Rightly Guided: Zaid ibn Haritha and his Rashidun Caliphate

What should the next series of posts be?

  • Following Khalid and Ali's conquest of Syria and the Levant.

    Votes: 39 42.4%
  • Following Zaid and Muthanna's conquest of Iran.

    Votes: 21 22.8%
  • Alternating posts so both plots are updated.

    Votes: 52 56.5%

  • Total voters
    92
The Battle of Mut'ah
  • "In Ayannid-era hagiographical works of Seerah and modern academic treatments of the Prophet’s life alike, there is a tendency to relegate the Ghazwah of Mut’ah to a role of utter insignificance. This has mostly been due to fact that the confrontation at Mut’ah didn't result in any lasting territorial changes or diplomatic maneuvers, unlike the shocking victory of the small Muslim army at Badr over their Makkan opponents or the later grand campaigns against the Byzantines or the Sasanids. Despite this, Mut’ah retains a unique place in the story of the early Muslim faithful, not only because it represented the first real military confrontation with the “Rum" or Romans that occupied Syria and the Levant, but also because it gives the student of history a good look at two people who would shape the Ummah in years to come.

    The first of these men is Saifullah Khalid ibn al Walid, a Makkan nobleman turned zealous follower of his once-enemy Muhammad who brilliantly engineered the addition of vast territories to the lands of the Caliphate. Although religious scholars from later periods would claim that Khalid had snatched victory from the jaws of defeat at Mut’ah, destroying the much larger Byzantine army entirely, this is patently untrue. Analysis of the earliest sources, including sayings of the Prophet Muhammad and Khalid himself indicate that Mut’ah was a stinging loss for the Muslims. This is not to say that Khalid did not display his usual acumen for battle here, however. The grizzled general acted quickly enough to turn the Muslim rout into an orderly retreat that inflicted heavy losses on the Ghassanid Christian Arab client-cavalry sent to pursue them. For their part, the Byzantines almost certainly saw Mut’ah as an unimportant repulsion of raiding Arabs. Although stories were floating in Bilad As-Sham about the nature of the Arabs who attacked them, the soldiers of the Caesar had more pressing matters to concern themselves with than the vagaries of deep desert tribal politics.

    The second - and even more influential - figure to emerge from this is the charismatic warrior-scholar Zaid ibn Haritha. From slave to adopted son of the Prophet to Commander of the Faithful, few other events so embodied the death of the old Makkan-Tai’fan social system in Muhammad’s Arabia than the new prominence of Zaid, a prominence that would only increase after his return to Makkah. The only Companion of the Prophet mentioned by name in the Qur’an, Zaid is a liminal figure, a man who stood halfway between being a member of the Ahl-ul-Bayt and being an outsider tribesman from Najd. In time, this quality, along with his singular status of being well-liked by almost all the prominent Companions and Mothers of the Believers at the time of the Prophet’s death, would impact not only his rule of the Caliphate, but the whole of Islam itself."

    Introducing the TL
    Hey, everybody! This is my first TL (huzzah) and you've just seen the POD. In OTL, the Battle of Mut’ah, a Muslim raid sent against the Byzantine Empire in retribution for the death of a Muslim missionary in Basra, ended in the death of Zaid ibn Haritha, Abdallah ibn Rawahah and the Prophet’s uncle Ja’far. When Khalid took command, he conducted an organized retreat and got his remaining men out safely. In TTL, Zaid listens to Khalid’s counsel to only harass the much larger army, retreat, and decimate the Ghassanid outriders who chase them over Abdallah’s advice to enter pitched battle. The TTL Muslims lose many less men thanks to this, with Zaid and Abdallah being among the survivors.


    Woah, this is a touchy topic. Much of this history is still really important to a lot of Muslims and inspires some bad blood to this day. Why are you doing this? Yeah, I know. I’m a Muslim myself, from a mixed Sunni-Shia household, so a lot of this stuff can get awkward around the dinner table, so to speak. However, I think the idea of a surviving Zaid as a Rightly Guided Caliph is one that deserves treatment. I'll try my best to not pull too heavily from sectarian sources (although many of the very earliest ones show astonishingly little bias, except of course the obvious pro-Muslim one in theology.) Prophet Muhammad himself will not show up; in fact, the next update will jump to right after his death and take off from there.

    Oh, so this is going to be a Rashidun-wank? Not really, but I would be lying if I said that trying to see if the Rashidun Caliphate had the ability to last a while longer than it did OTL wasn't part of the goal here. There's gonna be lots of trouble in the future for our friend Ibn Haritha and he’ll have to deal with many of the same issues that the Ummah faced in OTL as well as some new ones. In fact, if any folks who are well-read on Byzantine and Sassanid Empires want to jump in and pitch their ideas, that'd be more than welcome.

    What else can I expect from this thing? Lots! There'll be questions about the role of the Caliph, whether hereditary monarchy ever becomes part of the Islamic tradition, what exactly IS a Muslim at this time and how that shifts, the clash of classism and Arabization vs proto-egalitarian institutions from Muhammad's time and all sorts of other stuff. Also, expect frequent appearances by the Mothers of the Believers. Aisha, Hafsah, and the other Umm al-Mumineen are too interesting to not take a center stage in a TL like this!
     
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    Prologue - The Death of the Prophet
  • Prologue

    Abdullah ibn Mas'ud said, "The Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, slept on a straw mat and when he got up he had a mark on his side. We said, "Messenger of Allah, we could make a covering for you?" He said to us, "What have I to do with this world? I am only in this world like a rider who seeks shade under a tree and then goes on.
    - recorded in Riyadh-as-Saliheen by Imam Al-Nawawi




    632 A.D - Madinah Al-Munawwarah

    Bathed in the light of the early morning sun, the Radiant City hummed with activity. Moving with the skill that comes from years of experience, Suraqah nimbly clambered down from a tall palm tree he was gathering from and put the ripe dates in a basket carried by his daughter Ruqayyah. As the girl turned to place them in the drying room, the sun-browned farmer ruffled her hair, taking a moment to admire the rows of stately trees laden with fruit. A little farther away, he could see the entrance of the marketplace with the caravans of traders returning from As-Sham and the Yemen, accompanied by delegation after delegation of tribal chiefs coming to give their bayyah - their pledges - to the Prophet, peace be upon him. As he leaned against a tree and watched his small family work the orchard, Suraqah let his mind wander to a time not so long ago when the city faced much darker prospects.

    Back then, when Madinah Al-Nabi was still called Yathrib, bloody rivalries were tearing the community apart and every day seemed to bring the Aws and Khazaraj tribes closer to all-out tribal war. The community of Najdi freed slaves were treated with almost contemptuous cruelty; they had no tribe to protect them, so they had no rights to speak of. A young man at the time, he had done his fair share of dueling and boasting through poetry, brandishing his sword at any Khazaraj who dared malign the honor of his clan. Then, word came in the city that the heretics of Makkah and the man of Banu Hashim who led them were coming to seek refuge in their town, sparking intense curiosity amongst all Yathribis. Suraqah himself, like most people in the town, knew about the idea of the prophetic mantle from the Jews they worked and farmed with but had never heard of a living Prophet bearing revelation from God himself. When the first of these religious exiles came to the city, they looked poor and near-starving, but the message they bore was invigorating in its boldness. In words beautiful and somber and joyous all at once - words they said were those of God himself - they proclaimed the age of tribes was over. All people were in one tribe now, the tribe of the Ummah, and there would be justice done within this Ummah. Suraqah and his brothers stayed up late with the Muhajirun of Makkah (who were being cared for by the people of Yathrib and stayed in various homes throughout the city) talking with them about the future that the Prophet Muhammad envisioned for his new society of believers. Both young men said their shahadahs in the presence of a man named Hamzah ibn Abi Talib, the strapping warrior and uncle of the Prophet who was famed for his valor, and they eagerly awaited the sighting of the Prophet’s camel with the rest of the city. When he finally appeared on the horizon one cold night with his faithful companion Abu Bakr, the city erupted into singing and celebration. Suraqah pushed his way through the crowds to get a sight of the man that had borne revelation from above. Finally getting a good place, he spotted him trailing just behind Abu Bakr's camel and greeting those he passed by. The Prophet of God was dusty, robed in poor garments, and just as gaunt as his other followers...but when he smiled that calm smile, Suraqah thought he outshone the full moon itself.

    Within three weeks, Muhammad had made peace between the Aws and the Khazraj, foes who had previously been at war for 5 generations. He made a pact, written up by his companion Uthman ibn Affan and stamped with his ring (for the great Messenger was illiterate), that enshrined the rights and duties of the various communities of Makkah. The Najdis walked as equals in the streets of Yathrib, now proudly renamed The Shining City, and indeed his own wife was a Najdi. The next years brought their own tribulations: the unbelievable battle at Badr, the heartrending loss of so many brave brothers at Uhud, the desperate defence of the city against 4 massed armies at the Battle of the Trench, but through it all, the Prophet stood with them. He led them at Badr, wept with them at Uhud, dug the trenches and hungered in the streets with them at the Khandaq; Muhammad was their guiding light ready with a kind word or a wise ruling to clear their hearts. Now that Makkah had been taken without bloodshed, the Prophet’s call seemed triumphant in Arabia and the days of starvation and fear seemed like bad dreams dissipating in the light of morning. Even better, the sickness that had gripped the beloved Prophet these past days seemed to have passed, as Suraqah saw him watch the jama’ah prayer in the Masjid.

    The relief and elation to see his face after so many days of worrying for his health had done wonders for not only Suraqah’s mood, but that of the whole city’s, it seemed. Just as he was going to return to work, his other daughter Kulthum pulled on his garment and pointed in the direction of the marketplace. Near the heart of the bazaar, a man was standing on stacked piles of palm wood and yelling something to an increasingly agitated crowd. Suraqah motioned for his daughters to stay behind, looked over to his wife Sumayah who moved to accompany him, and made his way to the entrance of the market. The closer he got, the more chaotic the scene became. People were wailing and screaming, arguments were becoming physical altercations, and a small group of donkeys being taken to market had been loosed, seemingly forgotten by their owner. Suraqah stopped one man who rushed past him and began to scold him harshly. “Brother, what is the meaning of this? Why are you acting so foolishly? Is it the way of our Prophet to strike out at our fellow Muslims?” The man, his face contorted with anger just a moment ago, broke out into heaving sobs. “Muhammad....Muhammad...Ya Allah! Our Muhammad has died!”
     
    Al-Siddiqa bint Al-Siddiq - Ayesha and the Succession Crisis
  • Al-Siddiqa bint Al-Siddiq

    Mohammed_and_his_wife_Aisha_freeing_the_daughter_of_a_tribal_chief._From_the_Siyer-i_Nebi.jpg


    Excerpt from “Understanding our Mother”, (Shariati, Ali. "Ayesha is Ayesha and other lectures", Amir-Kabir Publishers, 1979)

    "...when rebuking these clerics and their “Islam of mourning", their rigidity and close-mindedness dressed as taqwa, the most instructive example we have available to us is Sayyidna Ayesha, may Allah be pleased with her. Not only was she to become the closest thing to an authoritative master of Islamic theology following the death of the Prophet, peace be upon him, but her bold leadership in the turbulent times of the first Caliphs would help weld the Ummah together when it seemed most in danger of rupturing. Part of this was due to her status as the favorite wife of the Messenger and daughter of his closest companion, but her skill at guiding the believers was mostly a result of her own iron will as well as the remarkable group of confidants she gathered around herself.

    The first of these almost-disasters that the Rashidun Caliphate successfully dodged thanks to Ayesha's intervention was the selection of the first successor, but to grasp the fragility of Prophet Muhammad’s community at this time, it is best to consider the period immediately preceding the negotiations around the caliphate. When the Prophet had been confirmed to be dead, moving into the Akhirah as his head rested in Ayesha's lap, many of his companions were in various states of shock and depression: Zaid ibn Haritha was said to have initially been in something of a catatonic state after receiving the news, Ali read Qur’an to himself and paced back and forth in the Masjid nonstop for hours, the stern and trustworthy Umar was completely beside himself and screamed to the crowds that Muhammad had not died but ascended into heaven.

    When Abu Bakr had arrived from his trip to As-Sunah and heard about Muhammad’s death himself, he went to see the body. After making his own farewell, Abu Bakr tried to calm his old friend and make Umar see reason, but the man went on yelling that he’d punish anyone who said Muhammad had died. Moving a distance away from him before ascending a date palm stump, Abu Bakr began to shout over Umar, famously stating ‘Indeed, whoever worshipped Muhammad, then Muhammad is dead, but whoever worshipped Allah, then Allah is Alive and shall never die.’ After getting the crowd’s attention with this bold statement, he went on to recite a verse from the Qur’an: ‘Muhammad is but a messenger, messengers have passed away before him. Will it be that, when he dieth or is slain, ye will turn back on your heels? He who turneth back on his heels doth no hurt to Allah, and Allah will reward the thankful.’ At this, Umar stopped his yelling, quietly sat down, and cried. The Ummah was one in mourning, but even before the Prophet’s body was lowered into the earth, argument broke out again.

    Implicit in the conflict over who should lead the Ummah was the unanimous conviction among all Muslims that some kind of popular sanction was required to approve the candidate. A similarly universal sentiment was the fact that a shura council of prominent companions representing the various groups of Muslims - the Qurayshi tribes, the Banu Bakr tribes, the tribes of Ta’if, the Maadani tribes, the non-Arab converts and others - was the correct method by which to gauge the popular support for each candidate. How truly representative the council would be was the question of the day, with Umar and Abu Bakr stating that the political situation was incredibly precarious and too much time had been lost already to delay the shura until all the possible candidates had been summoned. They moved to hold a shura with the other Makkan delegates and the Khazraj from Madinah without collecting the other two most obvious contenders: Ali ibn Abi Talib, the Prophet’s son-in-law/cousin and Zaid ibn Haritha, the man who had been raised by the Prophet Muhammad himself.

    Although Ayesha and Ali had a chilly relationship at best, she was fond of Zaid ibn Haritha, who she saw as an uncle and took as a close confidant after Zaid and his son Usama were one of the few Companions to publicly swear that they believed Ayesha over her accusers during the earliest days of the infidelity scandal. Besides her regard for Zaid as a person, Ayesha also didn't think that it was prudent to alienate not only one, but two popular men closely associated with the Prophet at one stroke. While Zaid and Ali washed the body of the Messenger in preparation for his burial, Ayesha called on her friend Usama ibn Zaid. She asked him about his father’s stance on the election and where Zaid currently was. When Usama replied that Zaid was not particularly interested in the mantle of the Caliph, but would almost certainly be incensed if he was cut out of the decision-making process, Ayesha dispatched him to collect Zaid (who had only just finished washing the body) and bring him to the shura as quickly as possible. When the ex-slave turned community leader arrived at the shura, he was welcomed by Umar and Abu Bakr, but instead of returning their salams, Zaid loudly commanded the proceedings to halt. Enraged by the fact that he had been summoned to the Shura but his beloved friend and foster brother Ali was not yet there. To avoid open opposition to the ruling of the shura on the part of both Zaid and Ali, the council was forced to wait until Ali had completed the rest of the pre-burial rituals and joined them to begin.

    Preferred by many of the companions for his status as Muhammad’s best friend (including Zaid himself) and aided by the fact that those Muslims who felt that someone more familially connected to the Prophet should be picked split their vote between the former foster son Zaid and the son-in-law/cousin Ali, Abu Bakr came out as the Caliph when the shura adjourned. Satisfied that justice had been done and the Ummah’s voice had been heard, both Zaid and Ali immediately pledged their allegiance to Abu Bakr, thus ensuring that a non-controversial succession would take place."


    Afternotes
    Hey, y'all! Hope you're enjoying the TL so far. The ascension of Abu Bakr was covered relatively rapidly, but that's mostly because the plot would be better served dealing with updates in a more sweeping fashion until the Ridda Wars arrive. As far as butterflies, there's a few already flapping, ones that are going to have some very weighty consequences. In OTL, the shura council happens early like Umar and Abu Bakr planned, but Ayesha doesn't interfere since she wasn't about to go to bat for the man who advised Prophet Muhammad to divorce her during the false charges of infidelity scandal. This leads Ali, angry that he'd been left out of the shura's decision, to refuse to acknowledge the legitimacy of Abu Bakr's caliphate for about six months, after which Umar's declared intention to war with Ali if he didn't stop fracturing the Ummah and Abu Bakr's impassioned pleas to rejoin the community convinced him to accept Abu Bakr. However, this still left a lot of resentment over the whole episode within Ali's family, resentment that has been butterflied away TTL by Ayesha's timely intervention and Zaid's firm insistence on having Ali (who he saw as a little brother of sorts) present at the shura.
     
    Commander of the Faithful - Abu Bakr's Caliphate in the Ridda Wars
  • Commander of the Faithful

    Abu_bakr2.jpg

    I have been given authority over you, though I am not the best of you. If I do well, help me; and if I do wrong, set me right. Sincere regard for truth is loyalty and disregard for truth is treachery. The weak amongst you shall be strong with me until I have secured his rights, if God wills; and the strong amongst you shall be weak with me until I have wrested from him the rights of others, if God wills. Obey me so long as I obey God and His Messenger. And if I disobey God and His Messenger, then I have no right to your obedience.
    --- from the inaugural speech of Caliph Abu Bakr


    “By the One who holds my soul in his right hand, even if you had every horseman in the world in your army and I had a lone blind man on a donkey in mine, I would never trade Muhammad the Blessed for Musaylimah the Liar!”
    --- Commander Khalid ibn al Walid’s response to Musaylimah’s offer of co-rulership in return for laying down his arms




    Excerpt from “Introduction” and other sections (Makhzum, Hasan. "Muhammad’s Shadow: Abu Bakr and his War to Unite Arabia", Al-Hullaim, 1998)

    “In modern days, historians tend to look upon Abu Bakr's reign as a ‘caretaker caliphate’ of sorts. According to this view, he served admirably in his role, but was only important in providing some of the groundwork for the titanic campaigns of his illustrious successors. The praises and honors of him during his lifetime were mostly a result of hagiography, say these academics, influenced by his status as Muhammad’s right hand man. This opinion suffers from two crucial flaws that stem from a misreading of the early Muslim mindset, common amongst both Western and Islamic traditional scholars today. When recounting the greatest endeavor that they ever embarked on for the tabi’un writers that followed them, members of the Companion generation almost universally recalled the compilation of the first full manuscript of the Qur’an under Abu Bakr. The conquests were glorious, yes, but the Companions were a people who had witnessed the Prophet’s Message firsthand and possessed the kind of zeal that only comes with being converted by a religion's founder personally: Abu Bakr’s compiling of the Mus’haf was actually equivalent to Umar’s expansions in their eyes.

    The other issue is that the previously described narrative ignores how close the Caliphate came to total collapse during the Ridda Wars period: at the time of his ascension to the Caliphate, the wave of rebellions following the death of the Prophet Muhammad had left the Muslims in direct control of only about 20% of Arabia's territory. Although large sections of the rank-and-file tribesmen stayed loyal to Abu Bakr and Islam despite the apostasy of their tribal leaders, it looked as if the Peninsula was heading back to the pre-Muhammad days of fractured tribalism. To the Muslims, while the conquests of the great old empires were the basis of an empire, the Ridda Wars were about nothing less than the very survival of "the Ummah for all tribes" that Muhammad dreamt of. The armies of Abu Bakr showed nothing but contempt for the apostates and their idea that the shahadah they proclaimed was only binding to Muhammad. The Companions held that the profession of faith bound one to the religion not the man, seeing the rebel’s claims as nothing more than excuses to shatter the legacy of the Prophet. Even worse in the eyes of the Muslims, some of the rebel chieftains like Musaylimah [1], Tulayha and Sajah proclaimed themselves new prophets and began spreading their own holy texts throughout their tribes. At a time when the community was still grieving for the Prophet Muhammad, from a Companion’s perspective, this seemed like a slap in the face. One only need to look at the way Abu Bakr’s soldiers perceived the rebellious tribes to see a clear difference between the Ridda campaigns and the expansion campaigns: there was none of the relatively lenient treatment, manumissions of war captives or strict adherence to the Prophetic rules of jihad that characterized the Rashidun expansions to witness in the campaign against the rebels. In the Ridda Wars, after receiving one pre-battle chance to repent and pledge allegiance to the Caliph, any fighting men left after the battle would be summarily executed...

