Status
Not open for further replies.
That was exactly was I was thinking while reading your suggestion. I like it a lot. Henri could also take part in the first part of the conflict as a general on the Sardinian side. I need to flesh this part out a little more, though. Speaking of which, yesterday while I could not sleep I had this particularly wild thought...
Yes, and his martial glory would also benefit his wife and improve her chances of being offered the throne, even better if you go full hog and have Henri wounded in one of the (victorious) battles. CA might be less supportive, since he doesn't strike me as an advocate for women rights, but at the end of the story a crown for a female Savoy is always better than no crown. I was toying with the idea of a queen of Sicily promoting an early franchise for women, but I'm afraid it's a bit too early for such a revolutionary idea, even if it was edged with age, literacy and property qualifications.
Back to Henri, he gained his spurs in Algeria, first as a soldier and later on as an administrator (he was governor of Algeria in 1848): this background might be handy if Sicily becomes the leader of Italian penetration in Tunisia.
It would also be a good thing if Ferdinand starts an epistolary friendship with Prince Albert: he might find worse role models, and there would be an obvious diplomatic benefit.
I came across a study of 2014 that shows that Napoleon III could not be related on the paternal side to Napoleon. This was rumored back then but let's assume that OTL he was not aware of this. Somehow, TTL he finds out, and this devastates him. OTL He was in London in 1838 and for part of 1848. Say that, because of Ferdinand, the English public opinion is vastly supportive of the Italian cause. Mercurial as he was, Nappy gets enthusiastic as well, remembers of his youth in the Carboneria and of the oath he took to serve the Italian cause, and uses the wealth of his lover to fund and raise a small corp of volunteers to Italy he commands under the false name of Hamilton. Maybe the Republican French Provisional Governement is quick in implementing a law forbidding all the members of former Royal/Imperial houses to run for public office for good measure.
May I log in a strong contrary vote? LN was a glory hog and a loose cannon (and I wouldn't be surprised if he tried to parlay his war record and the name of his uncle into a crown in the peninsula).
The best way that Ferdinand has to gain popular support in great Britain is to welcome British business and investments in Sardinia
 
Yes, and his martial glory would also benefit his wife and improve her chances of being offered the throne, even better if you go full hog and have Henri wounded in one of the (victorious) battles. CA might be less supportive, since he doesn't strike me as an advocate for women rights, but at the end of the story a crown for a female Savoy is always better than no crown. I was toying with the idea of a queen of Sicily promoting an early franchise for women, but I'm afraid it's a bit too early for such a revolutionary idea, even if it was edged with age, literacy and property qualifications.
Back to Henri, he gained his spurs in Algeria, first as a soldier and later on as an administrator (he was governor of Algeria in 1848): this background might be handy if Sicily becomes the leader of Italian penetration in Tunisia.
It would also be a good thing if Ferdinand starts an epistolary friendship with Prince Albert: he might find worse role models, and there would be an obvious diplomatic benefit.

May I log in a strong contrary vote? LN was a glory hog and a loose cannon (and I wouldn't be surprised if he tried to parlay his war record and the name of his uncle into a crown in the peninsula).
The best way that Ferdinand has to gain popular support in great Britain is to welcome British business and investments in Sardinia
Regarding Henri, I agree with pretty much everything. OTL he married in 1844, which I believe is a good date TTL. I definitely see CA urging for such a match. Besides, OTL Henri even died in Sicily, so I would see this really fit. A regnant Queen of Sicily could be also a way to call for even more British sympathy and support. The two Queens could also start an epistolary friendship, which could be nice. I have to think, though, on how best to shape the young Princess personality. Not as strong as Victoria, but neither an ultra-religious young lady as many others Savoy princesses were. I need to think a bit (and see where inspiration leads me). Regarding the British connection, do you think that a match in the future between Ferdinand's and Victoria's offspring a possibility? Religion would be a definite issue, but if it happens past 1860 maybe a solution could be worked out. Regarding LN, that is very true. I just want to give him a fate that vastly diverges from OTL but letting him keeping his word. Although that might come by chance or mistake...
 
