"Our Struggle": What If Hitler Had Been a Communist?
- Thread starter The Red
- Start date
I believe such a blatant act of incompetence on Mussolini's part calls for a song!
Invade Austria, for the Italy
Show no mercy, slaughter the Reds like sheep
Oh no, they're fighting back
Oh shit, they're really good
Oh shit, oh shit
League of Nations, oh please help us
Now my pants are soaked in piss
Thanks!
Yeah, as was often the case Mussolini acted without really considering the consequences. Especially when he was keen to scrape some form of consolation from the German Civil War.
Thankfully a happier ending here but very apt.
Excellent, although at least here he can blame the League of Nations for holding him back.
The Chinese Civil War kicked off as per OTL so they're at each other's throats for the moment.
That reminds me, how are the German advisers doing in China right now? Also, will Asia and the Pacific become a front of the next World War?
Chapter CII
France today is thirsty for justice, uprightness and selflessness. To try along with you to wrest it from the waste that exhausts it and competitions that lower it, for me means still serving it. The fatherland is our common patrimony. You will prevent it from becoming the prey of some.
~ Ernest Boulanger, Profession of Faith
~ Ernest Boulanger, Profession of Faith
Colonel Charles de Gaulle walked through the halls of the French War College with his newest collection of manuscripts.
After a spell in Syria he had returned to lecturing and writing with the esteemed title of Professor of History. It was a privilege to have such a role in a place rich with such historical importance of its own. For the last two centuries every great French military commander, from Napoleon to Foch, had learned their trade within these walls. De Gaulle’s role gave him the ability to expand on his own theories of warfare whilst the new book was an account of the history of the French military as a whole. It was a work that required many collaborators but the man he was going to see was the greatest of all.
He knocked on the door of the office of his fellow writer before being called in to enter. The elderly man behind the desk was not only his superior but also a living legend. De Gaulle had gained a certain amount of acclaim due to his work against the German counter-insurgency in Germany, enough to get him an esteemed role within the college at least, but his exploits paled in comparison to the man before him. Marechal Henri-Philippe Petain, the lion of Verdun, was a hero to millions of Frenchmen across the political divide even in these turbulent times.
Their relationship had gone back to the World War where de Gaulle had fought under Marechal Petain's command, their relationship had been a strong one ever since with some of de Gaulle’s colleagues even teasing him that the Marechal saw him as a protege. De Gaulle shrugged off such talk, he respected the Marechal and admired his sacrifices for France but he was his own man with his own theories on warfare, some of which the Marechal disagreed with vehemently.
Although de Gaulle did not hold Petain in quite the same esteem as some he still considered it an honour to collaborate with him. Their work would increase the clout of those involved even further by having Petain’s name attached and in that way de Gaulle could use the Marechal’s own reputation to keep the French army up to date with the latest technology and theory. Even if Petain himself didn’t realise the need for it.
The old man was growling at the morning’s papers from his desk and merely waved a hand at de Gaulle to sit down as he entered.
“This business with Austria is making me fear the worst about the future of the nation.” The Marechal finally said, handing the paper over to de Gaulle. It was the paper of Action Francaise, the reactionary monarchists who had been spouting right-wing extremism even before the word ‘fascism’ had entered the popular vocabulary. De Gaulle held right-wing views of his own but considered the group to be as radical as the Bolsheviks they claimed to oppose. Their paper full of conspiracy theories and gossip, this edition was no exception with vitriolic rhetoric denouncing the French Prime Minister as a German spy. Petain seemed to have gained an increased interest in such groups that could be described as unhealthy. Then again, the trifles of an old man weren’t his concern, especially one who had earned a right to flights of fancy more than most.
“It is an alarming situation Marechal although calling Laval a German agent seems to be an exaggeration.”
“Then why is he in Berlin right now with their foreign minister? Doesn’t that stink of something?”
It was hard not to empathise with the Marechel’s anxiety. It was a time of heightened international tensions involving the old enemy. The previous weeks had brought news of yet another German crisis, first a right-wing coup against Austria’s socialist government, then an Italian attempt to invade Austria in support of the coup and then the German army marching in to assist the Austrians. The League of Nations had managed to mediate a ceasefire before the clash had escalated further but the Germans and Italians were still out for blood, even if they had stopped shooting at each other for the moment. It did seem that Laval could be taking a firmer line against the Germans than he was but he had been an effective peacemaker in the past and it would be wrong to suspect him of anything more sinister all of a sudden.