    Abu Bakr’s Gambit
    ... Even though the initial outlook seemed dire, Abu Bakr’s first strategic move was to make a very risky gamble. With the zakat coffers running low thanks to the inability to conduct collections (and Abu Bakr's stern refusal to expropriate the Jewish tribes of Khaybar who had declared loyalty to the Caliphate like Amr ibn Al As suggested), he sent the main body of Rashidun troops to the edge of Syria in the hopes of relieving the loyalist tribes there and raiding the wealthy Ghassanid-Roman outposts. The outcome of this ghazwah would be critical: if the disaster at Mut’ah repeated itself and the army returned empty-handed, the remaining lifespan of the Caliphate would be measured in weeks. Led by Zaid’s youthful son Usama with the help of Khalid ibn al Walid and Umar ibn al Khattab, the soldiers raised the black war banner of Muhammad for the first time since his death and marched for the hinterlands of the Rum. When scouts of the apostate Hawazin tribal confederacy reported that the army of Abu Bakr had been dispatched on a foreign mission, the Hawazin chiefs and their distant relatives of the Bani Ghatafan clan formed an alliance. Large numbers of Bedouin warriors set out from their stronghold at Dhul Kissah to the outskirts of Madinah in a bid to sack the holy city of the Prophet.

    From their forward base in Dhul Hussah where they met small Muslim bands in skirmishes, the Ghatafan-Hawazin alliance was further reinforced by the proclaimed prophet Tulayha and his Al Tayy tribesmen, swelling their numbers. Tulayha hoped to be the first of the three new claimants to prophethood to capture Madinah, and with only around 500 soldiers left for Abu Bakr to command in defence of the city, Tulayha was already boasting that he'd decorate Muhammad's Masjid with the heads of his widows. Abu Bakr, trying to avoid fighting Tulayha on his own terms and hoping to get the drop on him, takes yet another massive risk on the advice of his councilors Ali ibn Abi Talib, Zaid ibn Haritha and Talha ibn Ubaidallah. He mobilizes every single soldier in Madinah, with even some warrior women like Prophet Muhammad’s foster sister Shaimaa bint Harith [2] joining in, and launches a night assault on the allied rebel army at Dhul Hussah. Despite the number disparity, the Caliph's men (and women) are disciplined veterans of the long war between Muhammad’s Muslims and the polytheist Makkans. With the element of surprise also working in their favor, they utterly destroy the allied army. When the remnants of the broken apostates flee to the stronghold at Dhul Qissah, the Rashidun army pursues them, pausing only for prayers, and captures the oasis town. Tulayha survives the rout, fleeing to his tribe’s stronghold with only 24 men left of his original war party. The victorious army of the Caliph returned home, having successfully defended the Radiant City, and the Ummah settled in to wait for news of Usama’s expedition to Syria.

    The Sword of God Takes the Field
    We may never know what the week between Abu Bakr's return and the first sighting of Usama’s army in Madinah felt like for the Muslims, but it’s not hard to imagine that deep worry was prevalent. Not only was there a general awareness that this ghazwa was crucial to the fate of Islam, everyone in that city had a brother, son, or husband in that army: Zaid’s son Usama was leading, Ali’s sons Hassan and Hussain were his personal guardsmen, and Abu Bakr’s son in law Hanzalah was in the cavalry. Whatever tensions existed, however, were dissipated when the first Madani scout to spot Usama’s men and greet them returned with the news that Allah had granted the Muslims a clear victory over the Romans. When Usama rode into the city with the Prophet's war flag, proudly heading a army even bigger than it was when it left (bolstered by the soldiers of the loyalist tribes) and loaded down with collected zakat and the Byzantine spoils of war, the people beat drums and sang to celebrate. As the city’s quartermaster Uthman divided the zakat into the various public welfare channels and distributed Roman swords and armor to the soldiers, families reunited for a a week of rest before the war of reunification would begin in earnest.

    The plan that the Caliph and his shura council split the army into 12 uneven parts -
    • Khalid’s Army: Khalid ibn al Walid, aided by Zaid ibn Haritha, Umar ibn al Khattab,Uthman ibn Affan and Talha ibn Ubaidullah, was given command over the largest corps of soldiers. Their task would be to destroy the three major apostate armies threatening the Arabia, linking up with loyalist tribes along the way.

    • Ikrimah’s Army: Ikrimah ibn Abu Jahl, advised by Usama ibn Zaid and Hussain ibn Ali, was to lead a small but highly trained force of horse and camel cavalry. Their job would be to tie up the largest of the three apostate forces, that of Musaylimah al Kathab, in harassment attacks and supply line raids so he could not relieve any of the other four or threaten Khalid’s soldiers until the Muslims collected enough loyalists to eliminate him.

    • The Provincial Armies: Nine separate commanders selected by the council were each given an equal share of the remaining soldiers. They were tasked with restoring peace to the restive borderlands, like Yemen and Bahrain.

    • Abu Bakr's Army: The “Home Guard", so to speak. Abu Bakr, Ali ibn Abi Talib, and Hasan ibn Ali would use the soldiers from the defence of Madinah to guard the Holy Cities of Makkah and Madinah, as well as the nearby agricultural town of Ta’if.
    After everyone had received their orders and the army had made ready for the new campaign, the commanders each took up a black banner and ventured out to war. Khalid’s army spent its first days on the march remarkably peaceful. The loyalist chief of Tayy, a man named A’dyy ibn Hateem, brought not only his clan, but also successfully negotiated for the Jadeela and Banu Makhzum to rejoin the soldiers of the Caliph. Now seven thousand strong and ready to face the sixteen thousand tribesmen of the apostate prophet Tulayha, Khalid drew the rebel leader into a confrontation in a thick palm orchard near Buzakha where Tulayha’s large cavalry contingent would be unable to charge his men. The Muslims called out Tulayha to take part in the traditional pre-battle duel and cheered when their commander Khalid sauntered forward to challenge him. After trading only a few blows, Khalid slashed Tulayha in the arm and the rebel ran back to his army, fearing for his life. According to tradition, Khalid yelled “By God, you will die at my hands, coward! God is greater!” as his army surged forward and the fight began. Forced to dismount and fight, the raw troops of Tulayha were violently dispatched by the Rashidun soldiers amongst the date palms. Tulayha and a shell of his original warriors would escape death at the hands of the Caliphate again, but his luck would run out when Khalid’s forces caught up to him and slew his last men at Ghamra. In the pre-battle duel, Khalid made good on his earlier oath and killed Tulayha. With one apostate leader down and three to go, the Rashidun Army marched for Najd to confront their next target: Malik ibn Nuwayrah. Instead of fighting at Najd, however, diplomacy won out yet again. From Najd by birth, Zaid ibn Haritha was a blood cousin to Malik and an appeal to the ancient ties of kinship was enough to sway the old chieftain to swear an oath to the Caliph. Now stronger than ever, but still vastly smaller than the force of their final and greatest opponent, the Army of the Black Banner marched on the walled town of Jawh al-Yamamah to confront Musaylimah the Arch-Liar.

    The Rainstorm of Yamamah
    Musaylimah was the most hated of the new prophets by the Muslims for claiming that Muhammad had been his “co-prophet” and later “his most loyal and servile follower" in his book of additions to the Qur’an - this was not only heretical but spat on the memory of their beloved Prophet in their view - and they fully intended to punish Musaylimah for it. He was joined in his stronghold by the seeress and fellow new prophet Sajah, who was planning to attack Madinah but decided to combine forces with Musaylimah after Tulayha’s attempt to do the same ended in defeat, and even married her to bind their armies together permanently when he heard that the Sword of God himself was leading an army to destroy him. Ikrimah and Usama had done a magnificent job of harassing him, attacking outriders or scouting parties before vanishing into the night when the main apostate army arrived. Ikrimah kept pushing to assault the army itself, but Usama was able to dissuade him from this course of action: the Muslims were used to fighting as underdogs but not even Khalid could win with such a massive numbers disparity. They kept bleeding Musaylimah daily until one totally quiet week went by. Musaylimah and Sajah believed that Caliph Abu Bakr had despaired of ever conquering the town and threw a lavish party to thank God for their success. Contrary to their optimistic assumptions, Ikrimah and Usama had been contacted by a lone rider who told them Khalid’s army had camped a safe distance from Jawh al-Yamamah and that their cavalrymen were to rejoin the main army for the final battle.

    Two days later, Musaylimah was hurriedly awakened by a tribesman: the Rashidun Army had been spotted on the Plain of Aqrabah right outside the town. When he heard that the Muslims had only about fifteen thousand soldiers, he swiftly gathered his army of forty-two thousand strong and rode out as quickly as he could to their camp to destroy the Caliph’s men in one decisive strike. This rashness was exactly what Khalid was counting on: once again his enemies had let him pick the terrain for the battle and he'd selected a dry riverbed that served as a natural chokepoint, mitigating the number disparity with Musaylimah’s army. When the two armies prepared to clash, Musaylimah offered Khalid the chance to rule Arabia with him - an offer made famous by Khalid's stinging refusal. Incensed, Musaylimah shouted that he foresaw Khalid in Hellfire forever, but any other Rashidun soldiers who wished to be spared death could join him. Not a single man moved to take up his offer, even in the face of his numbers. Now positively maddened by humiliation and anger, Musaylimah commanded his men to charge and the battle commenced. Like he’d planned, the apostate army’s nearly three-to-one advantage was blunted by the chokepoint - once the playing field was leveled, the experience, training, and discipline of the Caliph’s warriors overwhelmed the rebels. The Rashidun soldiers slew so many of Musaylimah’s men that the gully began to flow in the dry season, but with blood rather than sweet rainwater. The wadi where they clashed would be named the Gully of Blood and the Rashidun Army would be christened the Rainstorm of Yamamah in remembrance of this intense and incredibly violent phase of the battle. The army of Musaylimah, reduced to a paltry eighty four hundred, retreated to the walls of Jawh al-Yamamah and hunkered down. The Muslims, unprepared for a siege, came up with a novel solution. According to a text on the lives of the Companions by Al Tirmidhi, the Rashidun soldiers stood on the backs of the others until Al Bara’ ibn Malik was able to jump over the wall, kill the gate guards, and let in the Muslim army[3]. In the slaughter that followed, almost every one of Musaylimah’s warriors died, with the prophet himself being ended by a well-placed javelin thrown by the Abyssinian ex-slave Wahshi ibn Harb. The only leader to be spared death in combat was Sajah the prophetess: she was granted free passage and later re-converted to Islam. With the stunning victory at Yamamah, the back of the apostate rebellion was broken. The pacification of the border provinces would take another few weeks, but the heartland had been re-unified and the majority of the army was demobilized. Trade routes reopened, people returned to their towns and villages, and the remaining soldiers of the Rashidun Army in the area patrolled the area to root out the bandit gangs that had formed in the chaotic beginning of the war. In the space of five months, Abu Bakr had taken the Caliphate from the brink of ruin to the strongest power in the history of the Peninsula and now the victorious Commander of the Faithful could afford to take up more domestic concerns.”

    1. Musaylimah Al Kathab is actually named Maslamah, but basically every historian uses the pejorative name that the Muslims called him. It more or less means "Tiny Maslamah the Arch-Liar."
    2. Shaimaa, IMHO, is one of the top ten most underrated figures of early Islam. She's the daughter of Halimah, the Bedouin woman who raised Muhammad in the desert and she watched him while he was a toddler. According to a few hadith (with weak chains of narration, but I prefer to believe it), when she went to Muhammad to become a Muslim nearly 40 years after they had last seen each other, she slaps him across the face for not recognizing her. The Companions around him move to attack Shaimaa, but Muhammad laughs and hugs her, saying "I know you now, Shaimaa! Bring milk and dates; my elder sister has returned to me!"
    3. Yes, you are in fact reading that right. The Rashidun soldiers used a cheerleader human pyramid to break into Jawh al-Yamamah. History is weird.


    Afternotes
    The most incredible thing about the Ridda Wars period to me is how unlikely the story sounds even though butterflies have changed very little at this point. The OTL Abu Bakr really does only control 15-20% of Arabia in the June of 632 with three different rival prophets circling like vultures to feast on the corpse of the Caliphate...and by the December of that same year heads a larger and more cohesive state than Prophet Muhammad ever did. Usama's risky expedition to the frontier, Abu Bakr ending the assault on Madinah with five hundred soldiers, Khalid being a living Marty Stu (well, he's always that) and absorbing or destroying army after army; that's all OTL and attested to by even enemy records like what's left of Musaylimah's holy text and the sayings of deposed Ghassanid chief Abu Luayy. The only thing different in TTL is that Zaid takes the place of his son Usama in Khalid's army, leading to Khalid co-opting Malik rather than killing him with family connections. Usama himself is shifted to Ikrimah's harrassment campaign, helping to reign in Ikrimah's impulsive desire for action which gets him defeated by Musaylimah in OTL.

    Considering the overall slam dunk that was his re-unification, why Abu Bakr has almost no reputation as a warrior-Caliph is a good question. I personally think he was a victim of his own success: a rebellion that gets wrapped up in a year seems like some small, easily-crushed insurrection and not the collapse of a nation.
     
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    Love and Holy Books Part I - Zaid and Tawadrosa
  • Love and Holy Books, Part I

    images


    Read! In the Name of your Lord, Who all created,
    Created Man from blood, coagulated,
    Read! And your Lord is the Most Exalted,
    Who tutored by the pen;
    What Man knew not, We helped him ken.

    --- the first five chronological verses of the Qur’an, Surah Al-Alaq [1]

    God makes easy the road to Paradise for those who make easy the road to knowledge.

    --- saying of the Prophet Muhammad, recorded in Sahih Muslim




    Ten miles outside of Tarim, 633 CE

    There were nine beautiful sights a traveler should see in Arabia, said the ancient poems of the Mu'allaqat, and the coming of spring in the well-watered valleys and wadis of Hadhramaut was the most breathtaking of them all. The land was transformed into a garden where fragrant blooms, rich fields of wheat, tall date palms, ruby-red pomegranates, and frankincense bushes grew so thickly, it almost seemed like another world from the surrounding plateau. Many merchants made a healthy profit by purchasing the fruits and grains of the farmers here and selling them in the towns to the north, but two of the riders in the caravan heading to Madinah under the light of the full moon carried no sacks of millet, no crates of olibanum, and no pomegranates with them. The cargo carried by these two travelers was a strange one: scrolls of parchment, dried palm leaves, carefully folded vellum, papyrus-like reed sheets. On these, in a hundred different handwritings, in dialects hailing from Yemen all the way to Bahrain, is written the message that the illiterate shepherd Muhammad received in the Cave of Hira from the angel Gabriel. These scholars amongst traders, Tawadrosa bint Maksant and her husband Zaid ibn Thabit, were bringing the Word of God home with them to Madinah.


    Although their long journey was almost at its end, to Tawadrosa, the cool night breeze and the slow swaying of her camel as it headed for the Prophet’s City felt almost like the night she'd begun her own days of wandering. She called herself Theodora, daughter of Maxentius the epidecaon, back then, when she was still a restless young woman. Raised in the old and grand city of Alexandria, she spent her days reading scripture and philosophy alike. A student of languages and the Old Testament in particular, her mother was pleased with how intelligent and well-read her daughter was, but Theodora wasn't content with a life of passive worship. She longed to be a part of the great movements of the past: to have been with the Israelites as Moses lead them out of bondage or to have heard Jesus preach the Gospel with the disciples. The thought that the days of prophecy were over and God would no longer speak to his creation was one that filled her with a hard-to-explain sadness. Her parents were concerned by the change in her demeanor, but could do nothing to alleviate Theodora’s melancholy.


    Her mood only broke when she overheard chatter between her family's servants about the trading caravans from the barbarian desert towns to the East that had arrived the other day. One of the servants, a Christian Arab who bought olibanum from them, said that they had spoken of a new prophet who had begun to preach among them. Theodora went to the servant who met the Madani caravan and asked him to take her to their camp. She spent the whole night speaking to the foreign traders in her halting Arabic; they were a poor-looking group, with small weatherbeaten tents and patched garments, but they spoke eloquently about their Prophet and his mission to restore the teachings of the old prophets. The more she listened, the more Theodora was convinced that this was the moment she had been waiting for: a chance to learn from a messenger in the flesh. When the caravan made ready to leave for Arabia, she gathered some of her belongings, a camel from her family’s herd, and a pouch of gold coins. Theodora put on a hooded cloak and rode to the Muslim trader's camp as they were about to set off from the city and asked to join them. Pleased to hear that she wished to meet the Prophet Muhammad, they accepted her into the traveling party. When Theodora rode into Madinah, she was decidedly disappointed; compared to Alexandria, the Radiant City was just a rude collection of mud-brick buildings with palm-thatch roofs. Already beginning to feel like she had made a big mistake, she settled into the first row of worshippers [2] in the Prophet's Masjid and waited to hear the man himself speak. When Muhammad stood on his rough-hewn minbar and began to address the crowd, speaking in his calm and soft tone that still somehow carried across the room, Theodora sat enraptured. Her Arabic was imperfect, but she could understand his words enough to follow along, and what words they were! He spoke of the compassion of God and the compassion that the faithful should embody to the people around them. After the prayer, she walked up to the Messenger and said her shahadah to the jubilant cries of “Allahu Akbar!” from the congregated Ummah. In another few weeks, Theodora was again dissatisfied; she was happy to be in Madinah now that she had met the Prophet, but she was bored doing merchant work in the markets. She wanted to be challenged intellectually, not stuck in a tent selling wares. She voiced her concerns to the Prophet Muhammad, who smiled and told her to call upon a young man named Zaid ibn Thabit.


    Zaid had always been small and short for his age. In fact, Zaid shouldn't have even been alive. As a dangerously underweight one year old, he got sick during one of the plagues that swept Makkah every few decades. His mother Ramla, the only adult in his family after his father died in tribal warfare, was told that her son had no chance of surviving and that she should prepare for the funeral. Ramla angrily sent away the healers, telling them that they had underestimated her son’s strength, and soon little Zaid proved her right. “He weakened, he thinned, but by Al-Laat, he lived!” she crowed proudly, words that would come to define Zaid ibn Thabit’s life. People were constantly underestimating him since then, and Zaid was making them look like fools just as consistently. When the refugee Ummah was staring obliteration in the face just prior to the Battle of Badr, an eleven year old Zaid wielding his father's sword tried to enlist in the Muslim army. The Prophet sent him back, kindly telling him that the battlefield was no place for boys. Zaid was so angry that he couldn't fight that he stabbed the sword into the ground and challenged the soldiers gearing up for war to a fistfight. Zaid ibn Haritha, then a strapping warrior in his twenties, took the sword from ground and consoled his younger namesake. The older Zaid promised the boy that he'd wield ibn Thabit’s sword for him in the battle to bring honor to their family. Zaid ibn Haritha brought back his sword for him from Badr and handed it back to Zaid ibn Thabit. "Now it has history", he said to the awestruck boy, who took it home and cherished it ever since. Zaid ibn Thabit did eventually get his chance to win glory in battle [3], but by then he had already taken to sharpening his mental skills instead of his martial ones. When he had been rejected for the army a second time during the battle of Uhud, Muhammad sat with the angry youth. The Messenger told Zaid that there were other ways to serve his community than on the battlefield, roles that the Ummah needed even more than another soldier. Calling him “the most able mind in Madinah”, Muhammad urgend Zaid to expand his own horizons and thus expand the horizons of Islam as a whole. Since that day, Zaid inhaled every book he could get his hands on. When he ran out of books in Arabic to read, he learned Hebrew and studied with the Jewish tribes of Khaybar. Then he learned Greek, then Syriac, then Coptic, then Persian...by his early twenties, Zaid was a scholar to rival any other in the Peninsula. He became the chief scribe to the illiterate Prophet Muhammad, noting down his sayings for later perusal by the Companions, reading letters and parchments for him, and writing responses back in his name.


    Zaid was quite content with this simple arrangement, working as a scribe and spending the rest of his time hunting down new reading material; at least he was until Theodora showed up at the door of his small house adjacent to the Masjid. The pretty young Coptic lady introduced herself and said that the Prophet had suggested that she work with him. Zaid was apprehensive at first, shy as he was, but he found himself opening up to Theodora almost in spite of himself. He quickly discovered she was conversant in as many languages he was, knew about philosophies that seemed tantalizingly new to him, and was a brilliant debater. For her part, Theodora never thought she’d meet any Arab in this backwater of the world as educated as Zaid was. He could give lectures on Tertullian or the Desert Fathers, recite achingly beautiful ancient Arabic poetry about the lonely dunes and windswept massifs of the high desert, or talk about the intricacies of Jewish scripture. For two whole weeks, they spent almost every waking moment with each other, either arguing some obscure point of theology or sharing a joke in some foreign tongue. When they finally announced that they were getting married to the Ummah, three months after Theodora first arrived in Madinah, Ayesha was reported to have said, “I wish I knew why it took them so long.” The couple was surprised that the consensus opinion in the Radiant City seemed to be "it's about time" (alas, it seems some unwritten rule of life that the two lovers themselves are the very last people to see how deeply their beloved reciprocates their feelings), but were more than happy to join in the festivities the Ummah conducted in their honor. The Prophet Muhammad himself filled in for Theodora's mahram during the ceremony and Zaid's mother Ramla, who had converted to Islam with her son, acted as his guardian. Happily married, Zaid and Theodora showed no intention of settling into the usual Madani domestic lifestyle. Childless [4], their household consisted of the two of them in a small house absolutely filled with bound manuscripts, loose parchments and scrolls. Zaid showed no interest in obtaining another wife like many othe Companions did; when Talha ibn Ubaidallah ribbed him for being a hen-pecked husband, he just smiled and said "God has been good enough to grant me a wife who is the equivalent of four women in one. Everyday I spend as her husband is a day that I thank my Lord for his blessings on me. Why then, brother, should I seek out other women?" Together, Theodora, daughter of Maxentius, and Zaid, son of Thabit, worked as a husband-and-wife tag team of scholars, continuing their scribe work for the Prophet but also becoming the city’s major sources of secular or non-Islamic knowledge. They were both bright people independently, but together they operated like some gestalt mind of 7th century brilliance. It was only natural that they would be part of the shura council that was formed to discuss the preservation of the Qur’an that Caliph Abu Bakr convened following the Ridda Wars.


