18. The Election
Chapter 18
In New York, President John McCain accepted his party's nomination for a second term.
President McCain and his team looked on at the new Democratic ticket with skepticism. Surely, the choice of Landrieu had catapulted Wellstone into a competitive race. States that McCain had expected to win no longer seemed to be safe, but his advisers reminded him that Walter Mondale received the same jolt when he picked Geraldine Ferraro. Then, he went on to lose 49 out of 50 states. McCain scoffed. “Seems ridiculous to pick a woman just for the sake of a short bunch,” he said. Steve Schmidt, however, thought the choice may have been a “game changer.” Landrieu helped to quell some fears that Wellstone was a radical choice. The Republicans knew that they needed to remind Americans about how far-left Wellstone’s policies really were. And that’s how they used the Republican National Convention.
Held in New York City, the event was as much about showing the nation’s strength in the wake of the 9/11 attacks as it was about portraying McCain’s opponent as a radical leftist who could not be trusted to deliver for middle America. In his keynote address, former Mayor Rudy Giuliani praised the “steady hand and even mind” of President John McCain. “We had no way of knowing, in 2000, how particularly suited the man we nominated would be for the moment. He has not let us down. He has risen to the task ahead of him, and America is stronger for it!” he said. “Some have chosen to sacrifice their patriotism in an effort to portray him as out of touch, to say our nation’s response has been weak. I say to you tonight: There is nothing weak about President John McCain and there is no stronger vision for America’s future than his!”
He also went on the attack against Paul Wellstone. “You may have heard our opponents in Boston,” he said. “They made a lot of promises. But can they deliver?” The audience roared a resounding “No!” as Giuliani pressed on. “This is a pacifist whose initial response to questions of force is to roll over. Let us recall the Gulf War – that valiant effort to protect Kuwait. It was, by all accounts, an incredible military success. Paul Wellstone voted no. He does not have the foresight necessary to sit behind the desk in the Oval Office.”
Dubbed America's Mayor, Rudy Giuliani delivered a hard-hitting speech at the Republican convention. Some saw it as a forecast of a 2008 presidential run.
Other speakers criticized other aspects of Wellstone’s domestic politics. The convention emphasized same-sex marriage as a key issue. Wellstone had walked back his support of the Defense of Marriage Act, saying he regretted his vote, and Landrieu had avoided taking any firm stance. In her home state of Louisiana, there was a Constitutional amendment on the ballot to define marriage as between one man and one woman. In his remarks, Vice President Bill Frist was clear: “Marriage between a man and a woman isn’t something Republicans invented, but it is something Republicans will defend.” Though the majority of his speech focused on the health care reform he had delivered through Medicare Part D. He contrasted it with the Wellstone approach.
“Paul Wellstone has a different approach to handling health care. Ours is to bring you into the process. His is to take you out of it. He’ll tax you a bunch, and then you’ll get to wait in long lines, by a state-approved doctor, only to get a diagnosis and then wait in a longer line to get the services you need. WellstoneCare is no care at all, and it certainly won’t make you well!” Frist told a roaring convention hall.
The president’s remarks paid respect to those lost on 9/11, and he highlighted America’s comeback. “On January 20, 2005, I will be sworn-in for a second term at a newly-finished Capitol Building. We have built back our nation, and no terrorist can rob us of our ingenuity, our sense of spirit, and certainly never of our commitment to our democratic institutions!” McCain said. He also reminded the more conservative audience of his tax cuts – promising more – and highlighting his opponent’s record of opposing deregulation. Other highlights included a promise never to “appoint activist judges” and a reminder about his dramatic expansion of school vouchers. He closed with a commitment to win the War on Terror. He seemed, in every way, the president for the national moment.