“I would hope he is there reminding the Germans that their army entering Austria is a threat to our own security, not to mention that of Europe.”
“The Germans are able to get away with anything nowadays, the Versailles Treaty was supposed to ensure our security but as with every such document it has been allowed to be ignored until it is basically worthless.”
“Of course there are no such restrictions on ourselves,” de Gaulle mused, “but the politicians act as if there are in an attempt to please the English and perhaps even the Germans.”
Petain nodded vigorously, it was comforting to the Colonel to get him on the same page.
“Our government changes every other day. How are we meant to deal with the boche with such chaos?”
It was becoming a running joke that a man could fall asleep in the chamber of deputies only to wake up and find that he had been prime minister. Laval was doing better than most due to his government lasting for more than six months.
“Indeed, particularly when our own military thinkers are still resistant to new concepts.” De Gaulle answered with a sly smile.
Petain shot him a coy look. The Marechal wouldn’t let himself get caught out it seemed.
“I see much of myself in you Colonel, particularly the impetuousness I had as a young man!”
De Gaulle raised his hands disarmingly, he could work on the old man yet.
“If we had someone like Foch in charge this wouldn’t be occurring. Or you, Marechal.” It paid to play to the man’s vanity and de Gaulle couldn’t help but wonder whether he would ever be indulged like this. One day perhaps, if he could secure that French military dominance went on into the future. In the meantime it was important to get men who had influence on such policy on board. He was aware the right-wing groups Petain expressed an interest in were courting him in a similar way, keen to have him as the leader of their movement. De Gaulle was confident the Marechal was not going to put his reputation on the line for such men however, even if the old man believed they had interesting ideas. His, at least, were rational.
“I am too old to think about a political career at this juncture!” Petain scoffed mockingly and chuckled to himself before looking back upon the newspaper.
“But if called upon, I might at least be able to put the boche in their place.”
It sounded as if Marechal was talking to no-one in particular and de Gaulle was wary of commenting one way or the other.
“In the meantime, let us return to our book.” Petain muttered, changing the subject.
The Colonel sighed with relief that the awkward moment had passed. At least until the next time. He would continue to press the need for his theories, even if indulging the old man came with the risk of entertaining his fantasies.
The two officers returned to their work, from discussion of a new chapter of French history to those that preceded it.
---
The painting is Untitled by John Christoforou
Nice to see that Du Gaulle and Petain are still on brand.
/s
I'm wondering if Du Gaulle is going to try to reach out to any Third Reich leftovers to cause trouble for Berlin (though providing support to say, Junkers east of the Elbe will be nearly impossible due to geographic reasons)?
/s
I'm wondering if Du Gaulle is going to try to reach out to any Third Reich leftovers to cause trouble for Berlin (though providing support to say, Junkers east of the Elbe will be nearly impossible due to geographic reasons)?
I'm loving this...I really am...
wasn't there an actual book of this you could buy, or am I confusing it with a dfferent TL? If there is, I should really look into getting a copy
wasn't there an actual book of this you could buy, or am I confusing it with a dfferent TL? If there is, I should really look into getting a copy
I suppose French covert action to the Third Reich remnants and other right wing elements could be passed through Czechoslovakia to Bavaria (though using Konrad Heinlein and other right wing Czechoslovakians of whatever ethnicity as the cutouts is going to lead to Blackadder style headaches for Du Gaulle)
Some of them have gone home or to other countries whilst others signed on directly with the KMT or affiliated warlords. The United Front is keen to establish its own connections there and to build on the economic relationship between China and Germany.
Yeah, I was planning on this being more of a "European" TL after its "Asian" predecessor but events in Asia and the Pacific will feature heavily when it comes to the Second World War.
Thanks!
There is as @TheRandomPasserby was good enough to point out. Hopefully the second installment won't be too long in coming
I could see Heinlein preaching a peculiarly Sudeten form of nationalism ITTL although I don't know how well that would actually take amongst the community, maybe with French help it could take off. Conversely the Sudeten right could become more genuinely regionalist.