    Worried about large numbers of people who had memorized the Qur’an that died fighting the apostate rebels, the Ummah pushed Abu Bakr to make some sort of move to ensure the continuation of the God’s Word. Most of the councilors agreed that the solution lied in getting more people to memorize the Qur'an, with plans ranging from financial incentives for the families of hufadh to removing all secular parts of the education that Zaid ibn Thabit's weekday classes for Madinah's children provided to focus solely on Qur'an memorization (unsurprisingly, Zaid flatly rejected this proposal.) Umar offhandedly suggested making one big manuscript of the Qur’an, so that any lettered person could read it. The suggestion was immediately criticized by Amr ibn Al As, who noted that any written version of the Qur’an would have to be ordered by surah in the same way that the Lawh-al-Mahfuz [5] was ordered, and since only the chronological order of surahs was known, the idea of having a book was a non-starter. Zaid ibn Thabit cleared his throat and responded that both him and his wife actually did know the proper ordering of the surahs. The whole council turned around to stare at the pair, who looked back at them calmly, as if they hadn't just revealed earth-shattering news. Theodora explained that every Ramadan, the Prophet Muhammad used to go over the order of the Qur’an as it should be with both her and Zaid, updating the list every year with the new revelations. The last Ramadan that the Prophet had celebrated with his Ummah, scarcely two years ago, he had gone over the list with them twice. They were completely certain of their list’s accuracy, she finished primly, and they could compile a written Qur'an within the year. The old Banu Makhzum chieftain Ibn Masud almost roared from his seat, yelling as he demanded to know why the two of them waited so long to tell everyone. Theodora smiled slightly at him as she responded: well, no one had ever asked them.





    [1] This is from Fazoullah Nikayin’s translation of the Qur’an, which tries to emphasize the Qur’an’s nature as a work of poetry. I don't usually shill for books, but I strongly recommend that any non-Arabic speaker who wants to understand more of the rhythm and tone of the Qur’an should get a copy of this book. For people entirely new to the Qur’an, I used to suggest reading Muhammad Asad's more literal translation first, but nowadays, I think reading the Poetic Translation first drives home the feel of the text, which I think is more important that the minutae of translation.

    [2] She is actually sitting in the front row, not just some “front row" of the women's area. The gender separation of mosques is alien to early Islam; almost every early source that even sees this issue as something worthy of note makes it clear that women were praying alongside men. Other early sources indirectly imply this as well; I mean, Hafsah and Ayesha were leading Friday prayers, for the Prophet’s sake! The latter-day rationalization for gender exclusion, that men simply couldn't be around women without it being indecent, also wasn't a Rashidun-era sentiment at all; many women spent time alone with men. In fact, breaking this very taboo is what the Companions considered the "moral of the story" from Ayesha's necklace incident.

    The Umayyad dynasty is the earliest date found by Professor Esposito for any evidence of the introduction of gender segregation into mosques, not counting very weak hadith that were probably fabrications from the Abbasid-era. This isn't the time yet to discuss the shifting of Rashidun-era egalitarian Islam into the heavily stratified Islam of the late Bani Umayya and beyond, but I find it very interesting to note that things like the mixed gender prayer hall in Germany which recently drew such polarized headlines are actually in some ways a return to the state of affairs 1400 years ago. Any of my lovely readers who wants to learn more about this topic should look into the feminist Islamic scholar Amina Wadud and her work or shoot me a PM sometime.

    [3] This is a great story, but I stuck it in the footnotes so it wouldn't derail the post. So, Zaid ibn Thabit is fifteen when the Prophet finally thinks he's old enough to fight with the Muslim army. The battle he was joining was the Battle of the Trench: where all the people who wanted Muhammad's head on a spike from across Arabia formed a Super League of Islamophobia that was only stopped by Salman the Persian’s idea to dig a gigantic ditch around the city. The Makkan cavalry was stopped and the Muslim archers just filled any Makkan soldier who felt like trying to cross the ditch with arrows. The Makkans and co. are stumped, until someone remembers Abu Dhujanah. Now, Abu Dhujanah is a mercenary, famous for being a great swordsman and even more famous for doing trick jumps with his horse to please crowds. The Makkans hire Abu Dhujanah to jump over the trench and kill Muhammad, hoping that the death of the Prophet would break the morale of the Madanis. Abu Dhujanah actually manages to make it to the other side with a heroic leap of his horse….only to be immediately impaled in the throat by Zaid, who stuck out his spear at the onrushing horseman in reflexive fear. Teenage Zaid sorta accidentally killed the Evel Knievel of 7th Century Arabia.

    [4] None of the contemporary sources comment on why the couple had no children, but Az-Zamakshari speculates that Zaid had what we would probably diagnose today as immune infertility. Although they were otherwise healthy men, infertility seemed to crop up in a few boys every generation in Zaid's family. This was a point of some sadness for Zaid, who loved children, but lead to his long and distinguished career in teaching when Theodora suggested that he could help the children learn their letters.

    [5] The Lawh-al-Mahfouz (often translated as the Preserved Tablet) is what Muslims call the the great book in which God wrote at the beginning of time, detailing the fate of everything that was ever to come. In the Muslim version of the "Genesis" story, so to speak, the first thing God creates is not light, but the pen. God then creates the Tablets and commands the Pen to write upon them everything that would come to be. It is also said to contain all the knowledge of the heavens and the earth, and perfectly preserved versions of the Scrolls of Abraham, the Testament of Moses, the Psalms of David, the Gospels of Jesus, and the Qur’an of Muhammad.




    Afternotes


    Remember when I said the update about the compilation of the Qur’an was gonna be a short one? Yeah, it looks I lied. It's got two parts now.


    In the first part, you got introduced to our heroes, Zaid and Theodora. Just a quick note on historical sources, I was pretty shocked to see that I couldn't find a single source translated into English on her. There's a solid few in Arabic, both contemporary like Abu Hurairah’s account of her and later but reliable like Az-Zamakshari’s detailed biography of her in his book on the female companions of Muhammad. It's downright criminal that Theodora doesn't get the recognition she deserves (probably because as a member of the rationalist Mu’tazila school, all of Az-Zamakshari’s fantastic work was suppressed by the anti-rationalist Ash’ari school), not only because she was a Companion who played a key role in the compilation of the Qur’an, but also because I think that her and Zaid ibn Thabit’s love story is really cute.


    In OTL, Zaid is one of the few male Companions who remains monogamous. Though the reasons for this aren’t clear, we do know that they were quite devoted to each other, to the point that the other Companions often referred to them as a single unit. This love story ends tragically however. During the chaos of the Fitna, Theodora (who was an outspoken partisan of Ali’s faction, while Zaid was more neutral) gets assassinated by a member of Banu Umayya while giving a public lecture in a masjid. Although historians think that it was unlikely that Mu’awiya himself called in the hit on Theodora, Zaid clearly thought Mu’awiya was responsible for her death. Mu’awiya made many attempts to get in Zaid's good graces; as the lead compiler of the Qur’an, Zaid had an immense amount of respect from the Ummah which would help his government's legitimacy. Zaid was having none of that; when Mu’awiya once asked what he could do to repair their relationship, Zaid coldly told him that he could ask God to resurrect his wife. Both Zaid and Theodora were ardent believers in the process of shura and in his waning years, Zaid often said that he was glad his beloved Theodora died before she could see the perversion of the Majlis into a powerless rubber-stamp body. He does teach many students during his later years, becoming the primary Islamic influence for the Abbasid-era Mu’tazila rationalist school (which is probably why Az-Zamakshari wrote so much about Theodora) before dying.


    I'm a flatly unashamed sentimentalist and I don't think I'm giving away too much (that couldn't already be guessed at by the direction of the TL so far) by saying that I'm gonna give these two a happier ending than the heartbreak of OTL.
     
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    Info Post 1: Theories on the Qur'an
  • New here, but long time lurker!

    Glad to have you here, mate!

    I must say I take great interest in this story you've set up. I enjoy it very much. One thing I think you should potentially consider are the Non-Arab companions of the prophet and potentially how they could be used potentially for translation of the Qu'ran or propagating it to non-Arabs similar to how we find translations and transliterations beside the Arabic text of today. Salman al Farisi, and Bilal ibn Rabah come to mind. I feel a joint effort may be more likely than Zaid knowing so many languages.

    As far as the non-Arab Companions, Bilal is actually slated to make an appearance very soon, during the Second Grand Majlis-as-Shura. I haven't thought about working in Salman al-Farisi, but now that you mention it, the guy's life story was so wild that he's got feature in here somehow. Consider it done! As far as Zaid's language skills, that's not actually my own addition. It seems like sources (I'm generally looking at the Umayyad-era compilations on the Companions) agree that Zaid was at least quadlingual, with Abdallah ibn Masud's (weak) narration claiming that he knew as many as seven languages. I'd take that one with a grain of salt :p but for a self-educated medieval youth in Arabia, he was shockingly cosmopolitan. Like you say, though, there's significant gaps in his knowledge that Salman or Bilal could fill. An Aramaic Qur'an or even a Ge'ez Qur'an this early would be incredible.

    Also, I'd like to know more about the standardization of the Qu'ran. I was under the impression when the Qur'ans were burned, it had nothing to do with the seven different styles of recitation, but with the religion spreading to Non-Arabs (Assyrians, Persians, Copts). I'm under the impression that the variant Arab readings are still in use. The standardization of Uthman was focused on adding dots to letters to make it easier for Non-Arabs as well as adding tashkeel. (Fatha, Kesra,

    The problem with the Qur’an burnings is that they're probably behind only the assassination of Uthman and the murder of Hussain at Karbala for the title of "most politicized event in early Islamic history." The traditional Sunni account claims that the modern seven styles of recitation were always just that: styles of recitation that had no actual difference in wording. In this account, Uthman only burned the adulterated copies spreading like wildfire across the Caliphate's fringe regions.

    On the other hand, some branches of Shi'a Islam (a number of Alevis for example) go so far as to claim that all the other Qur'ans burned by Uthman had verses talking about how Ali should be Caliph, so he doctored one Qur'an and destroyed all evidence.

    Since a goal of this TL is to be nice and non-sectarian, I think we should try to use the recent renaissance of relatively unbiased historical research into the Rashidun Caliphate to inform our official position on this tricky subject. To dismiss the Alevi position, all we really need to consider is Occam's Razor; which is more likely? That Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman made a conspiracy to destroy and replace every copy and every reference to a some explicitly pro-Ali version of the Qur’an without any other Companions saying anything....or that the Qur'an simply never had any pro-Ali verses? However, the traditional Sunni position falls apart under scrutiny as well; the smoking gun here is the existance of several documents like the Sana'a Manuscripts, which prove that there were indeed notable differences between the pre-Uthmanic Qur'ans. Analysis of the differences show that the older variant Qur'ans are still essentially unchanged in meaning, but conform to the rules and vocabularies of archaic regional dialects. Now, we can construct a likely narrative from this: the modern seven styles of reading started out as fully-fleshed variant dialect Qur'ans, but with the standardization of the Qurayshi Qur'an under Uthman, they fell into disuse and atrophied into the cosmetically different accents we see today. This understanding of how the current Qur'an came to be is the one this TL assumes to be true.

    ....in retrospect, I probably should have explained all this some time back.

    Edit: Nice catch, I did in fact mean Athari in reference to anti-rationalism. The Ash'aris are probably the more famous opponents of the Mu'tazila, but you're correct in pointing out that they aren't anti-rationalist, just anti-Mu'tazila rationalism.

    Edit, yet again: As far as the question of gender segregation, there is an interesting argument made by Ibn Taymiyyah (yep, the famously conservative one) that the general norms around gender he saw around him, like gender-segregated mosques and women being kept from leading jumuah, were not inherent to Islam but were instead cultural practices that had become attached to the religion that could be shed without any sin. This by itself is neat coming from Ibn Taymiyyah, but since it's theoretical, it's not directly applicable. What makes his argument really interesting is the example he draws on to make his point; particularly a narration detailing gender-mixed congregation at mosques in the city of Kufa under Caliph Ali, simply because the customs there didn't hold with gender segregation.


    P.S: If you'd like, we can continue this in PMs.
     
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    Love and Holy Books Part II - Compiling the Qur'an and the writing of Noor-ul-Ikhlas
  • ...speaking of Qur'ans

    Love and Holy Books, Part II

    Abu_Bakr_stops_Meccan_Mob.jpg

    We have ordained for every nation,
    Their way of worship and devotion,
    That they observe; thus let them not
    Dispute with you about this question;
    But bid unto your Lord, for surely
    You are upon the right Direction.

    --- The Qur’an, Surah Al-Hajj (22:76)

    “If you expect the blessings of God, be kind to His people.”
    --- saying attributed to Caliph Abu Bakr



    Charged by the Majlis-as-Shura and the Caliph himself with a task no less momentous than the preservation of God’s final message to humanity for generations to come, Theodora and Zaid discussed where to start over a meal of harisa once they had returned to their home. More accurately, Theodora was discussing where to start; Zaid was trying his level best not have a panic attack. Ever since the Prophet had gone over the divinely ordained order of surahs in the Qur’an the second time during the final Ramadan before his passing, Zaid had a notion that he would have to do something akin to this, though he felt excited by the idea at the time. Now that the great work was finally at hand, however, he felt like he was going crack under the pressure. “By the Most Merciful, how will we even go about something so big? Who should - I mean, what do we - I mean, how will…” Theodora looked up from the gazelle-hide parchment she was reading and saw that her husband was close to spiraling. “Habibi, listen. No one else from here to Kisra’s palace is more prepared to do this, we'll be alright. There are no insurmountable problems ahead of us, only difficult ones. ” Zaid stopped walking back and forth like a caged animal and sat down next to her. “But what if we make a mistake? If we carelessly change the meaning of a verse and lead our fellow Muslims into error, that sin will be on us, and…” Theodora shushed him before he could that line of inquiry. “Simple, we won't make any mistakes.” she replied once he had quieted, half-joking.

    In control of himself again, Zaid handed Theodora the parchment with the ordered list of surahs she had been reading, stretched out a fresh parchment, and dipped his reed qalam in fresh black ink. “Then we'd better come up with some way of ensuring the accuracy of every verse we copy into the manuscript. Any thoughts?” She rolled up the list and returned it to a box filled with other marked-up sheets, “How about requiring five separate documents written by different people that contain identical verses for each surah, then doing the same thing again but with five hufadh instead of documents. If we can find that much evidence supporting a version of a surah, it's accurate enough to enter into the masa’hif.” Zaid nodded and wrote down the criteria onto the parchment with the neat, angular script that came naturally to him. He didn't even look up from his work as he continued talking to Theodora, his reed pen gliding across the writing surface with practiced motions. “We’ll have to be careful to keep the different dialect styles separate; we can do the Qurayshiyyah variant first, since it’ll have the most easily available documents, and then get to the others afterwards.” Now it was Theodora's turn to look at him with skepticism; “Will Banu Makhzum and the rest of Quraysh allow us to present the other six masa’hif alongside their own?” Zaid set down his pen and sighed deeply before responding. “If God wills it, habibti.” They chuckled together at that; saying “inshallah" in response to a question was just about the best non-answer you could use. Zaid felt somewhat better now, despite all the responsibility still weighing on them. They had a plan and that was what mattered.



    Excerpt from "A Modern Historiography of the Qur'an", Louise Schumer

    “The creation of the seven Masa’hif of Abu Bakr was the culmination of a year and a three months worth of almost nonstop work on the part of over 55 scribes. Although finding enough people who had memorized the Qur’an was relatively simple, even rare variant styles like Ta’ifiyyah had hundreds of people who memorized surahs using it, the real challenge faced by the group led by Zaid ibn Thabit and his wife Tawadrosa bint Maksant was in gathering the written records they needed to make certain that there would be no errors in the production of the final set of masa’hif. Literacy was still rare this early into the Rashidun Caliphate and most people who could write didn't advertise that they had written copies of surahs. People who wrote down Qur'an tended to do so for their own benefit, so figuring out who had what surahs written was an ordeal. Although Caliph Abu Bakr theoretically could have ordered everyone with written texts of the Qur’an to arrive in Madinah and hand over their parchments or reed papers for copying, the Caliph decided that disrupting the rebuilding efforts and calling away soldiers from the borders so soon after the Ridda Wars was not feasible. To get the documents they needed, the team of scribes had to disperse throughout Arabia, hunting after every lead they could to get to the five documents they needed per surah. An average week could see a scribe searching in Makkah for a man who a farmer miles away in Mahra remembered selling a scroll with Surah Al-Ahzab written down on it, only to learn that the man they're looking for has left with a trading caravan to Syria. Unable to waste precious months waiting for him to get back, the scribe rides for a day and night almost nonstop to catch up to the man and collect his scroll. In this manner, Zaid and Tawadrosa were able to collect the 3990 written records required to certify the seven final manuscripts. Zaid carefully wrote every letter on every page of each manuscript, with four different junior scribes checking after him to catch any mistakes. When it was all done, Tawadrosa gave them a final read through and bound them into seven completed books with the help of her aides. The very next day, Madinah’s resident scholar-couple and their team of dedicated scribes proudly presented the newly-christened Masa’hif of Abu Bakr to the community at the Prophet's Masjid. When the seven large books were brought out for viewing, a reverent hush fell over the previously energetic crowd. Everyone got their chance to quietly approach the texts, turn the pages, and read a few verses to themselves. Even illiterate Muslims came forward to run their fingers over the words and admire the craftsmanship involved..."


    "...When some of the leaders of the Qurayshi subclans learned that the other variants of the Qur'an had also been compiled, they protested the move in the Majlis-as-Shura. “Did the Prophet not recite in the Qurayshiyya style himself, and would not having seven different forms of Qur'an confuse those who wish to learn it?” they said to the council. Caliph Abu Bakr, despite being himself a man of Quraysh, sternly chastised the sheikhs of his tribe. “Are they not equally the words of our Lord, the Most High? Did not our Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, also teach us these other styles, so that our brothers and sisters may have a Qur’an easy for them to recite and we may enjoy the beauty of their recitation?”, said the Caliph with irritation. “You should have been elated that our noble book, multifaceted like a jewel, is to be preserved as it was revealed. Instead, you chose to let your hearts slip back into the days of ignorance, when furthering the agenda of a tribe was the only aspiration you had. Reflect on your errors and ask God for forgiveness.”


    "Whether Banu Makhzum and their affiliates were genuinely remorseful or just smart enough to avoid picking a fight with the most powerful man in Arabia, they didn't bring forward any opposition to the codification of the six non-Qurayshi Qur'an variants again. However, Zaid wasn't done shaking up the council just yet. Later that same day, he announced to the Majlis that he intended to write his own book to accompany these new masa’hif, one that he hoped would help teach other Muslims how to approach the study of the Qur’an and Islam in general. Uthman asked Zaid why he thought this addition was necessary: everyone in the room could improve their knowledge of the faith some, but no one here was a beginner. “Indeed, my brother,” Zaid said as he got up to project his voice, “but what about the people converting every day on the border provinces? What about the Muslims who will come long after we have entered the grave? We were blessed to have learned at the feet of Prophet Muhammad himself, peace and blessings be upon him. It is the height of selfishness for us of the Companion generation to hoard our wisdom and take all our knowledge with us to the Akhirah when we pass. Like we have preserved the Word of God for times to come, let us also preserve some small part of the wisdom that our teacher and Messenger left us with.” Many of the gathered Companions were nodding in agreement by the time he was finished, but several others looked less convinced. Uthman objected, saying that he was worried that in the distant future, Muslims with only rudimentary knowledge of the faith could confuse Zaid's text with the text of the Qur’an. Several others agreed with him, murmuring their assent. Caliph Abu Bakr decided to allow the council to come to a decision on the matter, as he was unsure himself on whether the merits outweighed the possible risk, and after some prolonged debate that featured Umar and Zaid ibn Haritha passionately arguing for the inclusion of Zaid’s treatise, he was given the OK to begin writing a text to be paired with the manuscripts."