While the Democrats had narrowed the gap with their convention, the McCain/Frist ticket pulled away again after theirs. A week after Republicans met in the Big Apple, McCain led Wellstone in every major swing state, except for Wellstone’s own Minnesota, and was up by as much as eight or nine points nationally, depending on the poll. Yet, the Democrats remained enthused by their candidate and optimistic about their prospects. Wellstone and Landrieu drew sizable crowds throughout the country. They also enlisted the support of high-profile surrogates, most notably Delaware Senator Beau Biden, who rejected the idea that “patriotism means blind loyalty to the incumbent political party.” Biden introduced Wellstone at a number of campaign events throughout September and October.
The president's performance in the first debate raised questions about his chances of winning reelection.
The president and Wellstone met for their first televised debate on September 30th at the University of Miami. It was moderated by Jim Lehrer. McCain and Wellstone had a fairly cordial relationship. They’d come to know each other from their time in the Senate, and Wellstone was involved heavily in the passing of McCain’s campaign finance reform, authoring the most controversial portion of the legislation. They had respect for each other, and McCain’s team had not anticipated much conflict. At rallies, Wellstone maintained a generally positive message and made few direct hits at the president. In debate prep, McCain was coached to anticipate a few, lob a few back at his opponent as well but to generally remain above the fray. Had his team known what Wellstone was planning, they may have prepped him differently.
In his opening statement, Wellstone took a giant swing: We have been told that these are halcyon days. That we should be content with the half-measures of a president who focuses so much on angering no one that he sacrifices substantial progress at the door. We need a president who leads boldly, who has a clear vision for America’s future beyond maintaining the status quo. I have a great deal of respect for our president, but when you ask him to articulate how he plans to spend the next four years, his response does not pass muster. Instead of seizing the advantageous situation we find ourselves in, the president has been content to ride the wave first rippled by the American comeback of the 1990s. But there is more work to do. We cannot be content to sit by idly when we could be providing healthcare to the uninsured, addressing the pollution that fills our air and our lungs, and bringing our economy fully into the future. John McCain wants four more years to pass watered-down versions of his last four years. I am offering all the strength I have to lead America into a bolder tomorrow.
As Wellstone had gone second in the opening statements, the president had no time to respond. He did, however, get the first question – about American military involvement in Afghanistan. But Wellstone’s words rang in his head. He fumbled through a response, saying the senator’s comments were “unfair” and didn’t reflect the truth. “I passed the most comprehensive and transformative campaign finance legislation of our time,” the president said. Wellstone interrupted. “I know,” he said. “I wrote most of it.” Had it been a primary debate, the audience likely would have exploded. Instead, they sat in silence as an irritated McCain brushed off the remark.
The president was unable to catch his stride. When he touted his education plan, Wellstone called his plan a “sellout” to those activists who would “turn their backs on public schools in favor of a plan that allows a select few to send their kids off to better ones.” McCain said Wellstone’s attacks were disingenuous, suggesting that school choice helped low-income and minority families the most. “The reality is, Mr. President, you had a choice yourself: Take that money and invest it in schools for all of those families or take the money and give it to some of them. You went with the one that pleased your base. I would have chosen to please those parents.”
When the topic of same-sex marriage came up, and McCain said Wellstone was trying to “dismantle traditional marriage,” Lehrer asked the senator if he wanted to respond. “No, that’s okay. I’d prefer not to dignify the president’s lies,” he said. It was flippant, and the president sensed a chance to draw blood. “I think the American people deserve to know your position on this issue, Mr. Wellstone. You’re running for president. What did you mean when you said you regret your vote for the Defense of Marriage Act?” Wellstone chuckled to himself. “Mr. President, you often preach about the evils of big government – of an overreaching federal government. It seems to me we can let the states figure out what’s best for them here. Or do you prefer a government small enough to not fund our public schools but large enough to barge into a couple’s bedroom?” McCain rejected Wellstone’s insinuation, saying he had opposed the Federal Marriage Amendment. Wellstone had somehow gained the upper-hand on an issue in which he was out-of-step with the majority of Americans. He replied, “So which is it, Mr. President? Where do you stand, because now you seem to be the one who isn’t being clear to the American people.”