Besides shaping in a proper shape the personality of the future queen of Sicily (the danger of raising another overly pious Savoy princess is always there: maybe the key is to use her brother, and his love for science and modernity, which could influence her tastes and instill a love for learning), there is also the need to avoid the danger that Henri influences too much her choices and decisions. Ideally Henri should be to Maria Cristina what Albert was to Victoria: a prop, a strong support, a voice for reason but never a puppet master.
Maria Cristina should be spirited and confident (CA will not be pleased by the idea that his daughter is interested in books and learning, and the obstacles she has to overcome in her adolescence can help to forge her confidence and self-esteem), but hopefully not as headstrong and opinionated as Victoria was. Maybe a little hagiographic campaign would not come amiss: the queen who came from the north to give Sicily freedom and good government, and her French knight who has already shed blood for the Italian freedom and stands always by her ready to draw his sword against all internal and external enemies. It's a bit corny, but we are in the age of romanticism after all.

As for LN, I'd leave him to rusticate in London or in the English countryside for all of the 1850s. His only interests are the attempts to convince the French government to revoke the decree of exile, and his contacts with the colony of Polish expatriates in London, who are also in exile. By the time the Poles insurgents rebel again in 1863, he's so committed to their cause to raise a volunteers corps, and going to fight for the Polish freedom. Alas, he never will come back. LN's friendship and sacrifice have not been forgotten by the Poles, and his name has been given to a square in Warsaw. It's again corny, but I've given LN his moment in the sun.

The possibility of a future marriage tie between Windsors and Savoys is still far in the future. I wouldn't worry about it right now. Usually the story takes a life of itself, and presents or denies opportunities.
 
There's another Bonaparte, though, who might play a significant role
 
There's another Bonaparte, though, who might play a significant role
I have to admit I greatly underestimate him. I knew about the marriage and the plan to put him on the Central Italian throne, but this is far more interestib. Now, that's a Bonaparte I want in my story...
 
Besides shaping in a proper shape the personality of the future queen of Sicily (the danger of raising another overly pious Savoy princess is always there: maybe the key is to use her brother, and his love for science and modernity, which could influence her tastes and instill a love for learning), there is also the need to avoid the danger that Henri influences too much her choices and decisions. Ideally Henri should be to Maria Cristina what Albert was to Victoria: a prop, a strong support, a voice for reason but never a puppet master.
Maria Cristina should be spirited and confident (CA will not be pleased by the idea that his daughter is interested in books and learning, and the obstacles she has to overcome in her adolescence can help to forge her confidence and self-esteem), but hopefully not as headstrong and opinionated as Victoria was. Maybe a little hagiographic campaign would not come amiss: the queen who came from the north to give Sicily freedom and good government, and her French knight who has already shed blood for the Italian freedom and stands always by her ready to draw his sword against all internal and external enemies. It's a bit corny, but we are in the age of romanticism after all.

As for LN, I'd leave him to rusticate in London or in the English countryside for all of the 1850s. His only interests are the attempts to convince the French government to revoke the decree of exile, and his contacts with the colony of Polish expatriates in London, who are also in exile. By the time the Poles insurgents rebel again in 1863, he's so committed to their cause to raise a volunteers corps, and going to fight for the Polish freedom. Alas, he never will come back. LN's friendship and sacrifice have not been forgotten by the Poles, and his name has been given to a square in Warsaw. It's again corny, but I've given LN his moment in the sun.

The possibility of a future marriage tie between Windsors and Savoys is still far in the future. I wouldn't worry about it right now. Usually the story takes a life of itself, and presents or denies opportunities.
The Polish option is a good one for LN. It is pretty much what I had in mind for him in Italy, but maybe it adds unnecessary noise. On Henri and Maria Cristina, the Victoria/Albert relationship is the ideal one. I guess the key is finding Henri always the right venture to shine without outshining MC: command of the army at first, penetration in Tunisia then. A marital crown could be periodically on the table but I do not feel it would be wise to grant it.
 