    Excerpts from "Heirs to Muhammad: The Generation of Companions and their Successors"

    The book that eventually became famous as Zaid ibn Thabit’s magnum opus is a slim volume, hardly more than 26,000 words in all. On prominent display thoughout the text are Ibn Thabit's unique theological views, which are primarily based on his individual reflections on the relationship between Muslims and the Islam they profess, but also clearly incorporates elements of Neoplatonist thought in his discussion of the primacy of intellect in discerning truth and his implication that the Qur’an is a creation of God instead of an eternal truth. Two factors seem to have primarily been at work in sparking the creation of Noor-ul-Ikhlas: the first was an attempt to ensure that a crisis like the narrowly-avoided catastrophe of the succession to the Prophet, the first time Zaid had seen widespread conflict between fellow Muslims, would never happen again. The second catalyst was Ibn Thabit’s rather far-sighted realization that once Islam was triumphant in Arabia, Muslims would have to restructure the way they introduced the Prophet's Message to others in order to win the hearts and minds of potential converts beyond their borders.


    After a self-effacing opening (typical of Muslim writings of this era) where he calls his treatise “a book of little worth that may provide some small benefit", Zaid launches directly into a discussion of the role of reasoning in religion. To him, the aql or intellect is the greatest gift God has given to mankind; with it, humanity can discover natural truths about the world for itself and discern revealed truths from scripture. God intended for every Muslim to use their gift of intellect to interpret Islam for themselves within the guidelines of the Prophet's clearest rulings. There were no clerical positions in Islam because Muhammad, peace and blessings be upon him, wanted everyone to understand their relationship to God personally, free from the dictates of so-called authorities. He tells his readers to recall that God has said in the Qur’an that he is closer to humanity than our jugular veins. If God is so close to every person, Zaid opines, than having an intermediary like a priestly class is not only unnecessary, but in fact, presumes upon God's divine right to have an truly individual relationship with his believers. Zaid then briefly discusses the main tenets that all Muslims should hold, using the Hadith of Gabriel as a model to succinctly describe the major articles of faith and practice.


    Next, ibn Thabit addresses the possibility of different personal interpretations of the Qur’an and Sunnah leading to differences in practice. Zaid reminds his readers of the well-known event during Ghazwah Tabouk, where two groups of Muslims disagreed about what time the Prophet had meant when he instructed them on when to stop for prayer. “If even men like us...”, he writes, “...who spoke the Noble Prophet’s tongue, marched behind his banner, and heard his commands from his own lips, could disagree on what he intended, is it not folly to believe that the coming generations of believers will never disagree on questions of faith?” If the decisions you decide to follow differ from those of your brothers or sisters in Islam, do not impose your decisions on them, Zaid warns sternly. Not only would such a person have commited the sin of forcibly exerting their will over the will of their fellow Muslims, but they would also be guilty of the even more heinous sin of stripping another creation of God of their right to use their intellects as the Almighty intended. What matters to God is not the detail of religion itself, but the sincerity with which you try to understand what God wants and the devotion with which you practice it. He quotes a verse from the Qu'ran on animal sacrifice where God says: "Their flesh and their blood reach not Allah, but the devotion from you reacheth Him." To illustrate his point, he cites the end of the story concerning the prayer time dispute, relating how the Prophet settled the matter in the end by saying both sides were rewarded by God for their ikhlas. In his conclusion, Zaid implores the reader to remember the Prophet's example of compassion and ends by writing that the whole of his work can be summarized in one saying of the Prophet: “Verily, actions are judged by intentions.”


    Added in front of the manuscripts and copied with it when the Qur'an began to be distributed to the provinces under later Caliphs, it's impossible to know exactly how influential Noor-ul-Ikhlas was, but it's would not be an overstatement to say that it formed the intellectual basis for a significant fraction of schools of jurisprudence and Islamic philosophies alike for the next four centuries. Although many present-day Muslims point to al-Noor-ul-Ikhlas as evidence that Islam is the grand progenitor of its own native progressive tradition, these kinds of editorializing statements are groundless attempts to paint 21st century values onto what remains a deeply 7th century text. Yes, Ibn Thabit praises the shura council and says that the will of the Ummah as a whole is the only institution of governance that is guided by God directly, but he also declares that the elected Caliph “should rule his people with a strong hand, like a general rules his army.” In religious matters, he tells people to think for themselves and be wary of those who would seek to institute a pseudo-clergy, but in government, Zaid instructs his readers that unless the shura council has decided that the Caliph broke a central tenet of governance (creating compulsion in religion, refusing to allow the shura council to elect the new Caliph, abandoning their God-given duty to protect the weak and reign in the strong, etc), they must give the Caliph their absolute and total loyalty even when they personally feel like the Caliph is in error. Ibn Thabit writes eloquently about tolerance between Muslims and the strictly forbidden nature of forcing a non-Muslim to accept Islam, but he sees no problem with waging wars of conquest to add foreign land to the Caliphate. In total, though a libertine in religious matters even when compared to some modern believers, the ideal government as envisioned by Ibn Thabit is one where an elected benevolent dictator, who is only loosely limited in power by a quasi-republican council, runs all affairs of state; this is hardly a democratic oasis in a desert of tyranny. Despite all of these caveats, many historians do agree that when taken in the context of the time period during which it emerged, Noor-ul-Ikhlas was nothing less than the manifesto of a revolutionary firebrand.


    Whether further developing ibn Thabit's thesis or acting in reaction to it, Zaid's “book of little worth" informed the discussion around Islamic theology and governance for generations. However, one little-explored ramification of Noor-ul-Ikhlas was the impact it made on non-Muslims in the Caliphate and without. Translated by the author and his wife into a number of languages and bound together with manuscripts of the Qur'an, it became the first encounter to Islamic beliefs and thought for thousands of people. Zaid's multilingual eloquence, his masterful framing of a new kind of religiosity that drew on the virtue of tolerance just as heavily as as it did the virtue of piety, and his quasi-Neoplatonic direct appeal to the rationality of the reader made The Light of Sincerity a work that left a lasting impression even on those it did not convert. If the jostling of empires in the 7th century’s Near and Middle East can be understood as a running battle fought on intellectual lines as often as physical ones, Zaid ibn Thabit had just given the young Rashidun Caliphate the cultural equivalent of the atom bomb."




    Afternotes
    Now that the post on the Qur'an is complete, just how important our other protagonist named Zaid is to TTL’s Rashidun Caliphate becomes clear. The first and maybe the most attention-grabbing divergence from OTL is the collection of not one, but seven variant Qur'an manuscripts. Once again, this TL adheres to what has been called the “synthesis” position on Qur’an history: at least seven Qur'an dialects were both memorized and recorded in personal manuscripts prior to Caliph Abu Bakr commissioning Zaid ibn Thabit to create the first manuscripts. Though documents like the aforementioned Sana’a Manuscripts prove that the other variants were still in use well up to the standardization of the Qur'an under Uthman, they were never compiled into a highly authenticated single “founder manuscript" that could be confidently copied and distributed like the Qurayshi Qur'an. The reason why this is remains unclear and the topic of hot debate, but for our purposes, we'll take the popular opinion that Abu Bakr may have bowed to pressure from elements within the Quraysh to keep from compiling the others. This theory is both plausible in scope (in that Abu Bakr wasn't forcing people who used variant styles to stop, they simply weren't authenticated) and was a rational move for the Caliph (who had only just gotten a still-resentful Banu Hashim back on board and didn't want to antagonize them.)


    In TTL, however, Abu Bakr's legitimacy is iron-clad and he doesn't have to walk on eggshells to make sure every major faction in the Majlis is content. Instead of being forced to humor their opinions on compiling the other six Qur'an manuscripts, TTL’s Abu Bakr can just tell them to shut up. Knock-on effects of this Qur'an pluralism will be interesting, since in OTL, the Qur'an compiled under Abu Bakr's reign was the one used by Uthman for his standardization program. TTL may still see a smaller-scale version of the Qur’an burnings, but instead of replacing the unverified ones with just the Qurayshi variant, there will be seven “founder manuscripts" that will be standardized, copied, and sent around the Caliphate.


    The other big change from OTL is that Zaid ibn Thabit's proposal to author an introductory text to be associated with the manuscripts is approved instead of rejected. I've attributed this change to Zaid ibn Haritha coming down on the side of his fellow Zaid, but I'll admit that I've loaded the dice on this one. Zaid ibn Thabit's proposal made quite a few people skittish about later Muslims accidentally considering his text part of the Quran, but in TTL, vigorous support from Umar and Zaid ibn Haritha together push it through successfully. Since the book was never written, I ghost wrote for Zaid, who I represented with a proto-Mu’tazila philosophical position with a heavy sprinkling of Neoplatonist thought absorbed from his Coptic wife Theodora. Although Noor-ul-Ikhlas will be theologically important, the most influential part of the text will be its discussion on government.


    While the current Caliphate has a representative body and elected Caliph, politics is still incredibly personality-driven and there's no formalized way of appointing people to the Majlis-as-Shura. As it stands, it remains a pretty precarious system and one bad crisis could send the house of cards tumbling down. In his discussion on government, Zaid proposes a shift from tribal representation shura to territorial representation shura, where Caliphal authorities would oversee the selection of provincial governors by local vote. Those provincial governors would then form the Majlis-as-Shura, who could elect one from amongst themselves the Caliph. This isn’t actually a very radical change, since this is similar to the way that sub-tribes are already supposed to have their own local shura council to pick which tribesman will represent them to the Majlis, but the relatively standardized and formal nature of the governor-elector system is more stable than the fluidity of tribal politics. It's a yet unrefined system that still cherishes the idea of a benevolent dictator Caliph and a lot of other very medieval beliefs, but with his book, Zaid has laid the foundations for a Rashidun Caliphate with the stability and staying power to last beyond the Companion generation.
     
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    Info Post 2: Umar's Caliphate
  • First things first, y'all are way too kind. Thanks for reading and commenting!

    I honestly didn't expect this much interest in a Rashidun-on-steroids TL, but since it seems like there's enough commenters in this thread to make it feasible, I wanted to make the rest of the story from here on out more collaborative. There's a pretty deep pool of historical expertise here on AH.com and I'm sure anything that we come up with together will be better than what I could write alone. Plus, this TL is all about that shura council. I've gotta practice what I preach at some point.


    To kick things off, let's see where we're at currently. Abu Bakr's OTL death is supposed to come within the year. It was an illness that did him IOTL, but I'm pretty ambivalent about changing that in TTL. He could theoretically recover and he may have simply never caught the sickness in this timeline, but he was never the healthiest person and the Ridda Wars took a toll on him. As a middle ground, we could see him voluntarily retire and hand the office off; if any caliph was uneasy with power, it was Abu Bakr.


    If he does die/retire, though, I think TTL's Abu Bakr will be confident enough in the Ummah’s stability to leave the choice of Caliph up to a Second Great Consultation instead of appointing Umar straight up. He'd most likely get elected anyways; Umar was definitely seen as the Prophet's second-in-command and the other big contenders as of Now (Zaid and Ali for now, but Uthman, Abdurahman ibn Awf, Amr ibn al As, Az-Zubayr are all talented people who will be waiting in the wings) are young enough to not press their candidacy very hard this time. What do y'all think a TTL-version of Caliph Umar's Caliphate would look like? To provide some background, his big successes OTL were:
    • Building the administrative framework of the Caliphate by dividing up territory into governed provinces.
    • The creation of a well-paid civil service and records system.
    • The institution of a zakat-funded welfare state, with something akin to a medieval UBI involved (giving everyone enough wealth to stay above the too-poor-to-pay-zakat line)
    • The formation of an organized treasury bureau.
    • Heavy investment in building/expanding roads and canals.
    • The creation of a unified justice system with regional and local jurists employed and a police department created.
    • The conversion of the Rashidun Army from a disorganized militialike force into a well-equipped, well-organized (under relatively autonomous generals though), and highly paid professional army.
    • The creation of a messenger corps stationed in major cities and military camps to deliver letters quickly.


    How might this change in the wake of something like Noor-ul-Ikhlas influencing the popular mindset? I feel like TTL's mindset would inspire him to push more reforms than anything else, especially since Noor-ul-Ikhlas stresses democracy in council but centralized authority once the leader is elected. It's like a 7th century Islamic version of Lenin's democratic centralism :p
     
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    Info Post 3: Hadith Discussion and an Aside
  • About Muhammad's prophecy that the Rashidun Caliphate would only last 30 years, then be followed by a kingship: Is this gone from your TL or are you ignoring it for now?

    For anyone who isn't familiar with the hadith agisXIV is referring to, this is the text it is as presented in Sunan Abu Dawood:

    "The Prophetic Caliphate will last for thirty years. Then God will give the kingship to whomever He wills."


    Here's the thing: the Sunan Abu Dawood is a very fine and substantiated collection of Prophetic traditions, but many of the hadith concerning political matters recorded are profoundly kerygmatic and any historian would have enormous difficulties in trying to prove that the early Muslims ever heard this version of the hadith. In fact, nobody who lived in same century as Prophet Muhammad makes note of this version of the prophecy, even though Muhammad's predictions were probably behind only hadith qudsi (where Muhammad relates a message from God in his own words, considered a form of revelation, but since it's not in God's own words, beneath Qur'an in importance) for being the earliest hadith to be written down or collected. The version recorded in the more authentic Sahih Muslim features notable differences that are both more in line with Muhammad's style of prophecy and were definitely recorded in the Rashidun Caliphate - early Umayyad period:

    “The Prophet of God, peace and blessings be upon him, once said 'There will be Prophethood for as long as Allah wills it to be, then He will remove it when He wills, then there will be a Caliphate on the Prophetic method and it will be for as long as Allah wills, then He will remove it when He wills, then there will be a biting Kingship for as long as Allah Wills, then He will remove it when He wills, then there will be an oppressive kingship for as long as Allah wills, then he will remove it when He wills, and then there will be Caliphate again upon the Prophetic method' and then he remained silent."


    I talked a bit about this in the discussion on Qur'an, but I think it bears expanding (not because of you or anything, agisXIV, this is just a convienent example.) I don't believe Abu Dawood was sloppy in his methods of authenticating chains of narration, there's a reason he's one of the big names in usool-ul-hadith, after all. I do believe, however, that the Companions themselves were human beings; fallible flesh and blood people who quarreled with each other and failed as much as they triumphed. I'm not saying they were bad Muslims, I'm just saying that they were people who had clashing visions of the Caliphate that Prophet Muhammad would have wanted and sometimes passed down politically charged spins of Muhammad's traditions that fit those visions. This isn't just a hit at the Shi'a side of my family either; Sunni scholarship past has often scoffed at the Shi'a claims of imamate while implicitly treating every confirmed narration from the supporters of Abu Bakr, Uthman, and Umar as correct on the virtue of who reported it. I said that I didn't want to step on any toes, but if we're gonna have a TL that deals with religion as closely as we do here, I'm going to be clear on this from the outset: we're writing alternate history, not alternate hagiography. Some of the stances on events that this TL has taken and will take are outside of orthodoxy of both mainstream Sunni and Twelver Shi'a traditions. I'm certain that there's a large number of ulema that would consider me outside of the fold of Islam for these views, I firmly believe that intellectual honesty is a core Islamic virtue. People sometimes forget that the Qur'an openly mocks those who solely appeal to tradition:

    "But when they are told, 'Follow what God has bestowed from on high,' some answer, 'Nay, we shall follow only that which we found our forefathers believing in and doing.' Why, if their forefathers did not use their reason at all and were devoid of all clarity?"
    --- The Qur'an, Surah Al-Baqarah (2:170)


    I had to admit it, seeing the title alone made me a tad apprehensive of this TL. But your hand is really stellar, and I really like the unveiling of Rashidun Madinah and the interaction of the Companions. Subscribed! :D


    Thanks, mate! We'll get to see other cities in detail soon enough, but as the current political heart of the Caliphate, it's gonna remain a frequent setting for a while.
     
    Marching Towards Hira
  • Marching Towards Hira - A Preview


    The-Description-of-War-in-the-Quran.jpg


    “Women will no longer be able to give birth to the likes of Khalid bin Al-Waleed.”

    --- Caliph Abu Bakr

    “I know more about Khalid than anyone else, no man is luckier than he. No man is his equal in war. No people face Khalid in battle, be they strong or weak, but are defeated. Take my advice and make peace with him.”
    --- Arab client-prince Ukayd to his Sassanid commander



    2 miles from Walaja, 633 AD


    “They can’t hold out much longer, keep pressing! Show these barbarians what happens when they defy their better! ” Captain Varsken shouted as he rode back and forth on his horse to rally his troops. His commander and uncle Andarzaghar followed behind him on his own mount, trying to persuade his young kinsman to return to the safer areas behind the raging front lines. “Varsken, please just stay away! We're not yet triumphant and I've never seen Arabs fight like these men are fighting.” Varsken laughed and slowed his pace to allow Andarzaghar to catch up with him. “Look around, Honored Uncle...”, he said with a wave of his hand, “..and you'll see that your plan is working as intended! Already they tire and we have three men for every one of theirs. Now that we are on the offensive, they will crack in minutes. Fools that these Arabs are, they have boxed themselves in for the slaughter! We have succeeded where Hormuz and Qarin have failed!” The old general frowned at his nephew, but the youth was right this time. Soon the line of Arabs would break, and trapped as they were by a ridge and a river, there would be nowhere for them to flee to.


    Andarzaghar had been the military governor of Iraq for years and had even grown up there. Unlike many of his colleagues, he actually rather liked Arabs and knew much of their language and customs. His regard for the Christian Arabs amongst his troops made him the only Persian commander that the Iraqi Arab conscripts respected. When word came to the Imperial Capital of Ctesiphon that an Arab army of a scant fifteen thousand flying black banners had obliterated two seperate forces led by highly ranked commanders, the Shahenshah was beside himself with rage and ordered Andarzaghar to muster his army of forty thousand and link up with General Bahman to destroy them. Had he been given the choice, he would have preferred to wait for Bahman’s forces to arrive before fighting a decisive battle with these Arabs, but Andarzaghar was not given the luxury of waiting for reinforcement. A few days before Bahman was expected, an army flying that same unusual black banner he had been told of appeared over the horizon and camped a short distance from his soldiers tents. He was a little surprised; reports from the broken remnants of Hormuz’s and Qarin’s armies had said that the Arab interlopers numbered around fifteen thousand. There was at most ten thousand men arrayed against him now, and without even a single horseman amongst them. Though it was strange for an Arab army to lack cavalry, at which they were the equal of any Empire on earth, Andarzaghar assumed that the defeated soldiers from the other armies had made up tales to explain their ignoble defeat. Cautious and crafty, General Andarzaghar waited for the Arabs to attack him first, letting them grind themselves to dust against his hardened infantry, then he would counterattack and finish them off.


    The Arabs on both sides clamoured for a duel before the battle and the general obliged them. It would be good for morale for them to see one of their enemies butchered. He called up a champion warrior from his army, a heavily armored Persian soldier with a bejeweled sword. An Arab met him in challenge, a tall and handsome man with a thick black beard and a shaved head in chainmail. After around ten minutes of intense battle, the Arab champion found the right opening and ran his opponent through with his sword. The Black Banner troops cheered and to mock the Persian, the Arab champion ordered his rations brought to him there on the field. Using the body of his felled opponent as a table, the warrior ate his meal on the dueling space, staring all the while at the two well-dressed Persian commanders.


    As much as the spectacle of the battle unnerved him, Andarzagar still felt like he was in control of the situation. Just as the old Persian had planned, the barbarian general ordered his men to advance and the battle began. The foreign army struck at the well-armored Persians, but the Persians stood their ground like only Imperial soldiers could, repulsing all attacks. The black banner army fought ferociously, but there was far less of them than there were Persians. An old hand at the art of war, Andarzaghar could see clear signs of weakness and fatigue amongst the soldiers of the opposing force and cried out for his men to begin the counter-attack. Imperial troops screamed battle cries as they smashed into the lines of the Arabs; through what must have been will alone the Black Banners were able to hold them for some time, but the almost-inhuman stress they were under was impossible to maintain and they began to fall back. Andarzaghar launched assaults again and again, but instead of breaking like he had guessed they would, the Black Banners continued to fight with strength born of utter desperation. The general would have admired this level of discipline even in his own troops or in Roman legionaries, but to see this from barbarians was nothing less than astounding. He almost wished that the battle wasn’t going to end as decisively as it looked it would; he would have offered the Arabs who remained a place inside his own forces. This didn't seem likely though: the Black Banners seemed to have met the upper limits of stamina already and discipline wasn't enough to stop an onslaught like this. His nephew Varsken, raised in the imperial heartland and much less of an expert commander, shared none of Andarzaghar’s respect for his opponents. In fact, he thought his Honored Uncle was much too soft on the barbarians in his own command and cursed Andarzaghar’s name every time the court ladies back home gossiped about how his family was more Arab than Persian. No, he was only thinking about the promotions and riches that awaited him.