With reelection in doubt, McCain returned to relying on his longtime advisers Mark Salter and John Weaver.
By the time they left the stage, Paul Wellstone was confident and John McCain was embittered. The candidates’ families joined them on stage and they shook hands one last time, and then they departed. The first words McCain said were to Mark Salter, “Are you fucking kidding me, Mark?” he asked. Once he shuffled into the motorcade, he launched into a profanity-ridden diatribe against his staff. “I got killed out there,” he barked. “I looked like a Goddamn amateur. What the fuck happened?”
The American public agreed. Nearly 70 million Americans watched the debate and the overwhelming majority believed the president had bombed. He was out of practice and Wellstone had thrown him off his game. The momentum again shifted. Wellstone and Landrieu attracted thousands to rallies in Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Tampa, and Miami. The polling shifted, too. Wellstone brought the race back to 2-3 points nationally and pulled ahead in some of the swing states. Pundits started to wonder if McCain would win the popular vote by a hair but Wellstone would take the electoral vote. An enraged president felt the election slipping away. And so he changed course.
The president fired Kellyanne Conway, his campaign manager, and replaced her with John Weaver. They dropped the emphasis on social issues – primarily abortion and same-sex marriage – and instead focused on McCain’s record as a consensus builder and pragmatic president. Weaver worked closely with Mark Salter as well, seen as the president’s alter ego, on re-messaging the campaign and the candidate. Conway believed that the president’s decision was an overreaction, pleading with him to focus on driving up support with the base. McCain disagreed. “I haven’t felt like myself this whole Goddamn campaign, I’m tried of it. I’m not going to pretend to be someone I’m not. I won the White House four years ago, and I’ll do it again – as me.”
The president returned to town hall-style campaign events in an effort to bring back declining poll numbers.
The campaign scrapped a slew of rallies scheduled throughout October and replaced them with the kind of intimate town hall events that had become a trademark of the McCain political brand. He heard from voters directly, loosened up, and performed well in the two remaining debates. He finally felt that the campaign was coming back into focus, and the Wellstone camp noticed. Suddenly their grip on the electoral map started loosening, leading pundits to declare that Wellstone had “peaked too soon.”
In the vice presidential debate, Frist took Landrieu to task for her more conservative policies than her running mate, asking whether she was sacrificing her values for political expediency. It was the only notable exchange in their debate, and Landrieu handled it well. "The vice president needs to regroup with his campaign team. He can call our ticket radical leftists or he can call us wishy-washy moderates, but it is impossible for us to be both," she said. The moderator pressed her to distinguish her views from her running mate's. Landrieu replied, "Paul Wellstone and I do not agree on everything, but neither do the vice president and President McCain. Neither did Reagan and Bush or Kennedy and Johnson. Together, Paul Wellstone and I share a vision for where America can go. I am committed to his core values: healthcare for all Americans and an economy that looks to the future."
There was no October surprise. Some wanted the president to go after Wellstone’s MS in vague references to “fitness” for the job, but McCain refused. First, he didn’t believe in that kind of personal attack. Second, he had his own health problems. Instead, they focused on the idea that Wellstone was an out-of-touch radical liberal who wanted “socialized medicine.” Generally, though, the campaign remained positive. McCain focused on his leadership after 9/11 and his work unifying the nation.
On Election Night 2004, the suspense had dwindled. The feeling in Minneapolis, where the Wellstone camp was meeting, was not as gloomy as the Mondale/Ferraro campaign had been in twenty years earlier, but there was certainly a sense that defeat was on the horizon. The candidate was riddled with doubt – Should he have saved his aggression for the final debate? Had Landrieu undercut his support with the base? Did the campaign invest in the right places? When the votes were counted, McCain had won comfortably. He flipped four states that Gore had carried: Iowa, Missouri, Tennessee, and Pennsylvania. Wellstone had flipped three that McCain previously carried in 2000: Minnesota, Oregon, and Wisconsin. Still, McCain’s 2004 victory was more comfortable than his 2000 victory, taking 311 electoral votes and 51.1% of the popular vote. It was no Reagan landslide, but he had unmistakably won.