I have to admit I greatly underestimate him. I knew about the marriage and the plan to put him on the Central Italian throne, but this is far more interestib. Now, that's a Bonaparte I want in my story...
One of the guys who IOTL was lost in the noise produced by his cousin, but IMHO Plon-Plon was much more intelligent and much more a man of the new times
A marital crown could be periodically on the table but I do not feel it would be wise to grant it.
Absolutely not (mind, I don't have a lot of info on Henri: I'm just projecting)
 
So, I am not struggling with the writing of the next chapter (I have the ideas somewhere in my mind, but the writing just does not seem to flow). But, I took the chance to read a bit and I stumbled upon the Conclave of 1846. I am thinking of having Von Gaisruk getting in time to veto the election of Mastai Ferretti. My guess is that Gizzi then gets elected through accessum. What do you guys think? No Piux IX (for now, ate the very least) with a Pope likely dying soon (OTL Gizzi died in 1849, and I like it for narrative purposes). First thought is: does Gizzi choose Mastai Ferretti as Secretary of State (reversing their OTL roles) or that would be taken as to defiant to the Austrian Emperor?
 
So, I am not struggling with the writing of the next chapter (I have the ideas somewhere in my mind, but the writing just does not seem to flow). But, I took the chance to read a bit and I stumbled upon the Conclave of 1846. I am thinking of having Von Gaisruk getting in time to veto the election of Mastai Ferretti. My guess is that Gizzi then gets elected through accessum. What do you guys think? No Piux IX (for now, ate the very least) with a Pope likely dying soon (OTL Gizzi died in 1849, and I like it for narrative purposes). First thought is: does Gizzi choose Mastai Ferretti as Secretary of State (reversing their OTL roles) or that would be taken as to defiant to the Austrian Emperor?
My first reaction is that Gizzi would be almost sure to get vetoed, since he was more explicitly an exponent of the moderate reformers.
The second reaction is that Gizzi died in 1849 (and retired from Secretary of State in July 1847, which makes me thing his health was failing): do you want a Vacant See in 1849
I'm not at all against the idea of keeping Mastai Ferretti from becoming pope, but Gizzi might not have the strength to start making reforms
 
Last edited:
I'm so following this. A confederal Italy under a hybrid monarchic/republican political system is basically my AH wet dream, and it seems that this particular version of it will be a bad acid trip like no other. :p
 
My first reaction is that Gizzi would be almost sure to get vetoed, since he was more explicitly an exponent of the moderate reformers.
The second reaction is that Gizzi died in 1849 (and retired from Secretary of State in July 1847, which makes me thing his health was failing): do you want a Vacant See in 1849
I'm not at all against the idea of keeping Mastai Ferretti from becoming pope, but Gizzi might not have the strength to start making reforms
My reasoning was as follows. There are some things I cannot change that much in TTL wars of Italian Independence: terrain and the dynamic of the war itself, for starters. The Piedmontese military will be better in Artillery and Engineer Corps thanks to Ferdinand, but will still be lacking cavalry corps to counter the Austrian Ulani. The election of Piux IX was a pivotal event of 1846, giving much traction to the neo-welf faction and inspiring a lot the independentist all over the Peninsula. Still, it is something that can be easily be prevented, as it almost was OTL, so I would like to explore such a different scenario. Gizzi is the conservative option, in the sense that he was "liberal" and loved in the Papal States, so likely to inspire similar feelings, but would probably do less than Mastai Ferretti. A vacant see in 1849 makes maybe for the funniest Papal Election since Viterbo in 1268-1271, which is something that may be worth writing. Then we may think of having Lambruschini elected, and that changes things wildly. A skilled and expert diplomat, but a conservative, whose credibility in the eye of the Italian public will be likely undermined by the extensive use of the Austrian veto (used three times in this scenario, assuming Gizzi is vetoed as well), which makes for a fun ride as well. Wow, now I am really divided between these two.
 
I'm so following this. A confederal Italy under a hybrid monarchic/republican political system is basically my AH wet dream, and it seems that this particular version of it will be a bad acid trip like no other. :p
Thanks a lot! I must admit, I was not expecting such a comment, and it is so so nice to read it. Hope I will not disappoint you! And of course, any feedback, suggestion, criticism is always welcome!
 