    Varsken was snapped out of his daydreams about the marriage to a well-bred noble girl and lavish palaces that would soon be granted to him by his pleased Imperial master by General Andarzaghar rapping on his shoulder with the flat of his blade. “Ow, what is it, Honored Uncle?” he said in barely concealed annoyance. “Look…”, the older man said as he pointed to where one of the Arab soldiers was waving a red scrap of cloth high with a spear, “...what is he doing?” “I don't know, Uncle, maybe he's praying to his god for a quick death. I've heard that these Black Banner troublemakers are all some bizarre kind of Jew. I thought you were the….” Varsken’s words trailed off as the answer to his uncle's query revealed itself. From the ridge opposite the one that the barbarian army was being slowly pressed up against emerged two long lines of Arab cavalrymen coated in gleaming scale armor with lances and swords, their horses fresh and pawing at the ground in excitement. Bearing their own black war banners, the horsemen screamed a warcry in their tongue, some nonsense syllables that sounded like “Alevu Akabir” to Varsken’s ears, and charged the Persian rear. He turned to his uncle in fear as his troops panicked and the emboldened Arab infantry turned the tide of the Imperial attack. “What's happening?! Where did they come from! UNCLE!”


    Andarzaghar didn't respond, he was a talented enough general to see that he had been outwitted. The initial Arab attack was only a lure to give the hidden cavalrymen enough space to charge the Persian rear and savage their lines. The positioning of the two Black Banner forces in relation to the opposite ridges meant that there was no escape from the circle of spears and swords closing around the panicking Persians who trampled and stabbed each other in the chaotic slaughter; he thought he had the Arabs trapped when all the while they had been trapping him. He quickly gathered the few Persian cavalrymen still alive and tried to fight his way through the reinvigorated Arab infantry to no avail. He locked eyes briefly with the swordsman who had raised the red signal flag, a man he now realized was the same one who had slain the Persian champion during the duel. A brief look of understanding passed between them, a momentary acknowledgment of the other's skill shared by men who had both devoted their lives to the craft of slaughter. Then the cavalryman battling next to Andarzaghar was gutted by an Arab rider and the general threw himself into the fray for the last time.



    Afternotes
    The pace of updates for a while will be a little slowed because my kid sister is recuperating from a surgery, but I thought I'd give you a look at some of the things I'm writing up. Abu Bakr's reign saw Khalid grab quite a bit of land in some spectacular battles, both in Iraq against the Persians and in Syria against the Byzantines, even though the big-name matches happened under Umar. Another not-so-secret goal of this TL is to showcase some of the quality generalship on both sides of the expansions. There's a tendency to regard the Muslim conquests as fait accompli due to the crippling of the Byzantines and the Sassanids after their wars, but I feel like that's a bit unfair to the Rashidun Army. Even with the weakened state of the Imperial war machines, Khalid's troops were still fighting much larger and better equipped armies of hardened veterans while far away from their home base. Any defeat in the early stages of the Syria or Iraq campaigns would have been disastrous for the Caliphate and perhaps given their opponents precious time to regroup. This doesn't happen because Khalid, Abu Ubaidah, and Al-Muthanna consistently outsmart their opposition and use their mobility in some dazzling ways. The explosive nature of the Rashidun conquests is due to a perfect storm of many factors, but one of those lucky factors was having intelligent commanders who could exploit the opening.
     
    Info Post 4: Developing Factions of the Caliphate
  • Great to hear your sister is alright. :)

    I'm not really familiar with the history of the caliphates. How would this Caliphate be any different from the OTL, especially their conquests of the Middle-East?


    So far, there are three big differences between TTL's Rashidun Caliphate and OTL's Rashidun Caliphate: Zaid ibn Haritha is alive, the variant Qur'ans have been collected into authenticated manuscripts, and Zaid ibn Thabit has written a book detailing his vision for Majlis reform and pushing a kind of soft religious pluralism.


    The butterflies from these three things are important, if still quite subtle.

    The biggest butterfly so far is that the earliest part of the factionalization of the Ummah has been dampened. IOTL, the Ummah splits into roughly four factions that ally with or contest each other in various ways.
    • The Banu Umayya faction: Technically led by Uthman until his death, but advanced mostly by Yazeed ibn Abu Sufyan and later his more skillful younger brother after his death, Mu'awiya, the Banu Umayya want to see their clan ascendant in politics generally. Uthman becoming Caliph was a big shot in the arm for them and they shifted their goal from keeping plum jobs and powerful ministries to outright keeping the Caliph as their hereditary position. Their power base was in Damascus, where Yazeed and later Mu'awiya governed.
    • The Banu Hashim Faction: The clan of the Prophet Muhammad, they were also theoretically led by Ali. This one is weird, because what Ali wanted and what the rest of Banu Hashim wanted were not actually the same thing. Ali was just miffed that he got continuously screwed as far as the Majlis-as-Shura (which was a fair compliant tbh) and didn't seem interested in restructuring the system of government to make the Caliphate remain within Banu Hashim, like the rest of his clan did. Their power base is in Kufa, where Ali governed Iraq.
    • The Shura Faction: This is the faction led by Abu Bakr, then Umar, then Ayesha following Umar's death. Their goal is to preserve the institution of the shura council and keep power outside of the hands of any one clan. At this point in the story, the Shura faction is the only one with a fully developed agenda and power base. The Shura faction's power base lies mostly in the two Holy Cities of Makkah and Madinah.
    • Amr's Faction: I didn't know what else to call this faction, tbh, because it seems like Amr ibn Al As' only clear goal was to make himself Caliph. As far as policy, he had much of the same centralizing administrative goals as Umar, but without the leniency of Umar towards incorporated minorities. There would certainly be no reopening of Jerusalem to Jewish worshippers under Amr, but to his credit, he did support Umar's decision to give dhimmis equal access to Bayt-al-Mal welfare benefits. Amr's faction is strongest in Egypt.

    IOTL, Abu Bakr and Umar were so overwhelmingly strong candidates and powerful Caliphs that the fissures aren't very apparent. The factionalizing really explodes after Umar's assassination: Banu Umayya starts getting really ambitious after nabbing the Caliphate, Ali is decides that he's tired of being pushed around and actively courts the more radical members of his faction to form his support, Ayesha's political dislike for the Banu Umayya is outweighed by her personal antipathy for Ali, Amr sees his chance and starts creating his own political base in Egypt, and the whole thing goes to hell.


    ITTL, Zaid acts as a unifying force in the midst of all these rising tensions. Part of it is due to his famous personal charisma and friendly nature, but if we're being honest, an equal part of it is that he has no real kinship group since he's not really a Najdi and he's not really Banu Hashim. Depending on how much they like him, the factions will either see him as an honest dealer without any clan-based ulterior motives (Ali and Ayesha think this way) or as an easily-controlled puppet (Mu'awiya and Amr are varyingly on this side.) He's already done some big stuff, specifically his arranging for Ali to be present at the first Majlis-as-Shura. Because of this, Ali has much less of a grievance against the Shura Faction and might even consider himself one of them, since he personally agreed with the institution of shura. He'll be stamping down the Banu Hashim hereditary monarchy advocates in his own clan, now that he isn't backed against a wall with no allies and has a communication line to Ayesha in the form of Zaid.


    I won't spoil the rest of the political shifts or military campaigns for y'all (I know that military stuff is what you asked for, but we'll get there soon, I promise), but here's something interesting to think about. The OTL Rashidun/early Umayyad expansions, IMO, couldn't get very much bigger than they did. This, I think, is because of two problems in particular. One is that the Rashidun Army, which was almost entirely Arab, was simply stretched too thin as there weren't enough young male Arabs to go around. Another, more pointing to the Umayyads, was that the Arabizing and re-marginalization of minority groups killed a lot of the goodwill the Rashidun had cultivated amongst the dhimmis of their empire. This is bad, because they relied on dhimmis to do most of their sailing for them, which really bites them in the ass when dhimmi sailors revolt during what could have been a successful attack on Constantinople.


    Looking at the trend of this TL, here’s an interesting question: if the longer-lived *Rashidun Caliphate loses much less veteran manpower to civil war and continues beyond its lifespan, with its favorable treatment of Christian dhimmis intact, how far could they press their borders?
     
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    Info Post 5: Theories on the Assasination of Uthman (by John7755)
  • I've always had a low opinion of Mu'awiya and his son. Mu'awiya supposedly bribed one of Hassan's (RA) wives to poison him. Admittedly my knowledge of the Fitnas is rather lacking so I might be wrong... Though if this is true then Mu'awiya is definitely getting up to some shady shit ITTL.

    Mu’awiyah Ibn Abi Sufyan was simply a very powerful magnate, if you will, in Syria and de jure head of the Syrian-Umayyad factions in the Caliphate. His goals were simple, during the Uthmanite reign, assist Uthman in maintaining power, increase Umayyad-Syrian land claims, promote a naval retinue (opposed by the Iraqi faction of Ali) and Mu’awiyah sought to diminish the power of Ali and Amr al-As, the powerful magnate of Egypt.

    His position was no different than Ali Ibn Abi Talib or Ayesha, in terms of fault. They simply had power grabs and misunderstandings. However, Mu’awiyah is typically reviled by those of the Shi’i persuasion for engaging Ali in battle, the same as Ayesha who raised an army and engaged Ali in battle after she became convinced that Ali’s faction murdered Uthman. Which is possible. The circumstances around Uthman’s murder is difficult fully piece together.

    The options or solutions I can come up with are as follows.

    In both solutions, Uthman is murdered after being besieged in his home. Those who murdered him, were of a group of radical hardliners who would become the Khawarij. These men, were and would be present in the forces of Ali in the coming Fitnah/civil war and all the perpetrators were from Iraq or eastern Arabia, lands under influence of Ali.

    1. The first option and the one levied by Mu’awiyah, was that these assassins were of Ali’s group. Now, this could mean that Ali had hired them or it could simply be circumstances that caused these men to be in Ali’s camp. Regardless, Mu’awiyah demanded that those of this group be killed or at least captured and sent to Damascus, so that Mu’awiyah could vent his anger. Ali refused Mu’awiyah’s demands and urged caution. This thus, led to the civil war between the factions. In the end, these hardliners, would rebel in the camp of Ali after Ali made peace with Mu’awiyah. These became the Khawarij, because they separated from the camp of Ali.

    2. The other option is that Amr al-As was the architect and issued of the order. Amr was the one whose position was embattled by Uthman and whose rivalry with Uthman was most hot. Uthman had failed to act quick enough to purge Amr from his Egyptian post and thus Egypt was in virtual rebellion with Makkah and Amr al-As was minting coins in his own name. Thus, the idea is that Amr hired these hardliners in the camp of Ali to commit the attack on Uthman, creating a war between Mu’awiyah and Ali, while Amr sides with Mu’awiyah and attempts to make his own gains.

    Both have merits and I am not sure which is true. The case was never truly solved, to any satisfaction.
     
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    Soldiers of the Eagle Standard Part I - Abu Bakr begins the Ghazwah Al-Hira
  • Soldiers of the Eagle Standard - Part I


    late%2B14th%2BC%2BMamluk.jpgb


    “We march with our brothers,
    We march with our brothers;
    To the delight of Heaven
    And the sorrow of the Persians
    We march with our brothers!”

    --- war chant of the Christian Arab defectors at Ullais

    “God is great! I was given the keys of Persia. I swear by God that I see the city of the Kisra and his shining white manors now!”
    --- Prophet Muhammad, prophesizing during the Battle of the Trench that a Muslim army would take Ctesiphon




    A Call to Arms

    "Proceed to Iraq. Start operations in the region of Uballa. Fight the Persians and the people who inhabit their land. Your objective is Hira."

    With that terse four sentence letter to Commander of the Army Khalid ibn al Walid, still stationed with a portion of his troops at Jawh al-Yamamah a few months after his bloody victory there over Musaylimah’s apostates, Caliph Abu Bakr launched one of history's most spectacular campaigns of conquest. The task that the Steward of God had set before Khalid was daunting: Persia was an ancient power, almost mythically grand and terrible in the collective imaginations of the Arabs. In stories and poems, the successive golden ages of their great neighbors to the northeast deeply influenced the maturation of Arab culture, even as they resented the haughty imperialism of the Persians and their callous yoking of their Iraqi brethren. The Hanging Poems, the famed collection of ancient epics and odes which were once draped from the Kaaba in the days before Islam, said about the Persians that ‘setbacks they faced, but glory was always waiting for them again, for greatness is the birthright of the Persian.’ [1]



    Anushirvan the Just to Kavadh II the Mad

    The most recent and, unbeknownst to the Persians themselves, the last golden age of the Shahenshahs was during the forty-eight year reign of Khosrow I Anushirvan, known to his people as Anushirvan the Just. Emerging victorious from a civil war with his older brother, Anushirvan oversaw military victories against both the Byzantine Empire and steppe nomads, a flourishing of art and literature under his patronage, sweeping reforms to the Sassanid law codes, and the redistribution of noble land to the middling classes. Arabs knew him for the gentle hand he used when dealing with his non-Persian subjects and the rich rewards he lavished on his loyal Mesenian Arab [2] troops, calling him “The One who Gives with Both Hands.” So resplendent was his court that upon the wise king’s death that, like the great Qaysar of old Rûm, his name became the title for all following rulers of the empire. As the star of the Sassanids fell in Ctesiphon, another star was on the rise in far away Makkah; only three years after the death of Khosrow I Anushirvan the Just in his opulent palace, a Qurayshi boy named Muhammad was born to a recently widowed mother in a cramped townhouse.


    The next rulers were successively worse, running the empire ineffectively and leading the Sassanid army to defeat after defeat against strong Byzantine emperors before being overthrown by a sibling or satrap. This trend of degeneration following the glory of old Anushirvan reached its nadir in the short and violent rule of Khosrow Kavadh II. The grandson of Anushirvan, Kavadh killed his father to take power, then killed his infant half-siblings to secure his throne. Humbled on the battlefield by the sharp-witted Caesar Heraclius, the Butcher Prince took out his wrath on his provincial subjects: the torching of Arab, Caucasian, and Aramean villages by Persian soldiers became a commonplace occurrence. The rule of the Shahenshah remembered by the Arabs as “The Mad Kisra" was ended by disease only seven months into his reign, seen by many in the Empire as punishment from above for his bloodlust. Much is unclear about who ruled what when during the chaotic period following the death of Kavadh II, but the facts become clearer upon the ascension of the youthful Khosrow Yazdgerd II of the House of Sasan. This young man, who was augured by royal diviners to be the ruler that would usher in the return of Anushirvan’s glory, was actually doomed by fate to oversee the end of an imperial legacy that stretched back to the Achaemenids.



    The Green Fields of Iraq
    Iraq stood as a land where the towns of the Christian Arab Lakhmid client-kings [3], who had just been subjugated and put under the rule of military governors for rebelling against the Mad Kisra, simmered with rebellion when the Caliph unsheathed the Sword of God Khalid on it. It was a land lived in by Persians and both settled as well as nomadic Arabs, run directly by the Persian court. The empire of the Shahenshahs was already beginning to fall apart administratively, but only a reductionist would claim that it was anything but a first-rate power in terms of warfighting capabilities. The military effectiveness of an empire may remain at a high level for decades after its political disintegration has already been set in motion, and so it was with the Persians in the year 633. The imperial troops were the most well-equipped of their day, if their training did sometimes lag behind that of the Roman heirs in Constantinople. Commanded by a meritocracy of fierce and loyal Persian generals, the Persian Army was the best in the world at the set-piece battle and the frontal attack. With their troops coated in mail with steel chestpieces and wielding the dreaded Iranian mace, concentrated drives by Persian troops could break any infantry line on earth...or at least this was the common wisdom until the zealous soldiers of the Rashidun Caliphate shattered perceptions held by both Persians and Byzantines about ‘barbarian’ armies.


    The entrance of the Caliphate into Iraq began somewhat innocuously, with small-scale raiding lead by the Muslim chieftain of the Eastern Banu Bakr: a hot-blooded poet and warrior of 24 named Muthanna ibn Haritha [4]. He served as a soldier in the army of Khalid during the Ridda Wars, earning the respect of the Sword of God by slaying the apostate prophet Tulayha’s greatest guardsman Abbas ibn Jund in a ferocious duel that saw both men shatter three swords. Shortly after the Battle of Yamamah, Muthanna turned his searching gaze towards his homeland of Iraq. Seeking glory and spoils, and encouraged by the disarray which was apparent in the political affairs of the Persian Empire, Muthanna took a warband and initiated a series of raids into Iraq. At first he adhered to the fringe of the desert so he could pull back quickly into the security of the sands when pursued, but step by step, his attacks became bolder as he realized just how disorganized the Persians were. He varied his target locations, striking in both the east and the west, but the greater part of his attacks were in the area of Uballa, and he came back from these strikes with jewels, gold, carpets, horses, and other treasures that astonished the relatively poor faithful of the Ummah. The Persian armies were powerless against Muthanna's ghostlike riders, who vanished as quickly as they struck.



    Muhammad's Heirs vs The Sons of Sasan

    Delighted by his numerous triumphs, Muthanna rode toward Madinah to speak to Abu Bakr, who received visitors in his small unornamented house or as he worked in the markets (for the ruler of all Arabia refused to use government money for his own upkeep.) Muthanna painted a gleaming picture - the weakened province of Iraq, the rebellious agitation of the Christian Arab client-princes, the untold wealth that was there to be looted, the political emergency which beset the Persian court, the powerlessness of the heavily-armored and slow-moving Persian armies to battle in rapid cavalry engagements. "Delegate me to be the administrator and commander of my kin", said the eager Muthanna, "and, if God wills, I shall strike the Persians with the power of spring thunder and the speed of the northerly winds.” The Caliph agreed and gave him a letter designating him administrator over every one of the Muslims of the Bani Bakr as well as the Eagle Standard, the patched all-black banner of the Prophet Muhammad that was made from one of Ayesha’s hijabs. With both a letter of Caliphal authority and a powerful symbol of Islam in hand, Muthanna came back to Northeastern Arabia. He converted droves of his Christian tribesmen to Islam, drilled them in the cavalry maneuvers he'd learned from Khalid. collected a small armed force of 2,000 men and continued his strikes with considerably increased excitement and ferocity.


    Muthanna was gone from Madinah, however his words left a deep impact on the Caliph and the Ummah. He had inserted a thought into the minds of Abu Bakr and his shura council which blossomed into the decision to invade Iraq. At home there was peace again, for with the vanquishing of the last apostate rebels in Bahrain by Amr ibn Al As, Islam and the Caliphate was firmly secured in Arabia, yet the Caliph still would not battle for the whole Persian imperium. Abu Bakr rightly guessed that such an undertaking would be too massive a goal in current conditions, but he would settle for nothing less than the total capture of the rich, productive and heavily garrisoned province of Arab Iraq. Letters were sent to the army of Khalid at Jawh al-Yamamah and soon the northeastern border shook with the sounds of marching feet and thundering hooves. The Companions of the Prophet Muhammad were racing towards a showdown with the vast power that haunted the dreams and nightmares of Arabia for generations uncounted, pushed to confront the imperial might of Persia in the name of a new faith.




    1. This talk about how cool Persia is goes on for pages. Part of this admiration comes from the fact that most Arabs deeply misundersood Zoroastrianism and thought that they were polytheists who worshipped a variety of fire gods. This view only gets corrected in Umar's reign, who realizes that there's a lot more to this whole Ahura Mazda thing and adds them in as People of the Book since they had a prophet, a scripture, and kinda-monotheism. Since Arabs at this time thought of them as pagans, the polytheist old Makkans saw Persians with the same mix of fannish awe and competitive disdain that the Rashidun Caliphate reserved for the Byzantine Empire.

    2
    . This is just a word used to refer to settled Arabs.

    3. The Lakhmids were a venerable dynasty of Christian Arab vassal princes living in Iraq and NE Arabia. They provided powerful cavalry units to the Persian Army, despite having a fraught relationship with their imperial masters. They were ancestrally from Yemen and were the builders of the grand city of Al-Hira, but at this time in the story, they have been thrown out of their city by the Persian troops of the military governor. Their leader, Prince Ukayd, is very angry about this because his warriors suffered horribly during the recent spate of conflicts with the Byzantines and he feels like his loyalty is being repaid with affronts. This is something to remember.