Chapter CIII
Impatient at the rest of the political establishment for failing to catch up with his estimation of the world around him, Mosley founded a party in which he was the pivot, and which fairly seamlessly drifted towards the fascist leadership principle.
~ Dr Matthew Worley, The New Party in Perspective
~ Dr Matthew Worley, The New Party in Perspective
Ernst Mehr settled comfortably in his bed at the end of a long day of working to bring down the United Front. Such a calling that was beginning to feel like an increasingly thankless task. Despite having been home for almost a year it was still a reassuring feeling to be back in his own bed again. The temporary arrangements he had been made to deal with in Hamburg weren’t much more hospitable than the company he had been forced to keep. He only wished his new comrades in the German Socialist Party were performing better.
Gustav Noske had made good on his pledge to Ernst that dreadful night in which Zeigner had been elected and the chance to become Chancellor himself had fallen through his fingers. He had made his intention clear that they would use the United Front’s lack of majority against them until the government shattered, forcing President Zeigner to appoint a more moderate coalition in its place. They had contested every bill, proposed sabotaging amendments at every turn, and made deals to unite the myriad opposition parties through back channels Ernst didn’t like to dwell on those particulars before going to bed but they had worked.
These days Paul Levi seemed visibly shaken from the stress of his role as Chancellor, never knowing when a vote might bring down his government. Noske was increasingly confident that they would finally break the United Front in the new year and Ernst had been as well, at least before the business with Austria.
Fractured as Germany had been in the aftermath of the Civil War the Italian invasion of that small, fraternal land had focused everyone’s attention. The ongoing trials of Von Schleicher, Hugenberg and Goering which had exacerbated divisions now gained a new element as it seemed what the prosecution alleged about Italian plots was playing out in a microcosm and once again it was the People’s Guard who had come to the rescue. This time almost all Germans were unequivocally behind them. The workers of Austria, victorious against the fascist coup and having buried their martyred Chancellor, were now angrily demanding full political union with Germany. The United Front were now able to make their case for them, allowing the German government to associate themselves with an issue that most Germans already agreed with. The League of Nations had played the major role in securing a ceasefire and the issue had now passed into the international sphere, with the Americans and the French too divided on how to proceed.
The French had barely acquiesced to an economic union between Austria and Germany largely because of the fear it would inevitably lead to political union and now that was the demand they were staunchly opposed, even if their Prime Minister was more accommodating than most of his predecessors. The Americans didn’t seem to be as fussed as long it served the long term economic and political stability of Europe but they couldn’t carry the French alone. The British would be needed for that, but they had been too focused on their own internal crises, the global depression merely exacerbating a decade of economic malaise for the old empire. Their attempt to form a national government of all the parties to solve their major issues had collapsed and following an election almost as complicated as those Germany had at the start of the year their parliament was left more unbalanced than ever, turning to Lloyd George once again for any last ounce of leadership.
Noske was now hoping to exploit this international scene with the aim of causing even more problems for the United Front. There was ample opportunity, he had proclaimed, to rob them of the popularity they had won in Austria by having them screw up the diplomatic endgame. Perhaps that might even be enough to convince Zeigner that a more experienced government was needed to unite Austria and Germany, Noske had wagered. Ernst wasn’t sure if this was an act of sabotage too far, one that might put them at odds with the German people but Noske had been adamant. Why shouldn’t they exploit Britain’s political misfortunes to exacerbate those of their enemies in the Reichstag?
Recalling the exchange made Ernst sit up in bed. He had had a thought.
In his days with the United Front he had met with two British Labour parliamentarians who had been keen to observe what was going on in Hamburg, or at least one of them had been. He was sure he had read that one of them was involved in the new coalition Lloyd George was piecing together and turning on the bedroom light he began to scramble through his papers to see if he had managed to salvage their contact information from the fires which engulfed Hamburg shortly after they left.
---
John Strachey’s brain pleaded for sleep. Being surrounded by books in the stuffy office he shared with Nye and working under the light of a desk lamp had a coziness to it and even whilst he plunged into even more constituency work he wanted nothing more than his bed.
