Photos of the New Order

Good points. I'll fix my list soon, I just need to look up to the Reichsland leaders.
If it helps, you could use the TV tropes page for TNO as a database (comes in handy for story crafting too).

I could see Czechia, Poland, Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltics becoming puppet states after the death of Albert Speer in the 1980s and after the current scope of TNO, but during the 1970s I agree they would still be Riechslands.
Hmm, for Eastern Europe, maybe. Sadly for Czechia, the ship may have more or less long already sailed to be reversed by that point.
 
José Mauro De Vasconcelos, named "Friendship is Magic"

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Based on Eponymous novel, the My little Pony is a spinoff set in another part of world of equus.. In Kingdom of Equestria, unlike the original novel, which set in River Republic.
 
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A poster of the Vyatka solidarists directed against the government of the United Revolutionary Front.

Translation - "Let's free the Motherland from the communist yoke!"
 
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Andreas Meyer-Landrut giving a eulogy at the funeral of Helmut Schmidt, In which he commended Schmidt for "Lifting Germany and Europe from darkness". 14th of April, 2011.

Born an ethnic German in the Baltics, Meyer-Landrut began his prominence from within the Nazi colonial entity of Reichskommissariat Ostland as the leading voice of the Reformist movement. With his influence as a major industrialist, he advocated for liberalization and greatly improving the treatment of the native inhabitants of the Baltic and Belarusian territories who Nazi authorities deemed as subhuman. As Ostland descended into chaotic turmoil like the rest of Nazi Europe and Germany itself in the aftermath of Hitler's death, Landrut rallied together a force of likeminded German reformists and native freedom fighters in seizing control of Ostland against various armed opposition over an 8 month period of conflict. After Albert Speer's reformists also won out in Germany during the civil war, Speer at the urging of his then closest advisors; the "Gang of Four" appointed Landrut to supervise Ostland's transitioning into what would become two native ruled German aligned states of the Baltic Bund and Belarus.

During the Speer era, one modern historian would label Landrut as "the unnamed fifth member of the GO4". He was a major political figure within the more liberal reformist forces within the German Reich whether it would be urging for Détente with the USA, vociferously encouraging a more faster and total abolishment of slavery throughout the Reich and most critically, standing in support of the GO4 in the wake of the Reichsbanner revolt and the eventual sidelining of Speer. During the 70s Landrut would play a role in Germany's complete return to democracy as well as the negotiations with the Russian Republic that ended the Second West Russian War. in the 1980s, he would serve as Foreign Minister under President Kurt Waldheim where he would in particular manage the breakup of the Baltic Bund into Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, brought about via voted referendum. Afterwards, he began to focus his attentions more on managing his business operations.

Within his birthplace of Estonia there had been calls in the 90s and 2000s from admirers and his old comrades from back in the Ostland days for him to run for president to which he cordially declined stating that he was exhausted by his decades long ventures into politics, though he did serve as an advisor on economic matters and unofficial middleman between the Zollverein and the country.
 
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Ivan Hasslocher the founder of the IBAD (Brazilian Institute of Democratic Action).

The IBAD was an pro-OFN think thank organization founded in 1959 with the support of American and Brazilian bussinesmen along with the CIA. Their goals were to combat Juscelino Kubitschek style populism and possible vestiges of fascism in Brazil. During the 1960 Brazilian elections the IBAD created the ADEP (Popular Democratic Action) to direct capital and finance candidates in opposition to Jânio Quadros and João Goulart togheter with pro-OFN candidates in general.

The IBAD along with the the IPES (Institute of Reaserch and Social Studies) financed and produzed a big quantity of radio, television and newspaper articles with pro-OFN content, something that contributed to the pressure for Jânio Quadros's resignement leading to the one hundread days crisis.

In 1964 during the short-lived Kuibitschel second term, an Parliamentary Comission of Inquiry was created by the Brazilian National Congress to investigate the organization out of suspicion towards their foreing investments, discovering that a good portion of evidence had been burn shortly after the start of the investigation but what was left was enough to confirm that IBAD's financing mainly came from American companies.

With this new discoveries, the recently elected president João Goulart determined that the IBAD and the ADEP to be suspended for 6 months, and then finally both the IBAD and the ADEP were dissolved by a judicial order.
 
Long time lurker, first time poster.

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Venezuelan President Romulo Betancourt speaking to Venezuelan army officers upon their return from West Point, 1962. Betancourt hoped to have Venezuela join the OFN and repeatedly spoke with Washington regarding the matter.
 