    4. No relation to our buddy Zaid ibn Haritha. It was just a popular name in the preceding generation.



    Afternotes
    The update is on the brief side tonight, but we've set the stage nicely for a fully military post next time detailing the journey of Zaid, Muthanna, and Khalid as they incite Christian revolt and fight Persians. There's only one butterfly here: the capture of Al-Hira. In OTL, the Persians attacked the city to remove it from the control of their rebellion-happy Lakhmid vassals, but fail due to the reinforcement of exiled Al-Nusay tribesmen from Arabia proper who fled to Iraq after Khalid killed their leader Malik and many of their soldiers during the Ridda Wars. Since ITTL, Malik and his troops are co-opted rather than killed thanks to a surviving Zaid ibn Haritha, the relief forces that save the Lakhmid garrison in Al-Hira IOTL never arrive and the city falls to the Imperial troops. The Lakhmid prince Ukayd flees to his lands near the border with his remaining soldiers and rebuilds his forces to await a chance at revenge. This outcome, while nice in the short term for Persia, is really gonna hurt later on when the Sassanids realize that having almost all of their soldiers native to Iraq hate them is a bad move when the Rashidun offer the Christians a better deal.
     
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    Soldiers of the Eagle Standard Part 2 - The Battle of Kazima Pass and Zaid at Shurta
  • Soldiers of the Eagle Standard - Part II


    Yahyâ_ibn_Mahmûd_al-Wâsitî_006.jpg



    “Ah, is there a land more beautiful than Iraq?
    She is a gentle-born maiden, with golden locks of barley fields
    And a laugh like the waters of the Tigris lapping the shore
    Her secrets are the secrets of times long past;
    Her lullabies put Arabia to sleep when she was in the cradle.
    Shed no more tears, Iraq, and dry your eyes!
    Muthanna has hung up his sword and there is only peace.
    May you never taste war again from now until Judgement Day!”

    --- from a poem attributed to Muthanna ibn Haritha

    "The most beloved of people to God are those with soft hearts, and the softest heart in my Ummah is the one belonging to my son Zaid."
    --- saying of the Prophet Muhammad




    An Army of Companions

    When the Rashidun Army was tasked by the Caliph with the invasion of a superpower, Khalid ibn al Walid had only about fifteen thousand men at his disposal. At this time, the military of the Caliphate was more like a set of volunteer militiamen following charismatic generals who received letters of authority from the Caliph. In fact, modern commentator would not be very wrong in describing the main body of Rashidun Army as a force of mûjahideen led by state-sanctioned warlords, but this depiction is not accurate for all the soldiers fighting in the name of Abu Bakr. Most of the Bedouin quasi-militiamen had gone back home to farm their lands or tend their herds, but Khalid's army stationed at Jawh al-Yamamah was made up of the ever-dedicated Companions. The word 'Companion' is often used in the current day to refer to the whole generation of successors following the initial mission of Prophet Muhammad, but to that generation itself, it had a more specific meaning; only the Pilgrims and the Helpers were generally known as Companions.


    The Pilgrims were the original group of exiled and oppressed Makkan rebels who had been the first to heed the call of Islam, the ones who were cast out of their tribes and forced to seek out a new home willing to accept them. The Helpers were the people of Yathrib who took in the Prophet Muhammad and his weary community, converting en masse after the Makkan messenger ended their civil war and defying the might of Quraysh to protect him from siege after siege. Most of the famous companions and the Messenger himself were Pilgrims, but if anything, he loved the Helpers more. During the Battle of the Trench, after the Helpers announced to the Makkan forces arrayed outside their city that the Madanis would never hand over Muhammad to them, the Prophet tearfully declared "By God, if all of humanity walked through one valley and the Helpers chose to walk through another, I would walk in the Helpers’ valley! When I die, bury me amongst my beloved Helpers, because my heart is already with them." Recalling this moment years later in a poem, the Helper Hassan ibn Thabit wrote "O youth of the new moon! How can you know what love is? You have never seen the Prophet’s love for his people. O blessed children of the Ummah! How can you know what loyalty is? You have never witnessed the loyalty of the Helpers to the Prophet." [1]

    It’s always hard for historians to gauge something as intangible as 'strength of will', but one would be hard-pressed to find more zealous soldiers in all the annals of war then the Companions. What Khalid's army lacked in numbers or equipment when it headed north, it made up for in faith.


    Khalid's First Moves
    While the Prophet's Army prepared itself for war with Persia, Khalid ibn al Walid chose to convey a letter to the military-legislative governor of Dast Meisan, the region adjacent to the territory of the Caliphate that had been the tempting target for the raids of Muthanna ibn Haritha. The letter read as follows:

    "From the Servant of God Khalid, the son of Al Walid, Commander of the Armies of the Caliph, to the Servant of the Khosrow Hormuz, the Regarded Governor of Dast Meisan.

    Submit to the faith of Islam as revealed to the noble Prophet Muhammad and you will become as brothers to us. If not, agree to the payment of the jizya, and you and your people will be under our total protection, else you will have only yourself to blame for the consequences. Know, Governor, that I bring a people who desire death as ardently as you desire life.”
    [2]

    Hormuz, the legislative leader of Dast Meisan, was a man so unforgiving in his dealings with his non-Persian commoner subjects that the phrase "more hateful than Hormuz" became a saying among Persia's Arabs. He read the message from Khalid with unadulterated scorn, not even doing him the honor of replying, and rapidly informed the Shahenshah regarding the Arab invasion. He decided to educate these jackals of the desert with a lesson the likes of which they had never seen before. Hormuz was a relative of the royal family, so when he requested extra troops, he got them quickly and prepared himself for war. The quickest course from Yamamah to Uballa lay through Kazima Pass, near the village of Shurta, and there went Hormuz, anticipating that Khalid would take this course. On arriving in Kazima Pass, he conscripted the Arab villagers of Shurta upon pain of death and formed up his army into a strong defensive pattern. So prepared, he anticipated the arrival of Khalid. Yet of Khalid there was no sign. Lo and behold, the next morning his scouts brought word that Khalid was not moving towards Kazima Pass; he was making for the town of Hufair!

    Khalid had already, before he left Yamamah, arrived at a broad conception of how he would end the army of Hormuz. He had been given the mission of fighting the Persians, and a defeat of the initial Persian army was essential if the invasion of Iraq was to proceed as intended by the Caliph. With the Persian army intact and in place at Uballa, Khalid couldn't get far in securing territory. The course given to him by the Caliph itself necessitated combat with the army of Hormuz by with its very goals, for no Persian general could leave the prosperous town of Uballa with a chance to fall. Khalid knew the fine quality and the numerical quality of the Persian armed force and the fearlessness, aptitude and deadly implement of the Persian warrior. Well-outfitted and prepared, he was the perfect man for the set-piece frontal conflict. The main shortcoming of the Persian fighter and armed force lay in their lack of rapidity; the Persian trooper was not trained to move quick, and any frequent redeployment would tire him. On the other hand, Khalid's troops were fast and versatile, mounted on tall camels with the famous Arabian war mares at the ready for cavalry assaults; and they were tough and skilled infantry combatants as well as proficient at quick movement over any territory, particularly the desert. In addition, a great many of them were veterans of the Ridda Wars. Khalid chose to utilize his own mobility to exploit its lack in the Persian armed force. He would force the Persians to march and countermarch till he had worn them out, at which point he would strike when the Persians were depleted. Topography would help him: there were two courses to Uballa, through Kazima Pass and Hufair, whose presences would make his plan possible.

    Having contacted with Hormuz from Yamamah, Khalid predicted that the Persian would try and anticipate him on the immediate path from Yamamah to Uballa, the Kazima Pass route, and would make his defensive arrangements there to cut off the Muslims. Khalid decided not to move on that route, but to approach Uballa from the south-west so that he would be free to swing back and forth between the two routes and vex the plodding Persians. Khalid marched towards Hufair initially, but made no attempt to rush through Hufair and make for Uballa, astutely guessing that having Hormuz's large army on his flank during his forward movement beyond Hufair could spell disaster. Hormuz might fall upon his rear and cut his line of retreat to the desert, and without a way for routed Muslims to escape back into the desert, even a close defeat could turn into total destruction of the Rashidun Army.
    The moment Hormuz got word of Khalid's movement towards Hufair, he realised the grave danger in which his army was placed. So, the Arab jackal wasn’t simple after all! As an experienced strategist, he knew that his base was now threatened. He immediately ordered a move to Hufair, 50 miles away, and his army, weighed down with its heavy equipment, trudged along the track. The two days' march was tiring, but the tough and disciplined Persian soldier accepted his trials without complaint. On arrival at Hufair, however, Hormuz found no trace of Khalid. Expecting the Muslims to arrive soon, he deployed for battle as he had done at Kazima Pass; but hardly had his men taken up their positions when his scouts came rushing to inform him that Khalid was moving towards Kazima Pass! Hormuz roared and had his head scout executed for misinforming him earlier (even though the Christian had accurately reported the movements, Khalid was just fast) and sent his army on its third forced march in just a week without any time to rest.


    "Persia is immortal no more"
    And Khalid was indeed moving towards Kazima. He had waited near Hufair until he heard of the hurried approach of Hormuz from the chief of scouts for the Muslims, the Abyssinian freedman Bilal ibn Rabah, then he had withdrawn a short distance and begun a countermarch through the desert towards Kazima Pass, not going too far into the desert so as not to become invisible to Persian scouts. Khalid was in no hurry. His men were well mounted, in good spirits, and full of vigor, so he took his time. He had no desire to get to Kazima first and occupy it, for then he would have to position himself for battle and his opponent would be free to manoeuvre. Khalid preferred to let the Persians position themselves while he himself remained free to approach and attack as he liked, with the desert behind him.


    Now Khalid came out of the desert and approached Kazima. He had made up his mind to fight a battle here and now before the Persian army recovered from its fatigue. Hormuz had deployed his army just forward of the western edge of Kazima, keeping the city covered by his dispositions. In front of the Persians stretched a sandy, scrub-covered plain for a depth of about 3 miles. Just beyond this plain rose low hills about 200 to 300 feet high. This range was part of the desert, running all the way to Hufair, and it was over this range that Khalid had marched to Kazima Pass. Emerging from these hills, Khalid now moved his army into the sandy plain; and keeping his back to the hills and the desert, formed up for battle with the usual centre and wings. As commanders of the wings, he appointed his close friend (and friendly rival) Zaid and his young protege Muthanna.


    Khalid now ordered a general attack, and the Muslims threw themselves into battle with their battle cry of “God is great!" The centre and the wings swept across the plain to assault the Persian army. The Persians suffered a morale hit when their commander Hormuz was slain early in the battle by the Jewish rabbi-turned-Companion Abdullah ibn Salam [3]; but they were more numerous than the Muslims and, their iron discipline held them together. For some time, the battle hung in the balance with the quick Muslims attacking the front and the tank-like Persian infantry repulsing all assaults. But soon the swordsmanship and courage of the Muslims and the fatigue of the Persians began to tell, and after several attempts the Muslims succeeded in breaking the Persian front in a number of places. Sensing defeat, the Persian generals commanding the wings - Qubaz and Anushjan - ordered a withdrawal and began to pull their men back. This led to a general retreat, and as the Muslims struck still more fiercely, the retreat turned into a rout. The first battle with the power of Persia was over and the Companions had torn the Army of Hormuz to shreds.


    Zaid’s Gift

    The following day was spent in attending to the wounded and collecting the spoils of war - weapons, armour, stores, costly garments, horses - of which Khalid distributed four-fifths among his men. The share of each man, commanders and soldiers alike, came to a thousand dirhams. Zaid ibn Haritha and a small force of a few hundred cavalrymen rode into the nearby village of Shurta where many conscripted Arab Christians ran home after being defeated the day before. When Zaid entered the village, the Christians were expecting the worst. The men came out to glare at Zaid with swords unsheathed and even the women carried daggers to kill an assailant. The son of Haritha raised his hands in the air, declaring that he only wished to speak with the village headmen. When they came out talk with him, the leader of the village Haseeb ibn Ridwan spread out a cloth and poured cups of milk for everyone in a gesture of generosity. Zaid sat with the Christians and they exchanged the usual polite pleasantries asking about how the other’s family and business was doing. Eventually, Zaid got to the point of his visit, asking the men what they knew of his army. They responded that they knew about Khalid’s letter to Hormuz. The villagers did not want to convert, said Haseeb, but neither did they want to fight for the hated Persians. The problem was that the taxes imposed by the military governor had impoverished them and the Christians of Shurta could not pay the jizya.


    Zaid called over one of his soldiers, who brought a chest and poured it out over the sitting-cloth. A thousand dirhams glittered in the light; all of Zaid's share from the battle loot. It was easily several times more money than the jizya amount for every family in Shurta. “Take what you need for jizya and keep the rest as a gift from me to your people. By God, we are not here to take away the rights of our brothers, the People of the Book.” Shocked into silence for a moment, Haseeb turned to his fellow headmen. “The Persians told us these men were mangy desert dogs, looking to slay our children and ravish our women, but their chief calls us brothers and removes our troubles. The Persians told us they were a kind and wise people, looking to govern us judiciously and raise us up in standing, but they have destroyed us and left us to die when they ran like cowards. Let us listen no longer to what the Persians tell us." When the rest of the army caught up to Zaid’s men, they were surprised to find Zaid and his men smiling and sharing food with grateful villagers. After a day of rest and recuperation in Shurta, the soldiers of the Eagle Banner marched for Uballa...with five hundred Christian Arab warriors marching besides them. Khalid had won the Battle of Kazima Pass for the Caliphate, but Zaid had won a battle for Islam at Shurta.



    1. This special attachment between the Prophet Muhammad and the Madani Helpers goes on until the very end of his life. When Makkah is bloodlessly captured and converts en masse to Islam, many Madanis spent the day looking downcast instead of happy. The Prophet notices this and calls all of his Madani Companions to him. When he asks them what they're so glum about, one woman explains that now the bigger and wealthier city of Makkah is opened, the Madanis realized that the Messenger would leave their city and settle back in his home town. Muhammad laughs and says that he wouldn't leave Madinah even if Constantinople had been opened.

    2. This last part is Khalid's trademark Badass Boast and he's gonna use it again later on. A lot.

    3. What's wild is that Abdallah ibn Salam isn't even the only rabbi (or former rabbi in his case) to fight in a Rashidun army. In fact, Rabbi Mukhayriq (not a convert, he just preferred Muhammad to the polytheist Makkans) fights and dies in the Prophet's Army at Uhud, with Muhammad crying as he delivered a eulogy for him in the wake of the Muslim loss. An Arab Muslim objected to the burying of Rabbi Mukhayriq with the Muslim dead, to which the Prophet angrily replied "Do not speak if you are ignorant! Mukhayriq's soul sits at the right side of God's throne! Instead of insulting your fallen brother, pray that you recieve a speck of the honor the Almighty has bestowed on him in Paradise!" This narration is one of the ones some later Muslim theologians used to prove that the righteous non-Muslim dead go to heaven in Islam.






    Afternotes
    I finished this a bit quicker than I thought I would, so here it is a few hours early! The Battle of Kazima Pass is also called the Battle of the Chains, but I couldn't find any verification in Persian sources of the later Arab chroniclers' claim that some Persian soldiers in Kazima were being chained together during the fight, so I chalked that up to classic embellishment. This is the first big matchup between Khalid and a full-on imperial army (the battle in the update is still ahead) and surprise, surprise: Khalid pulls out an underdog win. Every one of the battles from here to Al-Hira will see Khalid having to pull out some trick or improvise a strategy to win, like the back and forth marching at Kazima Pass or the cavalry trap at Walaja, but he performs well under pressure and his troops are dedicated enough to follow him into some absolutely ridiculous odds. This isn't a huge strategic win: Kazima Pass has seen the defeat of a Persian army, but the Persians can field several more armies like Hormuz's while the Rashidun simply can't afford to lose this army. The main victory of Kazima Pass, besides opening the way to Uballa, was that the aura of invincibility surrounding Persian soldiers in the minds of the Companions had been broken forever. Not only did they beat Persians, they beat a bigger Persian army in pitched battle. Never again would the Shahenshah's warriors command the fearful respect of the Arabs - and Khalid's legend grew even more.

    The big difference from OTL is that instead of passing by Shurta and ignoring the jizya collection there for the moment since the Christian villagers were too poor to have to pay, the ever-diplomatic Zaid goes out of his way to provide them with a grand gesture of generosity. Zaid did this sort of thing before in OTL, like when he bought and freed all the battle captives taken in a skirmish against a Makkan caravan, so I thought it would be in character here. Honestly, the small town of Shurta couldn't provide that many Christian soldiers for the Rashidun, but what's more important is that word will spread about the Muslim army's gesture amongst the Christian Arabs of Iraq as they trade and talk with each other. Soon enough, Lakhmid prince Ukayd will hear a different description of the Muslim invaders than the one he's heard from his Persian superiors. Ukayd is already inclined to rebellion, but talk of an Arab army calling Christians their brothers and led by an invincible general will throw a match onto the gas tank of revolt.
     
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    Info Post 6 - The Possible Development of Romanization in the Caliphate (by Practical Lobster)
  • One way to Romanize the Caliphate more thoroughly would be an earlier translation of the Gospels into Arabic. Would the Rashidun period be too soon, as in anyone doing it would be considered an apostate?

    Arab Christians already existed long before the time of Muhammad and the religion didn't just spring up in a vacuum - concepts from Judaism and Christianity were well established and known in the time period he preached his message.

    I see Romanization in the context of the early Caliphate as less of a religious phenomenon and more of a political and aesthetic phenomenon - a symptom of a new power conquering an old and well-established one rather than any true syncretism. Given the presumed intensity of belief of Muhammad's earliest followers, how could it be anything but? If an Arabized Greek language becomes a courtly language of a later dynasty in the same way that Arabized Persian was the language of many later Muslim dynasties, that seems to me to be a different story entirely.

    The more land that the Arabs can wrest from the Romans, the more Hellenized the Caliphate and it's successors will be. You need a strong counterbalance to the presence of Iran, I think.

    Worth mentioning that ITTL, Romanised Arab culture would likely just be definitionally Arab culture, in the same way that peoplepdon't describe modern English culture as Franco-English.
     
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    Interlude - Family and Honor in the Eternal Empire
  • Interlude - Family and Honor in the Eternal Empire



    1200px-Khosrow_I_Anushirvan_and_Al-Mundhir_III_ibn_al-Nu%27man.png


    “Whoever claims to love God yet hates a brother or sister is a liar. For whoever does not love their brother and sister, whom they have seen, cannot love God, whom they have not seen."
    --- John 4:20

    "Glory be to the Lakhmiyya, who by the grace of God have journeyed with their people from the land of Yemen to the land of Iraq....may their dutiful vigil over their kinsfolk never falter and their flocks always increase"
    --- Inscription on Khornaq Castle, Al-Hira





    24 miles southwest of Al-Hira, 633 CE



    When deciding something as weighty as the fate of a people, a little ceremony never hurt anyone. At least that's what Ukayd thought to himself as he sat underneath the shade of a date tree in front of an unadorned monastery, watching the brothers bless the Holy Leaven in a tongue he didn't understand. His granduncle had come to a monastery when he was considering whether or not to take up arms against the Mad Kisra and his ancestors made their pledges of service to the great Anushirvan in the chapel of Al-Hira. Now the last prince of the Lakhmiyya had come to a monastery to ponder whether or not to leave his bonds of fealty and raise his banners in revolt again like Al-Nu'man the Great. Ukayd didn't consider himself a particularly religious man, feeling more at home among the mostly-pagan Bedouin he was fostered with than churchmen, but he respected tradition and hoped to get some council from the abbot of this Al-Nashtoriyya [1] monastery, a Greek holy man who was said to be wise beyond his years.


    The brothers stopped their work nervously when the prince approached the unadorned monastery building with a few of his warriors and councilors, even though none of the Arabs wore swords in respect for the sanctity of God's House. The prince was a known friend of the Church, but they couldn't have missed the tents and fires of the Lakhmid forces in the distance; not the most reassuring sight for an unarmed collection of holy men. They offered to find Ukayd a nicer place to wait for the abbot to finish his daily work, but the customary ettiquite amongst the Arabs of the day required that a visitor to a residence wait for the head of the residence to welcome them before entering, so he politely declined. His soldiers, men from the Bani Bakr and the farming villages near the Euphrates, were chattering excitedly about the recent news that the Army of the Black Banner had destroyed Andarzaghar and the massive imperial army he was leading. The Prince himself had discounted the initial talk as fanciful wishing or maybe an exaggeration of the Arab success at best...until the shattered remnants of Andarzaghar's army stumbled into the provincial capital Al-Hira, warning the Persian governor to accept Khalid's terms while he could. Haughty as ever, the orders from Ctesiphon were that no negotiations were to be made and that Prince Ukayd was to mobilize his forces and meet the foreign army in battle before they got past Ullais.