My reasoning was as follows. There are some things I cannot change that much in TTL wars of Italian Independence: terrain and the dynamic of the war itself, for starters. The Piedmontese military will be better in Artillery and Engineer Corps thanks to Ferdinand, but will still be lacking cavalry corps to counter the Austrian Ulani. The election of Piux IX was a pivotal event of 1846, giving much traction to the neo-welf faction and inspiring a lot the independentist all over the Peninsula. Still, it is something that can be easily be prevented, as it almost was OTL, so I would like to explore such a different scenario. Gizzi is the conservative option, in the sense that he was "liberal" and loved in the Papal States, so likely to inspire similar feelings, but would probably do less than Mastai Ferretti. A vacant see in 1849 makes maybe for the funniest Papal Election since Viterbo in 1268-1271, which is something that may be worth writing. Then we may think of having Lambruschini elected, and that changes things wildly. A skilled and expert diplomat, but a conservative, whose credibility in the eye of the Italian public will be likely undermined by the extensive use of the Austrian veto (used three times in this scenario, assuming Gizzi is vetoed as well), which makes for a fun ride as well. Wow, now I am really divided between these two.
First of all, let me ask you one thing: what gives you the idea that cavalry can still will battles in mid 19th century? Cavalry is fine for scouting, fine for pursuing and harassing a fleeing enemy, but cannot break infantry positions. Which means that the Sardinian cavalry is pretty adequate for the task: the problem the Sardinian army had was a lack of strategic vision.

I did check the 4 votes in the Conclave of 1846: Rizzi was never in the run, not in any one of them, and the main candidates were Lambruschini for the conservatives and Mastai Ferretti for the liberals. Now let's assume that von Gaisruck gets to Rome before the 4th vote, and presents the Austrian veto (incidentally, von Gaisruck took his own bloody time to travel from Milan to Rome, since the pope died on 20 May, and on 15 June he's not yet in Rome. This makes me think that the Austrian Regency Council was not particularly worried by the possible election of Mastai Ferretti, or at least that they were divided on the issue, since the veto might have been delivered by the Austrian ambassador in Rome, if von Gaisruck was too slow in arriving). Maybe the liberal faction can switch their votes on Gizzi, and pull in the fence sitters using the "assensus", but it is much more likely that this will not be easy or quick, once Austria has officially expressed their dissatisfaction with the election of a "liberal" pope. Appointing Mastai Ferretti as Secretary of State would not be a conciliatory move towards Austria, but maybe another exponent of the liberal faction can be selected. Would this combo be as proactive as Pius IX was? IOTL 1847 saw many significant reforms implemented in the Papal States (which culminated with the concession of a Constitution in March 1848), but 1847 is also the year in which Rizzi resigns as Secretary of State IOTL, probably because his health is failing: can he match the concessions of Pius IX, and more importantly will he be allowed to do it? There is still a hard conservative faction in the Curia, which may have been emboldened by Austria vetoing the election of Mastai Ferretti.

I do fear that the non - election of Mastai Ferretti would pose more plot problems, and that Pius IX is necessary to break the mold. It would certainly be nice if he did not change his mind in April 1848 (although I'm very skeptic on the depth of his "liberal" leanings, and a truly liberal pope would not only be an oxymoron, but would also create more very serious problems along the way). It was certainly unfortunate that his pontificate was so long (31 years), and it would have been better if he had died earlier (there is even a window of opportunity the night he flees Rome in November: what if his party is stopped by the insurgents, there is a scuffle and a stray shot kills him?), but ultimately I do believe that Pius IX's pontificate fulfilled an historical necessity or two: it broke the mold of restauration, showed the people that a theocratic government cannot be a completely democratic one (the Constitution gave the ultimate approval on legislation of any kind to the Curia) and finally showed the true face of Pius IX through the repressions of the 1850s (when the pope's executioner was the most active, compared to other Italian states).
 
First of all, let me ask you one thing: what gives you the idea that cavalry can still will battles in mid 19th century? Cavalry is fine for scouting, fine for pursuing and harassing a fleeing enemy, but cannot break infantry positions. Which means that the Sardinian cavalry is pretty adequate for the task: the problem the Sardinian army had was a lack of strategic vision.