A disappointed but proud Paul Wellstone conceded the 2004 election to President McCain - dividing Democratic insiders on whether his brand of politics helped or hurt them.
That night, Wellstone conceded the election – taking the chance to praise the “historic nature” of the Democratic ticket. “Let it be known that the better angels in the Democratic Party won this time. We fought for our values and our principles. We nominated, for the second time, a woman of strength and leadership to be our running mate. We met the voters in cities and towns across this land. We talked to them about a better future, and we showed that the Democratic Party is stronger when it speaks to the angst of Forgotten America.”
McCain, speaking at a large outdoor rally in Phoenix, thanked the American people for returning them to the White House with a “resounding display of confidence.” Pundits noted that, compared to 2000, considerably fewer Americans voted for third party candidates – less than one percent. Many attributed this to the blame Ralph Nader received in Al Gore’s defeat and Wellstone’s support among the liberal base. They also noted that McCain’s relationship with both sides of the aisles may have inspired more trust in the two-party system. Both McCain and Wellstone improved upon the popular vote performances of their party from 2000. It was not, however, enough for Wellstone and Landrieu to knock off an incumbent president.
Party insiders were divided within Democratic ranks. Some believed that Wellstone was the only one who could have inspired the higher turnout that helped Democrats flip back the states he did and hold McCain’s popular vote number down in states like Ohio and Florida. Others said his far-left politics had cost them in Pennsylvania and New Hampshire. (Wellstone supporters pointed out that even if that were true, it would not have been enough to win the White House). It was a disagreement that would foreshadow the Democratic strategy for the 2006 Midterms and the race to succeed McCain in 2008. For now, they returned to Washington – again locked out of significant power.
The Election
In New York, President John McCain accepted his party's nomination for a second term.
President McCain and his team looked on at the new Democratic ticket with skepticism. Surely, the choice of Landrieu had catapulted Wellstone into a competitive race. States that McCain had expected to win no longer seemed to be safe, but his advisers reminded him that Walter Mondale received the same jolt when he picked Geraldine Ferraro. Then, he went on to lose 49 out of 50 states. McCain scoffed. “Seems ridiculous to pick a woman just for the sake of a short bunch,” he said. Steve Schmidt, however, thought the choice may have been a “game changer.” Landrieu helped to quell some fears that Wellstone was a radical choice. The Republicans knew that they needed to remind Americans about how far-left Wellstone’s policies really were. And that’s how they used the Republican National Convention.
Held in New York City, the event was as much about showing the nation’s strength in the wake of the 9/11 attacks as it was about portraying McCain’s opponent as a radical leftist who could not be trusted to deliver for middle America. In his keynote address, former Mayor Rudy Giuliani praised the “steady hand and even mind” of President John McCain. “We had no way of knowing, in 2000, how particularly suited the man we nominated would be for the moment. He has not let us down. He has risen to the task ahead of him, and America is stronger for it!” he said. “Some have chosen to sacrifice their patriotism in an effort to portray him as out of touch, to say our nation’s response has been weak. I say to you tonight: There is nothing weak about President John McCain and there is no stronger vision for America’s future than his!”
He also went on the attack against Paul Wellstone. “You may have heard our opponents in Boston,” he said. “They made a lot of promises. But can they deliver?” The audience roared a resounding “No!” as Giuliani pressed on. “This is a pacifist whose initial response to questions of force is to roll over. Let us recall the Gulf War – that valiant effort to protect Kuwait. It was, by all accounts, an incredible military success. Paul Wellstone voted no. He does not have the foresight necessary to sit behind the desk in the Oval Office.”