    As hated as the emperor was for his increasing overreaches and the stinging siege of his clan's city of Al-Hira, Ukayd agreed that an invading horde had to be stopped ad called up his men for war. His only conditions were that the Persians would finance new weapons and mounts for his cavalry, and that he could lead his men himself without any Persian commanders. Since in the Persian's eyes, the Persians would either be rid of a dangerous adversary or a rebellious vassal, this was a no-lose situation for them. As his army was mustering, though, the men who came in began to say that they had heard from the people of distant Shurta that the Black Banner army had given Persian wealth freely to the Christians and promised them that they would come to no harm. The stories became more outlandish as they spread: their shaven-headed commander was a magician who had bound a jinn into their war flag that gave them eternal victory, that every one of their warriors was like a thousand men thanks to blessings granted by the new prophet from the south, that Muthanna the Falcon Chief was marching with them.


    Ukayd thought that Muthanna would have died by now, the way that man lived his life. He had been raised with the convert chief, since the Eastern Banu Bakr were the nomads he was fostered with and it wouldn't do to have a Lakhmid Prince raised among anyone but the the chief's family. Indeed, Muthanna and Ukayd were milk-brothers [2] and competed in almost everything they did. Muthanna was the adventurous hothead who got the pair into trouble, Ukayd was the more sensible brother who made sure they got out in one piece. In their most famous exploit, the pair made off with a Banu Jurhum camel herd numbering in the hundreds by tricking the herdsman into fleeing from "Roman soldiers" - which were in fact a large amount of straw dummies outfitted in old armor from Lakhmid war spoils. When they returned from their massively successful raid, Muthanna was given the title "Falcon of the Banu Bakr" and Ukayd was called the "Lion from Al-Hira."


    Even when Ukayd ascended his throne at Khornaq Castle and Muthanna became his vassal as the chief of the Banu Bakr, they still considered each other brothers - at least they did until it came time for Ukayd's marriage to be arranged. The esteemed elders of his clan had thought it wise to marry him to a noblewoman of the Kindah to bind them to the Lakhmiyya dynasty, a woman who Muthanna had been courting for several months by then. The young chief stood little chance of convincing her to marry him after that offer, for what was a vassal Bedouin tribesman compared to the glory of the Lakhmids, foremost warriors for the Shahenshah? As furious as Muthanna was, he would not use the option of engaging Ukayd in a duel. There was nothing more taboo than taking up arms against kin and Muthanna did love the man he had known since they were babies. Instead of dueling, Chief Muthanna declared that he owed no more fealty to Ukayd or the Lakhmids, gathered a large section of his people, and crossed the Sassanid border out of Iraq for good. Ukayd thought that this was a great betrayal of the oaths Muthanna had sworn to him, but similarly, he could not bear the thought of warring against him. He watched the man and his tribe cross the border and never heard from his brother again. It had been seven long years since then, but like a bolt from the blue, Muthanna had returned at the head of a conquering army. Thinking about his younger brother provoked a storm of mixed anger, guilt, and loneliness in the Prince, even now as he watched the monks finish up the ceremony.


    "Brothers", Ukayd said softly to himself as he watched the men of God work together in silence. His soldiers turned to him, "What was that, ya Ukayd?" The Lakhmid gestured towards the monks, "The holy men are brothers, even if some of them quarrel or their paths diverge. The only thing that is important is that they are still brothers for as long as they draw breath." The soldiers nodded, somewhat confused about why their leader was discussing the relationships of monks. Ukayd stood up and brushed himself off before turning to one of the assembled warriors. "You, thank the Abbot but tell him God has settled my dilemma for me already. Make sure to donate generously from the war wealth. We head for Thawr in the morning." The men murmured in surprise, since the Black Banner army was at Ullais. One man, perhaps quicker-witted than his companions, grinned wide when he understood what his commander meant. "The Persian dog Qarin is at Thawr and we are to battle him. Our Lion Prince intends revolt - may God grant us success!" Ukayd nodded before looking out over the plain towards the south. There would be a long-overdue reunion soon.


    1. Al-Nashtoriyya is the Arabic term for the Nestorian Church, but I'm not sure if this is an anachronistic term in Arabic or not. The Lakhmids just called the Church of the East, well, the Church.
    2. The milk-sibling custom is an interesting feature of Arab culture at the time. People who were nursed by the same woman as babies were considered siblings equal to blood-siblings; their families were tied so that a man couldn't marry his milk-brother's female blood kin, milk-siblings could inherit from each other, and they were often fostered in each others families. Initially used to tie vassal clans to the head clan and vice versa, Muhammad modified the use of this custom to tie together kids from warring tribes until there were so many milk-siblings on either side that tribal conflict was impossible.
     
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    Soldiers of the Eagle Standard Part 3 - The Battle of Manzilah and some Surprising News
  • Soldiers of the Eagle Standard - Part III


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    "You cannot cow me with your talk of numbers, Persian. The last of your great warriors was Al-Andashar, may God grant him the highest station in Heaven, and we slew that lion of a man at Walaja. All the commanders left are weaklings and idiots, unable to devise the simplest of stratagems. If the hero Al-Andashar failed to stop me, how could one like you hope to succeed?" [1]
    --- Khalid ibn Al Walid to the Sassanid general Harvan


    “I am Muthanna, son of Haritha, son of Abdullah! If you do not know me for my lineage, then know me for my deeds. Next to my brothers, I trampled Hormuz with fury unrestrained! Under the Prophet's banner, I have scattered the army of Walaja to the far corners of the Earth! Who stands against me? Who is fool enough to leave his wife a crying widow and his children fatherless?"
    --- Muthanna ibn Haritha, challenging the Sassanid soldiers to a duel






    The Persians Strike Back

    When Khosrow Yadegerd III received a message of Hormuz in the beginning of the Muslim advance from Yamamah, he organised a fresh army at Ctesiphon and placed it under the command of Andarzaghar, a retired military governor of Iraq and a famed strategist. After that army was also destroyed by Khalid's intelligent use of his cavalry, he was beside himself with rage. He ordered a top-ranking general by the name of Harvan to face off against what was becoming something far more dangerous than a simple incursion.

    Harvan was what the Arabs called a "ten-thousand dinar man" - a wealthy general from the imperial heartland. The Khosrow Yazdegerd instructed him to march straight to the town of Uballa with his newly-recruited army to reinforce Hormuz, and with this goal, Harvan set off from from the garrison at Ctesiphon. Traveling along the western riverbank of Tigris, Harvan eventually reached a ford called Al-Mazar by Iraqi Arabs, crossed the river and moved down southwards alongside the eastern bank until he came to the settled tributary riverbank of Manzilah, home to several communities of Christian Marsh Arabs and Assyrians. Harvan gave them the standard choice of being executed or joining his army, the one that Hormuz gave to the Arabs of Shurta before him. What was different was the response; the Arab and Assyrian Christians had been embolded by news that the Army of the Black Banner had destroyed two full Persian armies (as well as the whispers that the Prince of the Lakhmids was in revolt) and defied Harvan's conscription order. For all their bravery, however, the efforts of the Christian warriors was in vain. Harvan sacked and torched the villages along the riverbank, his army too powerful to be tripped up by the anger of Christian rabble.

    Harvan crossed this river with the smoking ruins of the Manzilah behind him, pushing ever further south to try and meet Khalid in battle. He had hardly done so when he received the remnants of the Persian army which had survived the Battles of Kazima and Walaja who now came streaming into his camp under the two generals, Qaryn and Anushjan. Both Andarzaghar and his nephew Varsken failed to make it out of the Persian rout at Walaja. The morale of the Persian troops was not quite at the level it had been as it was at Kazima; but these were brave warriors of the Shahenshah and felt more rage than terror at the recent setbacks they had been dealt. Qaryn and Anushjan were anxious for war again soon; both of them as well as the overall commander Harvan still found it difficult to believe that a regular imperial army could be bested in fair combat by a force of uncouth and unsophisticated Arabs who numbered even less than they did. They still did not grasp that the Battles of Kazima Pass and Walaja had been less a match against a uncivilised Arab raiding band but a true confrontation with a tempered army with fine commanders, an army now strengthened by the addition of rebel Christians.


    Despite this fundamental flaw in understanding, Harvan was wise enough realize that his best move would be to not move beyond the south bank. On the other side of Manzilah, the Sassanid general could now fight the army's back to the river, thus ensure the safety of his rear. He had heard about Khalid’s trick at Walaja from surviving soldiers, so he decided to try and stop him from being the one to set the tempo of the battle. By limiting the possibilities of manoeuvre, Harvan would fight the frontal set-piece battle which the Persians loved and for which their training and discipline were ideally suited. He dispatched Qayrn to lead the new troops that were being sent from Iran and then wait to be reinforced by the Lakhmid Prince Ukayd after he harried the Muslims at Ullais. The remnants of the Persian army of Uballa were followed by the light cavalry detachments of Muthanna as well as Christian scouts aiding the Muslims; once contact was established with the Persians, the Muslim horsemen scoured the countryside for supplies (relying mostly on food given to them by rebelliously inclined Christian villages) while Muthanna kept the Persians occupied and carried out reconnaissances. The Persians made no attempt to sally out of their camp. Muthanna sent a messenger to Khalid to inform him that he had made contact with a powerful enemy force.



    The Dueling Armies
    On leaving Kazima Pass, Khalid marched north until he reached some ruins in the vicinity of the present Zubair, about 10 miles south-west of Uballa. He had already decided not to turn towards Uballa, where there was no enemy to fight, when Muthanna's messenger brought the news about the concentration of Harvan's army and the survivors of Kazima Pass. Khalid was anxious to contact and destroy the new Persian army while the impact of Kazima Pass was still fresh in the Persian mind. Consequently, while he sent Hussain ibn Jarrah with a detachment to enter the Christian town of Uballa and gather the jizya (which Hussain did alongside the promise that the people of Uballa would only lend aid to the Black Banner army), Khalid marched towards the River with the main body of the army. He caught up with Muthanna in the Feburary of 633.

    Khalid then carried out a personal reconnaissance of the Persian position. Since the Persians had their backs to the river there was no possibility of outflanking them; and Khalid could think of no way of manoeuvring the Persians away from their position as he had done with Hormuz. Khalid accordingly decided to fight a general set-piece battle in the imperial Persian style. This was unavoidable, because with Harvan poised for action as he was, Khalid could neither cross the river to enter deep into Iraq nor proceed west towards Al-Hira.The two armies formed up for battle. Anushjan and a young man named Farghaz commanded the wings of the Persian army while Harvan kept the center under his direct control and stood in front of it. Harvan was an impatient general, but not an incapable tactician. He deployed with the river close behind him, and saw to it that a fleet of boats was kept ready at the near bank, just in case. Khalid also deployed with a centre and wings, again appointing Muthanna and Zaid as the commanders of the wings.

    The battle began with three duels. The first to step forward and call out a challenge was Harvan, eager to rectify the image of Persians being cowards who hid behind their armies while the Black Banner commanders were bold warriors. As Khalid urged his horse forward, another Muslim, one by the name of Ma'qaal ibn al Ashyy rode out of the Muslim front rank and made for Harvan. Maqal reached Harvan before Khalid, and since he was an accomplished swordsman and quite able to fight in the top class of champions, Khalid did not call him back. They fought, and Ma'qaal killed his man. Harvan was the last of the "ten thousand dinar men" to face Khalid in battle. As the Persian commander went down before the sword of Maqal, the other two Persian generals, Qubaz and Anushjan, came forward and gave the challenge for single combat. The challenge was accepted by the commanders of the Muslim wings, Zaid and Muthanna. Zaid killed the more experieced but older Anushjan, while Adi Muthanna defeated Farghaz. As these Persian generals fell, Khalid gave the order for a general attack, and the Muslims rushed forward to assault the massed Persian army.

    In those days the personal performance of the commander was a particularly important factor in battle. His visible success in combat inspired his men, while his death or flight led to demoralisation and disorganisation. The Persian army here had now lost its three top generals; yet the men fought valiantly and were able to hold the Muslim attacks for a while. But because of the absence of able generals, disorder and confusion soon became apparent in the Persian ranks. Eventually, under the violence of continued Muslim attacks, the Persian army lost all cohesion, turned about and made for the river bank. This disorganised retreat led to disaster. The lightly armed Muslims moved faster than the heavily equipped Persians and caught up with their fleeing adversaries. On the river bank confusion became total as the Persians scrambled into the boats in a blind urge to get away from the horror that pursued them. Thousands of them were slain as other thousands rowed away to safety. Those who survived owed their lives to the caution of Harvan, who had wisely kept the boats ready by the river bank. If not for these boats, a single Persian would not have escaped the fury of the Rashidun Army. The Muslims, having no means of crossing the river, were unable to pursue the fleeing soldiers. The spoils of the battle exceeded the booty taken at Kazima, and four-fifths of the spoils were again promptly distributed among the men while one-fifth was sent to Madinah.



    Quiet after the Storm
    Khalid now turned more seriously to the administration of the districts conquered by the Muslims and placed this administration on a more permanent footing. After witnessing the brilliant joint success of the Muslims and their Christian allies, all the local inhabitants agreed to pay the Jizya and come under Muslim protection. They were left unmolested with Khalid freely spending from his share of wealth on the poor in his usual extravagently generous manner. Khalid organised a team of officials to collect taxes and placed Suwaid bin Muqarrin in command of this team with his headquarters at Hufair.

    But while these administrative matters were engaging Khalid's attention, his Christian agents had slipped across the Euphrates to pick up the trail of the vanquished army of Harvan. Yet other rebel scout riders were moving along the Euphrates towards Al-Hira to discover further movements and concentrations of the imperial army of the Khosrow. In their searching, they disovered something unbelievable: the army of Ukayd locked in intense combat with the army of Qayrn!
    1. Couple of things to note here. Firstly; goddamn, what a roast! Secondly, the sad part is that Khalid's jeering is probably half-right. There were only two generals on the Persian side that I think could have gotten the better of Big K: Bahman, who never fights Khalid himself in OTL but dealt the Rashidun their only serious loss in the Sassanid campaigns, and Andarzaghar, who Khalid had already bested. Thirdly, it's interesting to compare the way Khalid talks about Andarzaghar (who he calls by his Arabic name Al-Andashar) to the obvious contempt he had for the greatest apostate general in the Ridda Wars, Musaliymah. I'm not sure exactly why, because he had more sympathy for other apostate generals like Malik, but my guess would be that to Khalid, Musaliymah had broken the core virtue of loyalty. A traitor probably wasn't deserving of respect in his eyes, but a loyal general on the other side who acquitted himself well was.





    Afternotes
    The picture is Khalid ibn al Walid looking very grim and stoic from the Umar series, btw.

    Alright, y'all, this where things get real interesting from a military perspective. In OTL, Khalid fights Hormuz's army, then Andarzaghar's army, then Harvan's Army, then the Christian Arab army at Ullais, then the army of Qayrn, then he takes Al-Hira. Somehow, without any troop reinforcements and heavily outnumbered in each, he wins all of them. Khalid in TTL has an easier time: the battle of Harvan is shifted earlier because the whole battle timeline is earlier (thanks to the slightly faster Ridda War conclusion) and fought at the Manzilah riverbank. The Christian soldiers who he fights at Ullais have mostly flipped to his side TTL and are busy killing the surprised army of Qayrin, taking out two of the threats left in one move. The path to Al-Hira is open three months earlier than OTL and he has easily double the number of troops that he did IOTL with the addition of Ukayd's men. The only downside I see for Khalid is that his war record will be somewhat less impressive than OTL :winkytongue:


    Honestly, considering the situation, Khalid could even begin to make a push into Iran under Abu Bakr's reign, but his instructions were clear on his target being Al-Hira and I see no reason why Abu Bakr wouldn't still redeploy him to fight against the Romans in TTL. Not that TTL's Levant/Syria campaigns will be the same - instead of the Persians getting further mauled by the amped-up Rashidun Army, redeployment just means that the Romans will be the ones feeling the brunt of Khalid's increased troop strength.
     
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    Soldiers of the Eagle Standard Part 4 - From Thawr to Al-Hira and the End of the Iraqi Campaign
  • Soldiers of the Eagle Standard - The Finale


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    "When we warriors of the Caliph had entered victorious into the great city of the Lakhmiyya, I asked Khalid what thoughts he had concerning our success. Khalid replied, 'We have gained the city of Al-Hira, but by the Most Merciful all I can see is the smiling face of Zaid, who we lost at Mut'ah. Oh son of Haritha, hold open the gates of Paradise for your brother Khalid! I will tell you of our victories and the man your son Usama has become on the day we meet again!' Then Khalid fell silent and would speak no more."
    --- narrated by Arfaja ibn Harthama al Baqiri


    “When the Sun shall cease to brighten all
    When stars shall darken and spiralling fall.
    When mountains shall be set in motion,
    When she-camels shall be forsaken,
    When beasts are come in their collection,
    When the seas are set alight,
    When souls and bodies reunite,
    And when they ask the infant maid,
    The innocent child, alive-begraved:
    ‘What was her sin, why was she slayed?’"

    --- The Qur'an, Surah At-Takweer (The Cessation, the Folding Up, the Overthrowing, or simply the Ending), 81:1-9 [1]






    Two Faiths, One Army


    Like any other pivotal occasion in the history of the Conquests, much has been made of the symbolism surrounding the Meeting at Thawr, not least because of the personal drama between the Muslim commander Al-Muthanna ibn Haritha and the Prince Ukayd al-Lakhmi. Later writers of the Caliphate characterized the individual reconciliation of the two brothers as an allegory for the larger friendship developing between the young Caliphate and their elders from the People of the Book. Certainly, this view seemed almost natural in the wake of the later Rashidun's famous "convert caliphs", but at the moment when the Muslim army raced to the battlefield where the Christian Arabs had finished wiping out the army of Qayrn there was a great deal of tension. The Muslims had recieved little information regarding the motives behind Ukayd's turning on the Persians, but were willing to at least see if the Lakhmid would accept the Jizya, which to their suprise, the Lakhmid agreed to before the question was even posed. When Muthanna and Ukayd met for the first time in seven years in the aftermath of the Battle of Thawr, comrades-in-arms and brothers again, their moment of embrace became a fixture of later Islamic art exactly because it could have gone so differently.


    In early April 633 (beginning of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 12 Hijri), Khalid marched from Thawr towards Amghishiya. This place was very near where the Christians under Ukayd had fought Qayrn; in fact Ullais acted as an outpost of Amghishiya. The same morning the army reached Amghishiya, and found it a silent city. Amghishiya was one of the great cities of Iraq-a rival the richness to Hira in size, in the affluence of its citizens and in the and splendour of its markets. The Muslims arrived to find the city intact, and its markets and buildings abundantly stocked with wealth and merchandise of every kind; but of human beings there was no sign. The flower of Amghishiya's manhood had fallen under the blades of Ukayd's Christian soldiers at Thawr. Those who remained - mainly women and children and the aged - had left the city in haste on hearing of the approach of Khalid and had taken shelter in the neighbouring countryside, away from the route of the Muslim army. The fear which the name of Khalid now evoked had become a psychological factor of the highest importance in the operations of his army.


    The Muslims and their Christian allies took Amghishiya as part of the legitimate spoils of war. They stripped it of everything that could be lifted and transported, and in doing so accumulated wealth that dazzled the simple warriors of the desert [2]. After it had been thoroughly ransacked, Khalid ordered his Muslim and Christian soldiers to destroy the city, as it was "a town of pagans, whom we neither fear nor respect." It is believed that the spoils taken here were equal to all the booty that had been gained from the four preceding battles in Iraq; and as usual, four-fifths of the spoils were distributed among the men while one-fifth was sent to Madinah as the share of the State. By now the Caliph had become accustomed to receiving tidings of victory from the Iraq front. Every such message was followed by spoils of war which enriched the state and gladdened the hearts of the Faithful. But even Abu Bakr was amazed by the spoils of Amghishiya. He summoned the Muslims to the mosque and addressed them as follows: "Oh people of the Ummah! Your lion has attacked another lion and overpowered him. Women can no longer bear sons like Khalid!"