I did check the 4 votes in the Conclave of 1846: Rizzi was never in the run, not in any one of them, and the main candidates were Lambruschini for the conservatives and Mastai Ferretti for the liberals. Now let's assume that von Gaisruck gets to Rome before the 4th vote, and presents the Austrian veto (incidentally, von Gaisruck took his own bloody time to travel from Milan to Rome, since the pope died on 20 May, and on 15 June he's not yet in Rome. This makes me think that the Austrian Regency Council was not particularly worried by the possible election of Mastai Ferretti, or at least that they were divided on the issue, since the veto might have been delivered by the Austrian ambassador in Rome, if von Gaisruck was too slow in arriving). Maybe the liberal faction can switch their votes on Gizzi, and pull in the fence sitters using the "assensus", but it is much more likely that this will not be easy or quick, once Austria has officially expressed their dissatisfaction with the election of a "liberal" pope. Appointing Mastai Ferretti as Secretary of State would not be a conciliatory move towards Austria, but maybe another exponent of the liberal faction can be selected. Would this combo be as proactive as Pius IX was? IOTL 1847 saw many significant reforms implemented in the Papal States (which culminated with the concession of a Constitution in March 1848), but 1847 is also the year in which Rizzi resigns as Secretary of State IOTL, probably because his health is failing: can he match the concessions of Pius IX, and more importantly will he be allowed to do it? There is still a hard conservative faction in the Curia, which may have been emboldened by Austria vetoing the election of Mastai Ferretti.

I do fear that the non - election of Mastai Ferretti would pose more plot problems, and that Pius IX is necessary to break the mold. It would certainly be nice if he did not change his mind in April 1848 (although I'm very skeptic on the depth of his "liberal" leanings, and a truly liberal pope would not only be an oxymoron, but would also create more very serious problems along the way). It was certainly unfortunate that his pontificate was so long (31 years), and it would have been better if he had died earlier (there is even a window of opportunity the night he flees Rome in November: what if his party is stopped by the insurgents, there is a scuffle and a stray shot kills him?), but ultimately I do believe that Pius IX's pontificate fulfilled an historical necessity or two: it broke the mold of restauration, showed the people that a theocratic government cannot be a completely democratic one (the Constitution gave the ultimate approval on legislation of any kind to the Curia) and finally showed the true face of Pius IX through the repressions of the 1850s (when the pope's executioner was the most active, compared to other Italian states).

Regarding the cavalry, I think I was misled by the account of the Battle of Custoza of 1866, where two Italian divisions heroically held in a square defensive position against as many as 300 (sic!) Austrian Ulani. Rereading my notes, a good (or even an average) commander would have found a way to solve this without the need of any Italian counterpart. Regarding the Pope: thanks for your insight. Maybe killing Pius IX earlier as you suggested serves my purposes just fine. I was toying with the idea of weaker reforms (OTL Gizzi resigned because of the institution of the Civic Guard) in the Papal States or an anachronistically conservative Pope that enrages the masses to have a rather different dynamics of events, but maybe I can achieve this with Pius IX as well.
 
Regarding the cavalry, I think I was misled by the account of the Battle of Custoza of 1866, where two Italian divisions heroically held in a square defensive position against as many as 300 (sic!) Austrian Ulani. Rereading my notes, a good (or even an average) commander would have found a way to solve this without the need of any Italian counterpart. Regarding the Pope: thanks for your insight. Maybe killing Pius IX earlier as you suggested serves my purposes just fine. I was toying with the idea of weaker reforms (OTL Gizzi resigned because of the institution of the Civic Guard) in the Papal States or an anachronistically conservative Pope that enrages the masses to have a rather different dynamics of events, but maybe I can achieve this with Pius IX as well.
I guessed you had that particular episode in mind: when the Hungarian Uhlans attacked (and it was a pretty stupid move) and were obviously repulsed, Bixio, who was commanding a division, wanted to counterattack but wasn't allowed. Custoza was a huge opportunity to end the war in a single battle, but Lamarmora (who was in command, although the king too was there, increasing the confusion) had reached the Mincio river just before the declaration of war (he was also prime minister, and stayed in Florence up to the very last moment: a particularly stupid decision for the CiC, but the king was not innocent in this delay, and the French had also their spoon stirring the soup), crossed the Mincio but did not send pickets to the top of the hills and practically took any possible decision which would have ensured the Austrian army would not be defeated. That is another story, though.

