in the UK were sufficient to stop an enemy invasion, but not capable of creating a second front.

For the Prime Minister, the idea of taking Rhodes, the Dodecanese and then back onto mainland Greece was something of a dream. Mountbatten’s trip to Egypt was to see whether or not that was a dream or a Gallipoli-like nightmare. The request from Auchinleck for amphibious resources to look at recapturing Borneo was another possible headache. Mountbatten’s intention was to go on to Java after Egypt to evaluate what was happening there, then he planned to return via America, where he hoped to look at the US Marine Corps way of working.

The idea of a cross-channel raid had been looked at, but there were all sorts of problems with pulling something off that was actually doable. Mountbatten’s preferred option was to continue as many Commando raids as possible. They might only be pin-pricks but having the whole of Europe’s coast on alert was going to make some kind of impact of the Germans. The Germans had the advantage of being able to move large numbers of men around Europe by train, giving them the upper-hand. Britain and America currently just weren’t able to put a large force on enemy soil and supply them, or indeed, protect them with RAF support.

The Canadians were getting antsy about not having played much of a role so far. Mountbatten had invited Lieutenant-General Andrew McNaughton (GOC I Canadian Corps) to provide troops to learn the art of amphibious warfare. So far, a number of visits of Canadian Staff had been made to Mountbatten’s HQ and some exercises, but without any firm commitment. If a couple of Canadian divisions did the kind of training that would be necessary, then Combined Operations would begin to have real teeth.

That still didn’t deal with the ‘Second Front Now’ crowd. First thing on the ‘to do’ list was to plan out a large scale (Brigade sized) raid on the enemy coast, with proper sea and air support, limited objectives and secure withdrawal in place. Once that had been planned and war-gammed it would be up to the Chiefs of the Imperial General Staff to decide whether or not it fitted the bill to keep Stalin happy.

The invasion of Rhodes was likely to be a bigger effort than what Mountbatten was proposing on the coast of France or Belgium. He was desperate to see just what exactly Wavell’s planners had in store. He was particularly interested in seeing how air cover would be achieved. Rhodes was a fair distance from any friendly airfield, so how the RAF would support the invasion would be interesting. As would be the presence of the Fleet Air Arm, though with only one aircraft carrier available, there would be a real problem to solve.

The other question about Rhodes was what kind of fight the Italians would put up? They’d been under siege for some time, presumably therefore weakened. The Italian army’s showing so far in the war wasn’t covered in glory. Either the Australians would have a bit of walk over, or perhaps a real fight on their hands. It would be the latter that people like Mountbatten would like to see from a planning and learning point of view, though everyone else would be happier with a walk-over.