    These were difficult days for Azazbegh, governor of Hira. He had heard of the disaster that had been accumulating for the Persian army, at Kazima Pass, at Walaja, near Manzilah, and at Thawr; and it was obvious that Khalid was marching on Hira. If those large armies, commanded by distinguished generals, had crumbled before the onslaught of Khalid, could he with his small army hope to resist? There were no instructions from the Emperor or indeed from the commanders at Ctesiphon at all. Azazbegh was the administrator of Hira as well as the commander of the garrison. He was a high official of the realm, he had to be in order to rule as the military governor of Al-Hira, after the Persians expelled the Lakhmid rulers. Thus, it fell to Azazbegh to defend Al-Hira; and as a true son of Persia, he resolved to do his best. He got the army garrison out of its quarters and established a camp on the outskirts of Al-Hira. From here he sent his son Yazdan forward with a cavalry group to hold the advance of Khalid, and advised him to dam the Euphrates in case Khalid should think, of moving up in boats. This young officer rode out to a place where the River Ateeq joined the Euphrates, downstream from Al-Hira. Here he formed a base, from which he sent a cavalry detachment forward as an outpost to another river junction a few miles ahead, where the Badqala flowed into the Euphrates, a little above Amghishiya.




    "At the gates of Al-Hira by dawn!"

    Khalid had now resumed his march on what was to be the last leg of his journey to Hira. He decided to use the river for transport and had all the heavy loads of the army placed in boats. As the army advanced on camels and horses, the convoy of boats, manned and piloted by local Arabs, moved alongside. Khalid had not gone far, however, when the water level fell and the boats were grounded: the Persian captain Yazdan had dammed the river. Leaving the army stranded at the bank of the Euphrates, Khalid took a detachment of cavalry and dashed off at a fast pace along the road to Hira. Before long he arrived at Badqala, to encounter the Persian horse sent forward by the son of Azazbegh as an outpost. These green Persians were no match for the Muslim veterans; and before they could organise themselves for defence, Khalid's horsemen bore down upon them and slaughtered them down to the last man. Next Khalid opened the dam so that the water flowed once again in the right channel; and the army resumed its advance by river. The son of Azazbeh also was not as wakeful as the situation demanded. In the belief that his outpost at Badqala was sufficient precaution against surprise by the Muslims - not for a moment doubting that the outpost would inform him of the approach of danger - he had relaxed his vigilance. Then suddenly he was hit by Khalid. Most of the Persians in this group were killed, including the young commander; but a few fast riders managed to get away to carry the sad news to Azazbegh.


    From these riders Azazbgeh heard of the loss of the cavalry group and the death of his son. Heartbroken at the loss of his son Yazdan, he found the burden of his responsibilities too heavy for his shoulders. He abandoned all intentions of defending Hira against Khalid; and crossing the Euphrates with his army, withdrew to Ctesiphon. Hira was left to the Chirstian Arab tribes that had sided with the Persians over their prince during the last assault on Al-Hira. Khalid continued his advance towards his objective. It is not known when he abandoned the boats and took to the road, but this must have happened a few miles downstream of Hira. Expecting stiff opposition at Hira, Khalid decided not to approach it frontally. Moving his army round the left, he bypassed Hira from the west and appeared at Khawarnaq, which was a thriving town north of Hira. He passed through Khawarnaq and approached Hira from the rear. There was no opposition to his columns as they entered the city. The inhabitants were all there. They neither fled nor offered any resistance, and were left unmolested by the Muslim soldiers as they entered deeper into the city. Soon the situation became clearer; it was a mixed situation of peace and war. Hira was an open city that cheered for the return of its prince Ukayd to power; the Muslims could have it. But the four citadels of Hira, each manned by strong garrisons of the Christian Arabs who supported the Persians over the Lakhmid dynasty were prepared for defence and would fight it out. If Khalid wanted any of these citadels, he would have to fight for it. Each of the four citadels had a palace in which the commanding chieftain lived; and each citadel was known after its palace. The citadels were: the White Palace commanded by Iyas bin Qubaisa (the puppet prince installed by the Sassanids); the Palace of Al Adassiyin commanded by Adi bin Adi; the Palace of Bani Mazin commanded by Ibn Akal; and the Palace of Ibn Buqaila commanded by Abdul Masih bin Amr bin Buqaila. Against each citadel Khalid sent a part of his army under a subordinate general. These generals, besieging the citadels in the order in which they have been mentioned above, were: Zaid, Ukayd al-Lakhmi, the Axumite convert Bilal ibn Rabah and Muthanna. All the generals were ordered to storm the citadels; but before doing so they would offer the garrisons the usual alternatives - Islam, the Jizya or the sword. The garrisons would have one day in which to think it over. The generals moved out with their forces and surrounded the citadels. The ultimatum was issued, with the Muslims and their Lakhmid allies promising safe haven and leniency on the first year of jizya if the Persian ally Arabs surrendered. The following day it was rejected by the citadel commanders and hostilities began.




    Assault on the Citadels

    The first to launch his attack was Zaid ibn Haritha against the White Palace. The defenders stood on the battlements and in addition to shooting arrows at the Muslims, used a catapult to hurl boulders at their assailants. Zaid decided to knock out the catapult, not wanting to risk his men in an attack while it was still lobbing rocks. Well-known for being the best of archers among the Companions, Zaid had trained a group of men for this very purpose and he called them up now. Working his way forward with his special team of archers, he got to within bow range of the catapult and ordered a single, powerful volley of arrows. The entire crew of the catapult was killed, and many of the enemy archers too. The rest hastily withdrew from the battlements, fearing the arrows of Zaid's soldiers. Similar exchanges of archery were taking place at the other citadels, though none of the others had a catapult, and it was not long before the four chieftains asked for terms. They agreed to nominate one from amongst themselves who would speak for all, to negotiate directly with Khalid. The man chosen was the chieftain of the Palace of Ibn Buqaila- Abdul Masih bin Amr bin Buqaila. Abdul Masih (which meant Servant of the Messiah) came out of his citadel and walked towards the Muslims. He walked slowly, leaning on a cane, for he was a very old man. Khalid and his councilors ordered that a camel be slaughtered and roasted for the Christian elder, who they had placed on a chair as they sat on the ground near his feet. Though they were still opponents at the time, the elderly were to be treated with esteem according to the rules of Arab honor and the teachings of their Prophet. Beyond this, Abdul Masih was also no ordinary aged man.


    Abdul Masih was in his time the most illustrious son of Arab Iraq. He was a nobleman, one who had traveled far and wide in his youth. Known as the wisest and oldest of men, he enjoyed no official authority from the Persian court, but was held in reverence by the Iraqis and wielded considerable influence in their affairs. A scholar of the Testaments in the Nestorian tradition, he was said to have traveled as far as Axum in his quest for religious knowledge. He had become a noted figure as early as the time of Anushirvan the Just. Meeting Anushirvan shortly before the latter's death, Abdul Masih had warned him that after him his empire would decay. Once Abdul Masih and the Muslims who he came to speak with had finished eating, Khalid and the others began to see what they could learn from this wise man.


    "How many years have come upon you, Grandfather?" asked Khalid.


    "A century - perhaps more, perhaps less", replied the Christian elder.


    Awed by the great age of the man, the Muslims gathered closer to listen to him speak. Zaid asked, "Grandfather, you have witnessed things that no man of ours has ever witnessed. What is the most wonderful thing that you have seen?"


    "The most wonderful thing that I have seen is a village between Al-Hira and Damascus to which a woman travels from Al-Hira, with nothing more than a loaf of bread." He was alluding to the incomparable order and safety which existed in the time of Anushirwan.


    The Caliph's men nodded, they had expected a tale of some bizzare creature, but this was truly a wonderous thing. They wished to hear more about the greatness of old Persia. Khalid asked again, "Grandfather, tell us something that you remember from the time of Anushirvan."


    An absent look came into the eyes of Abdul Masih. For a few moments he looked wistfully at the towers of the citadels which rose above the rooftops of the city. Then he said, "I remember a time when men of Al-Siin (China) visited these citadels."


    A murmur of surprise and wonder passed through the gathered Muslims. China was a land of legend to them, as much myth as fact. In their minds, China was a country where kings ruled for thousands of years, men flew on the backs of winged tigers, and jewels could be plucked from trees like fruits. The Companions kissed the hand of Abdul Masih in turn, displaying their respect for his knowledge. Muthanna asked the last question, "Grandfather, give us some of your wisdom, for we are young and prone to error. Teach us something that may benefit us."


    Abdul Masih was silent for a time and then he responded, "Remember, youths, the house of a tyrant will always crumble."


    At this, Khalid exclaimed "Truly, this is a sage of a man! May his people prosper from now until Judgement Day!" The Muslims all agreed and praised the old Christian greatly. The preamble was over. Khalid now came to the point. "I call you to God and to Islam", he said. "If you accept, you will be Muslims. You will gain what we gain, and you will bear what we bear. If you refuse, then the Jizya. And if you refuse to pay the Jizya, then I bring a people who desire death more ardently than you desire life. We will not harm you, Grandfather, nor the womenfolk, the children, the lame, and those you tell us to spare, but the citadels will be in our hands by the day's end."


    "We have no wish to fight you," replied Abdul Masih, "but we shall stick to our faith. We shall pay the Jizya." The agreement of jizya, peaceful treatment, and mutual alliance was drawn up and the battle was over. As Abdul Masih got up to leave, the Muslims instead had Muthanna provide him with a well-bred horse that had an easy gait suitable for a man of his age. They also gave him several choice treasures from the loot of Amghishiya as a reward for the wise advice he had offered them earlier, including an embroidered Persian saddle decorated with gold. The citadels opened their gates and peace returned to Al-Hira. The Lakhmid prince took up his throne yet again at Khornaq Castle, reciving anointment from a Nestrorian priest in a ceremony witnessed by both Muslim and Christian soldiers. The objective given by the Caliph had been taken after four bloody battles and several smaller engagements. Ukayd attended a Mass at the Chapel of Al-Hira to give thanks for his unlikely return to power, while Khalid led a mass victory prayer of eight rakats outside the church.




    Sweeping over the Euphrates

    Once Al-Hira was in the hands of the dhimmi ally Ukayd, Khalid turned to the subjugation of other parts of Iraq, starting with the nearer districts. He wrote identical letters to the mayors and elders of the towns, offering them the usual alternatives-Islam, the Jizya or the sword. All the districts in the vicinity of Al-Hira had the good sense to submit; pacts were drawn up with the chiefs and mayors, laying down the rate of Jizya and assuring the inhabitants of Muslim protection. These pacts were witnessed by several Muslim officers, including Khalid's brother, Hisham, who served under him in this campaign.


    Over this region the Arab horsemen were now supreme. Khalid, having crushed four large Persian armies, knew that there was no further threat of a counter-offensive from Ctesiphon and that he could venture into Central Iraq in strength. He made a military base of operations outside of Al-Hira at modern-day Kufa (though the soldiers often spent as much time in Al-Hira, where they could enjoy the praises of the cityfolk) and flung his cavalry across the Euphrates. His mounted columns galloped over Central Iraq up to the Tigris, sacking and plundering those Persian towns that resisted and making quick peace with the towns (mostly Christian Assyrians or Arabs) who agreed to pay the Jizya. For the command of these fast-moving columns he used his most dashing and impatient young generals: Dhiraar, Qa'qa, and Muthanna. By the end of May 633, the region between the rivers was all his. There was no one to challenge the political and military authority of the Caliphate.



    1. I thought that since this is the climax of the Iraqi Campaign, I'd include a suitably apocalyptic verse from the Qur'an. Once again, Nikayin's Poetic Translation does a fantastic job of transmitting the flow of the Qur'an, but for readers unfamiliar with the original text, I recommend listening to it here. It's quite short and as the Qur'an is very much an oral tradition, there's something to be said for experiencing it as the Companions would have. The last two verses concerning the "infant maid" are referencing a very dark - perhaps the darkest - cultural practice of Pre-Islamic Arabia: female infanticide. Although debate over the extent of and the reasons for this practice are still hot in academia, much like the Hagarism-Qur'an controversy, in the past 5-10 years most Western scholars now accept that the Muslim sources were right to some degree when they described the embedded presence of female infanticide in the Hijaz. These verses were deeply important to two central figures of Islam: Muhammad and Umar. Prophet Muhammad was an uncompromising enemy of female infanticide, preaching vehemently against it in Makkah and banning it as murder in Madinah. When asked by a Companion if he ever lost control of himself in anger, Muhammad replied that he had after his uncle Abu Lahab came upon him playing with his baby daughter Fatimah and derided him for not being enough of a man to bury her alive after birth (since the idea was to avoid "spilling blood of kin.") Muhammad beat Abu Lahab severely with his walking stick for this until Khadijah stopped him. Umar had actually participated in this practice before Islam, something that he felt immense guilt over for the rest of his life. He had been pressured by his overbearing and abusive father Al-Khattab into having his infant daughter buried alive and Umar once said to his son Aziz that he came very close to killing himself over grief that night. He frequented her grave during his rule as Caliph and cried anytime the verses above were recited within earshot. It's a powerful and depressing image, but it helps illustrate why people who were staunch enemies of Islam could become wholly converted to the Prophet's reforming call. Even some members of the relatively well-off had little love for the institutions of Makkan-Ta'ifan Arabia.
    2. A much more light-hearted footnote here! Many of the Rashidun soldiers in the equivalent battle to this one in OTL often didn't even know what to do with the stuff they found. A war elephant was captured, which awed them as most had never seen an elephant before. They fed it and painted its skin in bright patterns, but made no attempt to do anything useful with it. One warrior was later laughed at by his more cosmopolitan Christian allies for unknowingly wearing a woman's garment that he thought looked nice. There was even accounts of soldiers that thought jeweled bowls were actually a fancy helmets, since they didn't see why someone would put a bunch of jewels on a bowl.
     
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    A Bit of a Timeskip - The Ascension of Caliph Maxentius
  • Just for fun, here's a look into the near future


    Heirs to Muhammad

    Sword_of_Umar_ibn_al-Khittab-mohammad_adil_rais.JPG


    Standing in the Hall of Companions in the Grand Mosque, the Caliph-to-be found himself feeling a familiar emotion - the blended anticipation and fear before a battle. It was baseless, thought Maxentius to himself, there's nothing to fear here. The vote was in, the messengers have been sent out, and the will of the Ummah had been heard, the part left was all ceremony. He knew this intellectually, but standing in that massive room surrounded by the statues of the six Companion Caliphs, he couldn't help but feel afraid. The young general walked slowly around the room, staring up into the stoic faces of the first men to carry the burden of Khilafah, a burden that was soon to be his to bear. None of the statues had names, but a boy who grew up with the Caliph's legends like Maxentius had didn't need labels to tell who was who. Each had a symbol of their rule featured in the statue with them, so even a novice could tell them apart. The statue of an older man with a Qur'an manuscript in his right hand near the door was Abu Bakr, the hawk-eyed figure opposite him holding the measuring scales of justice was Umar, the man with a slight smile unrolling a scroll of law was clearly Zaid, the warrior in scale armor holding the sword Zulfiqar was none other than Ali, the young-looking man, bearing a family resemblance to Ali, and holding an overflowing purse of gold was Al-Hasan, and the man with a distant gaze pointing to a map was the celebrated Az-Zubayr. More Caliphs had come since then; wise men, warriors, scholars, all noteworthy, but these six Caliphs were those who had met the Prophet during his lifetime. The guardians of the Ummah. The heroes of the faith. A breed apart. The thought of having to live up to their achievements was troubling at best. As they gazed down at him, Maxentius made a silent prayer that God would bless him and grant him a measure of their intellect and iron will. Just at that moment, a soldier walked into the room briskly. "Command..uh...I mean, Caliph Maksant. You're needed in the council hall. It's time." The general laughed and clapped his old aide on the back, "I'm not the Caliph yet, Nur-ud-Din, there's no need to stand on ceremony. You've known me too long for that. We shouldn't keep them waiting, though. Let's go."



    In the great council room of the Majlis-as-Shura, the general-electors were all waiting with the whole population of Basra watching a short distance away on the steps leading to its doors. Men from many places, like Azraq ibn Yusha, the Nubian Governor of Egypt, or Hamid Al-Khazari, the red-haired Governor of the Black Sea Provinces. His collegues and occasionally his rivals, but today, there was no province or language or ambition. Today, there was only one Ummah, Muslims bound by faith to each other and their new Caliph. The oldest of the electors, a man named Yazid from Old Madinah brought out the seven mus'hafs of Abu Bakr and bid him to pick one. Like most Roman Muslims from Anatolia, Maxentius was used to the Ta'ifan Qur'an, so that was what he picked. He took it in his right hand and held the large manuscript to his chest, then swore the inaugural pledge of Abu Bakr to the Shura Council and the assembled crowd:

    I have been given authority over you, though I am not the best of you. If I do well, help me; and if I do wrong, set me right. Sincere regard for truth is loyalty and disregard for truth is treachery. The weak amongst you shall be strong with me until I have secured his rights, if God wills; and the strong amongst you shall be weak with me until I have wrested from him the rights of others, if God wills. Obey me so long as I obey God and His Messenger. And if I disobey God and His Messenger, then I have no right to your obedience.


    The members of the Shura Council, Muslims and dhimmis alike, then took their turns giving the new Caliph their pledge of allegiance. Now that he was officially the Caliph, he was given the relics of office. He took up the sword of Khalid, he wound Zaid's turban around his head, and so on until he receved the greatest relic - the cloak of the Prophet was placed around his shoulders. No crowns and no gold, though, for the Caliph was to be a humble ruler. The "uncrowned emperors of Islam" were legend and the austere fashion of the Caliphs was a striking design statement of its own.



    As he walked out onto the steps, the crowds wildly cheered for their young leader, their general-turned-Caliph. As people flocked around him, smiling, shouting, and generally basking in the radiated glory of the Ummah personalized in one man, they begun to chant.

    "God bless Khalifah Maksant, defender of the weak!
    God bless Khalifah Maksant, provider for the poor!
    God bless Khalifah Maksant, guardian of the Ahl-al-Kitab!
    God bless Khalifah Maksant, destroyer of the infidels!
    God bless Khalifah Maksant, commander of the Faithful!"
     
    Info Post 7 - The Possible Development of Jewish Leadership in the Caliphate (by Jonathan Edelstein)
  • I wonder, would the Jewish Exilarch get to fully return to Jerusalem under a stable Rashidun? Umar opened the city to the Jews again, allowing in 70 families, then 80 families, then 90 families before he was assassinated. It's not clear why the resettlement program stopped, perhaps it was forgotten about amidst the turmoil surrounding the Fitna? I'm a little biased, because I think a Caliph Zaid overseeing the full return of Judaism to Jerusalem would be fantastic, but is it plausible? @Jonathan Edelstein, do you have any opinions here?

    As a matter of fact, I do. :p

    First, the Exilarch wouldn't be the one to rule the Jews of Jerusalem - he's the Exile-arch (Rosh ha-Galut) after all, and thus has authority over the Jewish communities outside the homeland. Practically speaking, his authority IOTL was limited to Babylonia, and while the Caliphate might possibly extend that authority to other diaspora communities such as the Jews of Egypt, it might be more politically astute (from a standpoint of both encouraging local loyalty and divide-and-rule) to give the governance of Jews in each province to local leaders. For that matter, the Exilarch was not completely supreme even in Babylonia IOTL - the deans of the Talmudic academies in Sura and Pumbedita were also enormously influential - and the Exilarch might well have to share his position at court and on the Shura Council with their representatives.

    Second, the period immediately before the Muslim conquest of Jerusalem was one of armed conflict between the Christians and Jews in Palestine. The Jews supported, and supplied troops for, the Sassanian conquest of Palestine in 614, and suffered when Heraclius retook the province in 630. This would be a very recent memory when the Muslims take over, both IOTL and ITTL, and any rights that the Caliphate gives to Jews in Palestine would be opposed by Christians. Much would depend on who supports the Islamic conquest most strongly, and at least as much would depend on whose support the Calphate needs more in order to keep the peace after the conquest. There were many more Christians than Jews in Palestine at the time, so unless the Jews are extraordinarily loyal and the Christians not, you do the math. My guess is that the most likely outcome would be communal autonomy for the local rabbinate but not any widespread settlement rights or control of territory.

    The Caliph is incredibly powerful by modern terms, but there are things that he can't do without the consensus of the Shura Council, like declare a jihad against a new state or change the rate of jizya.

    So the dhimmi members of the Shura Council have an effective veto over increases in their tax rate, or at least an ability to make such increases difficult? That will lead to some interesting political bargains.

    BTW, if the precedent of using Christian (and sometimes Jewish) troops holds, how would that affect the application of jizya to the communities that supply such troops? Jizya is at least in part a payment for exemption from military service, so would the dhimmi soldiers be deemed to have paid their jizya by virtue of such service, and would their communities instead pay a zakat equivalent according to their own religious law (the Jewish law of tzedakah imposes very similar obligations to zakat, and there are also Christian commandments regarding support for the poor)? I suspect that various nuanced gradations of dhimmi status might develop according to the terms on which each non-Muslim community is incorporated into the Caliphate.
     
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