As far as the pope is concerned, killing the pope while he's fleeing Rome in mufti is certainly a possibility, but not what I would suggest (LN may be in Paris running for the presidential election, and might do something particularly stupid). IMHO, Pius IX is a necessary evil, and the alternatives might be worse than what happened IOTL, however the war in NI plays out.
I think it is a scenario with a possible binary outcome: if Sardinia wins in the north, the returning papal troops will support the insurrection of Rome, and the pope ends up in exile (or holed up in his Vatican palace); if Sardinia looses in the North, the Roman Republic is a gallant, but doomed dream. Even if the French do not intervene, the Austrians will come (when the French landed in Civitavecchia, the Austrians were already in Tuscany).
 
I guessed you had that particular episode in mind: when the Hungarian Uhlans attacked (and it was a pretty stupid move) and were obviously repulsed, Bixio, who was commanding a division, wanted to counterattack but wasn't allowed. Custoza was a huge opportunity to end the war in a single battle, but Lamarmora (who was in command, although the king too was there, increasing the confusion) had reached the Mincio river just before the declaration of war (he was also prime minister, and stayed in Florence up to the very last moment: a particularly stupid decision for the CiC, but the king was not innocent in this delay, and the French had also their spoon stirring the soup), crossed the Mincio but did not send pickets to the top of the hills and practically took any possible decision which would have ensured the Austrian army would not be defeated. That is another story, though.

As far as the pope is concerned, killing the pope while he's fleeing Rome in mufti is certainly a possibility, but not what I would suggest (LN may be in Paris running for the presidential election, and might do something particularly stupid). IMHO, Pius IX is a necessary evil, and the alternatives might be worse than what happened IOTL, however the war in NI plays out.
I think it is a scenario with a possible binary outcome: if Sardinia wins in the north, the returning papal troops will support the insurrection of Rome, and the pope ends up in exile (or holed up in his Vatican palace); if Sardinia looses in the North, the Roman Republic is a gallant, but doomed dream. Even if the French do not intervene, the Austrians will come (when the French landed in Civitavecchia, the Austrians were already in Tuscany).
I see. These are all good points. I see what I can do when we get there (the chapter regarding Ferdinand in 1840-1845 will be soon out, I hope, and then I will have a better idea on what to do and not to do.)
 