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Troops reporting to Burmese general Ne Win driving through the streets of Rangoon, April 1962. Japan's involvement in Burmese affairs angered nationalists like Ne Win, who hoped to overthrow Ba Maw and expel the Japanese from the country. Many of his supporters came from Burma's Chinese community, who wished for Burma's liberation to be a stepping stone to freeing their ancestral home from Tokyo's iron fist.
 
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Phao Siyanon, the director general of Thailand's national police through the 1940s and 1950s. His tenure was marked by extreme corruption and mass terror of potential opponents. Those who opposed or even remotely inconvenienced him were sent to remote prisons throughout Thailand or were simply shot on false charges of 'undermining Thai-Japanese cooperation.' His position was partially made secure by a close relationship with the CEO of Mitsui who served as his main point of contact with the other "Big Four" Zaibatsu companies. Phao's officers also committed mass terror against Thailand's Chinese community.
 
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A member of the Sumiyoshi-kai yakuza group's newly formed Beijing branch, 1949. Japan's final victory in China was seized upon by the yakuza, who soon set up shop in China's major cities and began preying upon natives and colonists alike. Shanghai's criminal underworld became embroiled in a tug of war between the yakuza and triads. Chinese insurgents fought the yakuza almost as much as the Japanese army and the collaborator governments forces during the years before China was finally freed.
 
A summarized history of Belarus under the Unity Pakt.

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Officer cadets of the Belarusian National Army holding a passing out march to mark their graduation from the Military Academy of Patriots in Minsk (building in the background), 1967. These young men had been largely trained by veteran Wehrmacht instructors from Germany and would be the very first of their academy (established shortly after the Bialystock Agreement in 1965) to serve as commissioned officers in service of the collaborationist Independent State of Belarus.

During the Hitlerite era, Belarus had not existed as it's own nation but rather had been part of Reichskommisariat Ostland as a German colony. Yet even back then, an authority of native collaborators called the Belarusian Central Council that was led by Michal Vituska held great sway over these lands in service of their Nazi German overlords. The turmoil that commenced within Ostland after Hitler's death would see Vituska coming to seize control of the colony after a violent struggle against rivaling factions, followed not long after by the Reformists triumphing in the German Burgerkrieg later on.

Negotiations between Speer and the Belarusians were swift to commence. Vituska had a balancing act to play. Much as he talked himself up as a loyal patriot of the Belarusian nation, he knew all too well that his own power had always been very much reliant on German backing for all the 20 years that he had collaborated. Yet it was obvious he needed to appease the nationalists that made up his power base, who were really not keen for Belarus to return to its previous status as a German colony and had long desired a return to sovereignty that had been stripped away since the Russian Civil War. On Germany's end, Vituska was seen a an untrustworthy, powerhungry upstart. Fuhrer Speer and the GO4 were particularly displeased that their ideological kindred Meyer-Landrut and his reformist faction had not won out in the struggle over Ostland, having been dealt a killing blow by Dreschler's Militarists. Yet they were far from inclined to disregard peaceful resolution in lieu of open conflict, considering how shattered Germany's empire had become after Hitler's death, and how much time and effort it would take to rejuvenate it. In Bialystok, both sides would hash out an arrangement. In which Vituska was granted a fiefdom for him to lord over; the so-called Independent State of Belarus, while the Baltic territories would return to direct German control (acceptable enough in the eyes of many in Germany, considering that it was the Baltics where Germanization had really taken affect and was believed to hold actual value while Belarus attracted only miniscule German settlement and was seen as a backwater, therefore no loss in it being handed over). In exchange, Vituska and his newly formed puppet state would be nothing less than loyally subservient to the Third Reich in all forms. Indeed, not long after the Bialystock Agreement was put in effect, Belarusian forces would aid the Wehrmacht in pacifying the anarchic situation in the former RK Moskowien, for which the ISB was rewarded with some territorial border corrections in their favour (Like the Gomel area that had once been part of Moskowien). Moreover, the agreement stipulated that any of the estimated 470,000 slaves of Belarusian origin located throughout Germany and elsewhere in Europe were to be repatriated back to their homeland , seen to be the first steps of Speer's and Erhard's own wider plans for abolishment of slavery itself.