Dubbed America's Mayor, Rudy Giuliani delivered a hard-hitting speech at the Republican convention. Some saw it as a forecast of a 2008 presidential run.
Other speakers criticized other aspects of Wellstone’s domestic politics. The convention emphasized same-sex marriage as a key issue. Wellstone had walked back his support of the Defense of Marriage Act, saying he regretted his vote, and Landrieu had avoided taking any firm stance. In her home state of Louisiana, there was a Constitutional amendment on the ballot to define marriage as between one man and one woman. In his remarks, Vice President Bill Frist was clear: “Marriage between a man and a woman isn’t something Republicans invented, but it is something Republicans will defend.” Though the majority of his speech focused on the health care reform he had delivered through Medicare Part D. He contrasted it with the Wellstone approach.
“Paul Wellstone has a different approach to handling health care. Ours is to bring you into the process. His is to take you out of it. He’ll tax you a bunch, and then you’ll get to wait in long lines, by a state-approved doctor, only to get a diagnosis and then wait in a longer line to get the services you need. WellstoneCare is no care at all, and it certainly won’t make you well!” Frist told a roaring convention hall.
The president’s remarks paid respect to those lost on 9/11, and he highlighted America’s comeback. “On January 20, 2005, I will be sworn-in for a second term at a newly-finished Capitol Building. We have built back our nation, and no terrorist can rob us of our ingenuity, our sense of spirit, and certainly never of our commitment to our democratic institutions!” McCain said. He also reminded the more conservative audience of his tax cuts – promising more – and highlighting his opponent’s record of opposing deregulation. Other highlights included a promise never to “appoint activist judges” and a reminder about his dramatic expansion of school vouchers. He closed with a commitment to win the War on Terror. He seemed, in every way, the president for the national moment.
While the Democrats had narrowed the gap with their convention, the McCain/Frist ticket pulled away again after theirs. A week after Republicans met in the Big Apple, McCain led Wellstone in every major swing state, except for Wellstone’s own Minnesota, and was up by as much as eight or nine points nationally, depending on the poll. Yet, the Democrats remained enthused by their candidate and optimistic about their prospects. Wellstone and Landrieu drew sizable crowds throughout the country. They also enlisted the support of high-profile surrogates, most notably Delaware Senator Beau Biden, who rejected the idea that “patriotism means blind loyalty to the incumbent political party.” Biden introduced Wellstone at a number of campaign events throughout September and October.
The president's performance in the first debate raised questions about his chances of winning reelection.
The president and Wellstone met for their first televised debate on September 30th at the University of Miami. It was moderated by Jim Lehrer. McCain and Wellstone had a fairly cordial relationship. They’d come to know each other from their time in the Senate, and Wellstone was involved heavily in the passing of McCain’s campaign finance reform, authoring the most controversial portion of the legislation. They had respect for each other, and McCain’s team had not anticipated much conflict. At rallies, Wellstone maintained a generally positive message and made few direct hits at the president. In debate prep, McCain was coached to anticipate a few, lob a few back at his opponent as well but to generally remain above the fray. Had his team known what Wellstone was planning, they may have prepped him differently.
In his opening statement, Wellstone took a giant swing: We have been told that these are halcyon days. That we should be content with the half-measures of a president who focuses so much on angering no one that he sacrifices substantial progress at the door. We need a president who leads boldly, who has a clear vision for America’s future beyond maintaining the status quo. I have a great deal of respect for our president, but when you ask him to articulate how he plans to spend the next four years, his response does not pass muster. Instead of seizing the advantageous situation we find ourselves in, the president has been content to ride the wave first rippled by the American comeback of the 1990s. But there is more work to do. We cannot be content to sit by idly when we could be providing healthcare to the uninsured, addressing the pollution that fills our air and our lungs, and bringing our economy fully into the future. John McCain wants four more years to pass watered-down versions of his last four years. I am offering all the strength I have to lead America into a bolder tomorrow.