#4 Ferdinand, 1840-1845
Ferdinand, 1840-1844

It is hard to imagine a youngster as busy as Prince Ferdinand in the early 1840s. Divided between his roles as a member of his father’s Council, Commander of the Artillery, and his studies (after meeting Charles Babbage in Turin in 1840, he made a failed attempt to make the Analytical engine to work), the legend says that the Prince only slept with his wife Maria Adelaide (and, given the fact that the couple was soon blessed with a son, Umberto, born in 1841, and a daughter, Vittoria, in 1843, even in that occasion he was hardly given any rest). Although their match had political reasons (Charles Albert was trying to get closer to Austria, going as far as to sign a defensive pact with the Emperor, and urged his son to marry one of his cousins for this very reason, although Ferdinand would have preferred to choose a foreign bride) the couple got on well together. Ferdinand famously did not take any mistress, which not prevented Maria Adelaide from occasionally complaining. She wrote in her diary: “If only I could be jealous of a pretty face, a white bosom. Another woman, I could easily outcompete; but a whole kingdom? Or, should I say, an entire Peninsula…” She went as far as to issue a formal complaint to Charles Albert, who famously responded: “Are we really talking about this? If there is a problem, it’s Ferdinand's friendship with that damned Jacobin!” The “Jacobin” in question was no-one less than Cavour, whose open mockery of his page’s suit in his youth had gained him the eternal hatred of Charles Albert. The King forbade a return to Court of Camillo, and thought of formally forbidding Ferdinand to see a “preposterous fellow who has no love for our Kingdom.” The answer of the young Prince was: “Your Majesty loves his Kingdom with the affection of father; Camillo loves it with the passion of a lover.” Begrudgingly, Charles Albert relented, although more than Ferdinand’s quip he might have been influenced by the report “On the role of the railways in the development of the British Empire”, written by Ferdinand with the extensive help of Camillo. The report convinced Charles Albert to finally give answers to the many voices in the kingdom advocating for the construction of railways since 1826. Priority was given to the line Turin-Genoa, to connect the main port of the Kingdom with the capital. The line was to pass through Alessandria, from which a further line to Novara was started. Ferdinand also pointed out the necessity of the national production of steam engines, not to depend only on imports. The active support of the crown led in 1845 to the creation of the company Ansaldo, whose first factory, the Sampierdarena, was operative in 1847. Meanwhile, the first line of the Sardinian Railways (the Turin-Moncalieri) was inaugurated in 1844, on the occasion of the marriage of Maria Cristina of Savoy to Henri of Orleans, second youngest son of Louis-Philippe of France. This marked a shift in international politics for the Kingdom of Sardinia. This new pro-French direction was dictated by the tensions with Austria following the first works of the railway Alessandria-Novara, which was meant to get to the lake port of Arona, creating a commercial route that would damage the existing one through the Austrian Adriatic ports.
However, this is not to say that there was no love involved; on the contrary, the young couple fell in love almost at first glance. The two met in 1844 after Ferdinand, who had heard that Henri was in Naples to meet (and potentially marry) Maria Carolina of Naples, invited Henri (whose acquaintance he had made during his Grand Tour) to Turin “to tell the tale of his heroic military feats against the Algerians”. Having a great love for his sister, he feared that Maria Carolina would suffer in a marriage with one cousin or another- and that she was likely to make his husband suffer, too. In fact, Maria Cristina was nothing like the average, pious Savoy princess. She was smart and somewhat of a rebel, to the despair of her mother, who once wrote to her father “I have no idea from where did this child come from. She is nothing like any of us, and she seems to be born to spurn me! She should thank God she was born pretty.” At the age of eighteen, Maria Cristina was a ripe, sensual, wild beauty, described by many as a “Princess of Lombards, or maybe the Franks, or the Herulians”. Henri, previously set on the delicate, angelical Maria Carolina of Naples, was immediately charmed by the Savoy princess. The two fell in love when Henri promptly extinguished the fire Maria Cristina had accidentally set on her dress to hide a cigarette. Showing no embarrassment at all, Carolina laughed and reportedly said “I hope Your Highness is as good at turning fires on”, at which the Prince blushed and uttered a few words in what "sounded more like Ostrogoth than French", as Maria Cristina wrote in her diary. It is Henri's diary, however, that tells us what was really thinking: "I will marry her, and only her. I am a soldier, and she shines with the beauty and the danger of the most glorious of battles." The marriage was soon agreed, with Ferdinand actively taking part in the negotiations, although the hardest of the job was to convince his mother that it was best for all (Charles Albert was thorn between the political opportunity of the match and the embarrassment for his daughter's behavior, and in the end, had Maria Cristina solemnly swear in front of a notary that she would never ever smoke again. She complied-for a while. ).

The full account of the War in Algeria (Ferdinand was not of the sort that lets an occasion of learning something; he became famous for the sentence “There is no such thing as a useless knowledge” that he said to his wife after she said that his beloved math was, by all means, useless) made a great impression on the young prince, who resented a lot the lack of any chance to test the reforms he, his father and Menabrea had been implementing. However, after thinking on the subject, he concluded that this way, the skills of the Sardinian Army would be a surprise to their enemies as well. And he added, “Let us hope that they will be more surprised than us.”
 