The Bialystock Agreement was perfect for Vituska. It furthered his power and greatly bolstered his standing in the eyes of Belarusian nationalists and those who doubted him, given his servility for Germany. The reality of course is that despite it's name, the Independent State of Belarus was some ways more welded to Germany than even Vichy France. Vituska's plan of "developing" Belarus entailed massive economic exploitation of resources and labour by German interests in collusion with collaborationist bigwigs. The state is dominated by an elite bolstered by German patronage and upholds itself by the operation of an expansive and highly oppressive apparatus that brutally represses any opposition to Vituska's rule that they can. For more than a few Belarusians, one of the main differences between RK Ostland and the ISB would simply be the more prominent presence of their collaborationist countrymen pressing the boot on their backs in place of the Germans before them. The repatriated former slaves in particular have largely found themselves marginalized into a new sort of impoverished underclass within ISB society and in any case have found their "liberation" to be very wanting, which made them a base that were especially prone to gravitating towards the anti-Vituska resistance where they would later be importantly involved in the insurrections during the events of the early 70s.

Vituska would play a prominent role in the Great Slave Revolt that erupted across German dominated Eastern Europe. While Poland, Ukraine and the Caucasus found themselves collapsing from the inside by intense, spontaneous rebellion, Vituska however had managed to endure. The ISB military had by and large maintained loyalty to the regime (though a number of small scale mutinies did break out) and were able to put down internal anti-regime revolts and repel incursions from the Reichsbanner to the south. Additionally, Vituska could count on a core of elite commando units called the Black Cats who were unwaveringly loyal and highly effective against the inferiorly trained and organised rebels. Numerous historians would judge that the crushing of the revolt in Belarus was crucial in preventing the Reichsbanner from expanding their reach northwards to the Baltics and linking up with rebels in that region, which allowed these to be crushed as well. Thus, with Belarus and the Baltics still secure at hand, Speer had used these as a launchpad to more effectively put down Schorner's mutiny in Moskowien as well as take advantage of the fact that the Reichsbanner mastermind Willy Brandt was not in as much intimidating of a position as he could've been, to negotiate with the revolt on favourable terms for the Reich. During the Second West Russian War too, the ISB would once again play a major role as an important supply and logistical hub for Unity-Pakt soldiers moving east to beat back against the Russian Empire's attempted reconquest.

Vituska's rulership over Belarus would last all the way to his death in 2006, though as he increasingly aged, authority was gradually left more to the Central Council itself which has become more compromised of younger Germanophile nationalists who grew up under Vituska's reign and are stalwartly dedicated to the rejuvenated National Socialist order that continues to prevail in Europe. At his lavish funeral, Fuhrer Gunter Deckert would heap praise on Vituska as being "one of the most exemplary warriors of National Socialism amongst all the eastern peoples". In the free world of course, Vituska's infamous name has superseded that of Quisling as being the byword of a craven, tyrannical traitor. His corpse would be interred at a mausoleum in Minsk.


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A design piece commemorating Vituska's memory. Found on the ISB government's official website in NetzRam.
 
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A summarized history of Belarus under the Unity Pakt.

View attachment 687720
Officer cadets of the Belarusian National Army holding a passing out march to mark their graduation from the Military Academy of Patriots in Minsk (building in the background), 1967. These young men had been largely trained by veteran Wehrmacht instructors from Germany and would be the very first of their academy (established shortly after the Bialystock Agreement in 1965) to serve as commissioned officers in service of the collaborationist Independent State of Belarus.

During the Hitlerite era, Belarus had not existed as it's own nation but rather had been part of Reichskommisariat Ostland as a German colony. Yet even back then, an authority of native collaborators called the Belarusian Central Council that was led by Michal Vituska held great sway over these lands in service of their Nazi German overlords. The turmoil that commenced within Ostland after Hitler's death would see Vituska coming to seize control of the colony after a violent struggle against rivaling factions, followed not long after by the Reformists triumphing in the German Burgerkrieg later on.