As Wellstone had gone second in the opening statements, the president had no time to respond. He did, however, get the first question – about American military involvement in Afghanistan. But Wellstone’s words rang in his head. He fumbled through a response, saying the senator’s comments were “unfair” and didn’t reflect the truth. “I passed the most comprehensive and transformative campaign finance legislation of our time,” the president said. Wellstone interrupted. “I know,” he said. “I wrote most of it.” Had it been a primary debate, the audience likely would have exploded. Instead, they sat in silence as an irritated McCain brushed off the remark.
The president was unable to catch his stride. When he touted his education plan, Wellstone called his plan a “sellout” to those activists who would “turn their backs on public schools in favor of a plan that allows a select few to send their kids off to better ones.” McCain said Wellstone’s attacks were disingenuous, suggesting that school choice helped low-income and minority families the most. “The reality is, Mr. President, you had a choice yourself: Take that money and invest it in schools for all of those families or take the money and give it to some of them. You went with the one that pleased your base. I would have chosen to please those parents.”
When the topic of same-sex marriage came up, and McCain said Wellstone was trying to “dismantle traditional marriage,” Lehrer asked the senator if he wanted to respond. “No, that’s okay. I’d prefer not to dignify the president’s lies,” he said. It was flippant, and the president sensed a chance to draw blood. “I think the American people deserve to know your position on this issue, Mr. Wellstone. You’re running for president. What did you mean when you said you regret your vote for the Defense of Marriage Act?” Wellstone chuckled to himself. “Mr. President, you often preach about the evils of big government – of an overreaching federal government. It seems to me we can let the states figure out what’s best for them here. Or do you prefer a government small enough to not fund our public schools but large enough to barge into a couple’s bedroom?” McCain rejected Wellstone’s insinuation, saying he had opposed the Federal Marriage Amendment. Wellstone had somehow gained the upper-hand on an issue in which he was out-of-step with the majority of Americans. He replied, “So which is it, Mr. President? Where do you stand, because now you seem to be the one who isn’t being clear to the American people.”
With reelection in doubt, McCain returned to relying on his longtime advisers Mark Salter and John Weaver.
By the time they left the stage, Paul Wellstone was confident and John McCain was embittered. The candidates’ families joined them on stage and they shook hands one last time, and then they departed. The first words McCain said were to Mark Salter, “Are you fucking kidding me, Mark?” he asked. Once he shuffled into the motorcade, he launched into a profanity-ridden diatribe against his staff. “I got killed out there,” he barked. “I looked like a Goddamn amateur. What the fuck happened?”
The American public agreed. Nearly 70 million Americans watched the debate and the overwhelming majority believed the president had bombed. He was out of practice and Wellstone had thrown him off his game. The momentum again shifted. Wellstone and Landrieu attracted thousands to rallies in Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Tampa, and Miami. The polling shifted, too. Wellstone brought the race back to 2-3 points nationally and pulled ahead in some of the swing states. Pundits started to wonder if McCain would win the popular vote by a hair but Wellstone would take the electoral vote. An enraged president felt the election slipping away. And so he changed course.
The president fired Kellyanne Conway, his campaign manager, and replaced her with John Weaver. They dropped the emphasis on social issues – primarily abortion and same-sex marriage – and instead focused on McCain’s record as a consensus builder and pragmatic president. Weaver worked closely with Mark Salter as well, seen as the president’s alter ego, on re-messaging the campaign and the candidate. Conway believed that the president’s decision was an overreaction, pleading with him to focus on driving up support with the base. McCain disagreed. “I haven’t felt like myself this whole Goddamn campaign, I’m tried of it. I’m not going to pretend to be someone I’m not. I won the White House four years ago, and I’ll do it again – as me.”
The president returned to town hall-style campaign events in an effort to bring back declining poll numbers.