Last edited:
It's quite good, but the name of "Eugenio" for the first born son of the heir to the throne (third in line for the throne) would not work: it's not a traditional name for the main line of Savoy (which the Savoy Carignano are now) and even if it obviously celebrates the best general the S-C (or the Savoys in general) have ever produced, it would give conniptions to everyone at court. Amedeo or Umberto would be much more in line with the family traditions, but I think CA would insist for Vittorio Emanuele, in memory of the son he lost to the fire).
A couple of little nitpicks:
at which the Prince couldn’t help but kissing Maria Carolina. To avoid any scandal, the marriage was soon agreed, with Ferdinand doing his best to convince his mother that it was best for all (Charles Albert was thorn between the political opportunity of the match and the embarrassment for his daughter's behavior). Henri was willing to spend some time early after the marriage in his holdings in Sicily, but the idea was turned down since the match had greatly disappointed Ferdinand, King of the Two Sicilies, who had great expectations for the match between Henri and “his” Maria Cristina.
Henri would never dare kiss MC in public (and in private too). Nor would he dare to marry on the spot: the marriage of two royals is always preceded by proper negotiations, and anyway Henri needs the assent of his father. You might say that Henri blushed deeply and was barely able to stammer a few words, but later he wrote in his diary that after today he would never marry anyone but MC. I've also a strong suspicion that Henri's properties in Palermo were coming from the dowry of his OTL wife. ITTL, there is no marriage with Maria Carolina
At the age of eighteen, Maria Carolina was a ripe, sensual, wild beauty, described by many as a “Princess of Lombards
This is Maria Cristina
The active support of the crown led in 1845 to the creation of the company Ansaldo, whose first locomotive, the Sampierdarena, was operative in 1847.
I think you mean "the first factory", rather than the first locomotive. The first locomotives will start to come out from the factory in 1848 or 1849, and this model might be named after a Sardinian victorious battle in the coming war
 
It's quite good, but the name of "Eugenio" for the first born son of the heir to the throne (third in line for the throne) would not work: it's not a traditional name for the main line of Savoy (which the Savoy Carignano are now) and even if it obviously celebrates the best general the S-C (or the Savoys in general) have ever produced, it would give conniptions to everyone at court. Amedeo or Umberto would be much more in line with the family traditions, but I think CA would insist for Vittorio Emanuele, in memory of the son he lost to the fire).
A couple of little nitpicks:

Henri would never dare kiss MC in public (and in private too). Nor would he dare to marry on the spot: the marriage of two royals is always preceded by proper negotiations, and anyway Henri needs the assent of his father. You might say that Henri blushed deeply and was barely able to stammer a few words, but later he wrote in his diary that after today he would never marry anyone but MC. I've also a strong suspicion that Henri's properties in Palermo were coming from the dowry of his OTL wife. ITTL, there is no marriage with Maria Carolina

This is Maria Cristina

I think you mean "the first factory", rather than the first locomotive. The first locomotives will start to come out from the factory in 1848 or 1849, and this model might be named after a Sardinian victorious battle in the coming war
Thanks for the comment! I have edited the chapter accordingly. I knew Eugenio was a stretch (OTL was Umberto's last name; this happens again, and maybe I will say that privately Umberto preferred it) but I wanted different names for TTL House of Savoy (although Ferdinand will be TTL Vittorio Emanuele). I thought about Vittorio Emanuele as a name, and Charles Albert would have definitely gone for it, but I went with the name being avoided (for a firstborn) out of superstition. I plan for Ferdinand to have a third child in 1849 or 1850/51 and that one will be named Vittorio Emanuele (I have to admit, I dislike this name phonetically).

Regarding Henri and MC (I had by eyes crossed dince any female was named Maria C-something, I was really confused) the scene pretty much wrote itself, I felt it was too far-fetched, but it felt just to have her out to the public as it was (and to change it, afterward). I liked the idea of having a little bit of romance. OOC, I created Maria Cristina in stark contrast to Maria Carolina, and infused some of OTL VE in her (the quotes about her are adaptations of OTL sentences regarding VE as well). The bit regarding the palace in Sicily was unnecessary, but given my plans for MC, I liked the idea of her being hated by Ferdinand of the Two-Sicilies and write it sown already (although that is pretty obvious).

The part regarding the Ansaldo and the Sampierdarena: you are right, I was being pretty optimistic. I like the suggestion regarding the locomotive being named after the battles, it has a really nice ring to it.

Again, I have no words to thank you for the support, precious information, and constructive criticism. It is really nice to have this kind of feedback.
 
Again, I have no words to thank you for the support, precious information, and constructive criticism. It is really nice to have this kind of feedback.
It's my pleasure, and I thank you for being willing to receive my feedback in the spirit it is given
 
Status
Not open for further replies.
Top