Negotiations between Speer and the Belarusians were swift to commence. Vituska had a balancing act to play. Much as he talked himself up as a loyal patriot of the Belarusian nation, he knew all too well that his own power had always been very much reliant on German backing for all the 20 years that he had collaborated. Yet it was obvious he needed to appease the nationalists that made up his power base, who were really not keen for Belarus to return to its previous status as a German colony and had long desired a return to sovereignty that had been stripped away since the Russian Civil War. On Germany's end, Vituska was seen a an untrustworthy, powerhungry upstart. Fuhrer Speer and the GO4 were particularly displeased that their ideological kindred Meyer-Landrut and his reformist faction had not won out in the struggle over Ostland, having been dealt a killing blow by Dreschler's Militarists. Yet they were far from inclined to disregard peaceful resolution in lieu of open conflict, considering how shattered Germany's empire had become after Hitler's death, and how much time and effort it would take to rejuvenate it. In Bialystok, both sides would hash out an arrangement. In which Vituska was granted a fiefdom for him to lord over; the so-called Independent State of Belarus, while the Baltic territories would return to direct German control (acceptable enough in the eyes of many in Germany, considering that it was the Baltics where Germanization had really taken affect and was believed to hold actual value while Belarus attracted only miniscule German settlement and was seen as a backwater, therefore no loss in it being handed over). In exchange, Vituska and his newly formed puppet state would be nothing less than loyally subservient to the Third Reich in all forms. Indeed, not long after the Bialystock Agreement was put in effect, Belarusian forces would aid the Wehrmacht in pacifying the anarchic situation in the former RK Moskowien, for which the ISB was rewarded with some territorial border corrections in their favour (Like the Gomel area that had once been part of Moskowien). Moreover, the agreement stipulated that any of the estimated 470,000 slaves of Belarusian origin located throughout Germany and elsewhere in Europe were to be repatriated back to their homeland , seen to be the first steps of Speer's and Erhard's own wider plans for abolishment of slavery itself.

The Bialystock Agreement was perfect for Vituska. It furthered his power and greatly bolstered his standing in the eyes of Belarusian nationalists and those who doubted him, given his servility for Germany. The reality of course is that despite it's name, the Independent State of Belarus was some ways more welded to Germany than even Vichy France. Vituska's plan of "developing" Belarus entailed massive economic exploitation of resources and labour by German interests in collusion with collaborationist bigwigs. The state is dominated by an elite bolstered by German patronage and upholds itself by the operation of an expansive and highly oppressive apparatus that brutally represses any opposition to Vituska's rule that they can. For more than a few Belarusians, one of the main differences between RK Ostland and the ISB would simply be the more prominent presence of their collaborationist countrymen pressing the boot on their backs in place of the Germans before them. The repatriated former slaves in particular have largely found themselves marginalized into a new sort of impoverished underclass within ISB society and in any case have found their "liberation" to be very wanting, which made them a base that were especially prone to gravitating towards the anti-Vituska resistance where they would later be importantly involved in the insurrections during the events of the early 70s.

Vituska would play a prominent role in the Great Slave Revolt that erupted across German dominated Eastern Europe. While Poland, Ukraine and the Caucasus found themselves collapsing from the inside by intense, spontaneous rebellion, Vituska however had managed to endure. The ISB military had by and large maintained loyalty to the regime (though a number of small scale mutinies did break out) and were able to put down internal anti-regime revolts and repel incursions from the Reichsbanner to the south. Additionally, Vituska could count on a core of elite commando units called the Black Cats who were unwaveringly loyal and highly effective against the inferiorly trained and organised rebels. Numerous historians would judge that the crushing of the revolt in Belarus was crucial in preventing the Reichsbanner from expanding their reach northwards to the Baltics and linking up with rebels in that region, which allowed these to be crushed as well. Thus, with Belarus and the Baltics still secure at hand, Speer had used these as a launchpad to more effectively put down Schorner's mutiny in Moskowien as well as take advantage of the fact that the Reichsbanner mastermind Willy Brandt was not in as much intimidating of a position as he could've been, to negotiate with the revolt on favourable terms for the Reich. During the Second West Russian War too, the ISB would once again play a major role as an important supply and logistical hub for Unity-Pakt soldiers moving east to beat back against the Russian Empire's attempted reconquest.

Vituska's rulership over Belarus would last all the way to his death in 2006, though as he increasingly aged, authority was gradually left more to the Central Council itself which has become more compromised of younger Germanophile nationalists who grew up under Vituska's reign and are stalwartly dedicated to the rejuvenated National Socialist order that continues to prevail in Europe. At his lavish funeral, Fuhrer Gunter Deckert would heap praise on Vituska as being "one of the most exemplary warriors of National Socialism amongst all the eastern peoples". In the free world of course, Vituska's infamous name has superseded that of Quisling as being the byword of a craven, tyrannical traitor. His corpse would be interred at a mausoleum in Minsk.


View attachment 687766

A design piece commemorating Vituska's memory. Found on the ISB government's official website in NetzRam.
I think the link for the picture you linked at the top is broken. Otherwise good post
 
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