The campaign scrapped a slew of rallies scheduled throughout October and replaced them with the kind of intimate town hall events that had become a trademark of the McCain political brand. He heard from voters directly, loosened up, and performed well in the two remaining debates. He finally felt that the campaign was coming back into focus, and the Wellstone camp noticed. Suddenly their grip on the electoral map started loosening, leading pundits to declare that Wellstone had “peaked too soon.”
In the vice presidential debate, Frist took Landrieu to task for her more conservative policies than her running mate, asking whether she was sacrificing her values for political expediency. It was the only notable exchange in their debate, and Landrieu handled it well. "The vice president needs to regroup with his campaign team. He can call our ticket radical leftists or he can call us wishy-washy moderates, but it is impossible for us to be both," she said. The moderator pressed her to distinguish her views from her running mate's. Landrieu replied, "Paul Wellstone and I do not agree on everything, but neither do the vice president and President McCain. Neither did Reagan and Bush or Kennedy and Johnson. Together, Paul Wellstone and I share a vision for where America can go. I am committed to his core values: healthcare for all Americans and an economy that looks to the future."
There was no October surprise. Some wanted the president to go after Wellstone’s MS in vague references to “fitness” for the job, but McCain refused. First, he didn’t believe in that kind of personal attack. Second, he had his own health problems. Instead, they focused on the idea that Wellstone was an out-of-touch radical liberal who wanted “socialized medicine.” Generally, though, the campaign remained positive. McCain focused on his leadership after 9/11 and his work unifying the nation.
On Election Night 2004, the suspense had dwindled. The feeling in Minneapolis, where the Wellstone camp was meeting, was not as gloomy as the Mondale/Ferraro campaign had been in twenty years earlier, but there was certainly a sense that defeat was on the horizon. The candidate was riddled with doubt – Should he have saved his aggression for the final debate? Had Landrieu undercut his support with the base? Did the campaign invest in the right places? When the votes were counted, McCain had won comfortably. He flipped four states that Gore had carried: Iowa, Missouri, Tennessee, and Pennsylvania. Wellstone had flipped three that McCain previously carried in 2000: Minnesota, Oregon, and Wisconsin. Still, McCain’s 2004 victory was more comfortable than his 2000 victory, taking 311 electoral votes and 51.1% of the popular vote. It was no Reagan landslide, but he had unmistakably won.
A disappointed but proud Paul Wellstone conceded the 2004 election to President McCain - dividing Democratic insiders on whether his brand of politics helped or hurt them.
That night, Wellstone conceded the election – taking the chance to praise the “historic nature” of the Democratic ticket. “Let it be known that the better angels in the Democratic Party won this time. We fought for our values and our principles. We nominated, for the second time, a woman of strength and leadership to be our running mate. We met the voters in cities and towns across this land. We talked to them about a better future, and we showed that the Democratic Party is stronger when it speaks to the angst of Forgotten America.”
McCain, speaking at a large outdoor rally in Phoenix, thanked the American people for returning them to the White House with a “resounding display of confidence.” Pundits noted that, compared to 2000, considerably fewer Americans voted for third party candidates – less than one percent. Many attributed this to the blame Ralph Nader received in Al Gore’s defeat and Wellstone’s support among the liberal base. They also noted that McCain’s relationship with both sides of the aisles may have inspired more trust in the two-party system. Both McCain and Wellstone improved upon the popular vote performances of their party from 2000. It was not, however, enough for Wellstone and Landrieu to knock off an incumbent president.
Party insiders were divided within Democratic ranks. Some believed that Wellstone was the only one who could have inspired the higher turnout that helped Democrats flip back the states he did and hold McCain’s popular vote number down in states like Ohio and Florida. Others said his far-left politics had cost them in Pennsylvania and New Hampshire. (Wellstone supporters pointed out that even if that were true, it would not have been enough to win the White House). It was a disagreement that would foreshadow the Democratic strategy for the 2006 Midterms and the race to succeed McCain in 2008. For now, they returned to Washington – again locked out of significant power.