He ignored such instincts, he remained a public servant after all. It had only been a few weeks since the state opening of parliament following October’s chaotic election, one where John had barely held on to his Birmingham seat in a harrowing four way contest.
The previous election in 1929 had seen him take the seat for Labour against his Tory opponent in a straightforward campaign between only the two of them but much had changed in the two years since.
Labour had won the largest number of seats in that election but had lacked a majority, relying on the unassertive support of Lloyd George’s Liberals. This had been a better set of circumstances than those faced by the previous (and only other) Labour government but despite returning to power Ramsay MacDonald’s ministry had floundered. The early moves towards slum clearances and improving the lot of the worker had given way to ‘fiscal consolidation’ in the face of the American stock market crash and Britain’s subsequent slump into even deeper depression. Philip Snowden was the Chancellor of the Exchequer but despite having been active in the Labour movement from an early age had focused on maintaining the strength of the pound in order to restore market confidence, even if this meant cuts to workers insurance and the meagre benefits provided for the poor in the government budget. John had been opposed to this, as had a number of young MPs grouped around Oswald Mosley, or Tom as he was known to his friends.
A brilliant economist in his own right, Mosley had composed a memorandum which proposed a program of infrastructure programmes to lower unemployment and kickstart the economy alongside a more fundamental reshaping of British politics around the economy to bring about the end of class conflict and poverty. It was a popular but controversial proposal and although Mosley had his supporters he also had his detractors, both against his memorandum or just against his own style that some saw as power hungry. Despite the ‘Mosley Memorandum’ winning support at Labour conference the vote amongst the delegates wasn’t binding and the leadership forged ahead with Snowden’s economic policies, or lack thereof. It had become clear the party was going nowhere.
Mosley had embarked on a new direction, breaking away with the old and exhausted men of the main parties to form his own and John had been his willing disciple, at least at first. Their ‘Action’ Party had the memorandum as its core policy and many parliamentarians who agreed with the proposal left their parties to join them, over a dozen from Labour and a handful from the Conservatives and Liberals. Their success in the Ashton-under-Lyne by-election gave them a further boost and membership soared. Unfortunately this success led to donations from several large companies, including Morris Motors as well as the support of Lord Rothermere and his newspaper empire. These new connections had made John uneasy and he had spoken out against them alongside Nye Bevan and the other socialists who had joined Action. Mosley had batted these criticisms down, seeming to judge them a question of loyalty. By then it was already clear that the success had gone to his head.
Even his closest friends would have previously admitted Tom was a control freak but now he seemed to consider himself as a sort of saviour of the country. The party structures he had created to reflect the way the country ought to be run; decisions made by a small group to be affirmed by the membership, were increasingly ignored in favour of Mosley making decrees. And he had begun to speak increasingly of enemies, not just of the old political class but also of the Communists. It seemed his new friends in the establishment were having an impact on him.
Whilst Mosley had lost his enthusiasm for the Socialist movement John’s had grown and he realised the time had come to part ways. He had left in the Summer shortly after Mosley had made a speech implying there was nothing wrong with being accused of fascism. The attempt by corporations to subvert what should have been a Socialist party only hardened his beliefs in the need for radical change. John had joined the Independent Labour Party, a radical offshoot from Labour, alongside Nye and a few of their fellow former Action MPs.
The ILP had disaffiliated itself from Labour not long after Action had and in the Autumn both parties found themselves having to fight a General Election without being properly organised. With the Labour party having split over Snowden’s austerity measures the King had encouraged MacDonald to form a National Government to get the cuts through parliament and he had agreed, only to be thrown out of the Labour party. MacDonald had assembled a new government dominated by the Conservative Party but with the majority of the Labour party opposed to the new regime alongside Lloyd George’s Liberals, they had been forced into calling an election.
It had been the messiest since the election following the end of the Great War. The National Government had campaigned under one banner, despite effectively consisting of the Tories and a handful of sympathetic Labour and Liberal MPs. Conversely Lloyd George’s Liberals had allied with Action under the banner of the ‘National Alliance’ and a Keynesian economic program. Labour had been decapitated, its leadership having effectively joined the Tories, and struggled to campaign. The ILP was forced to campaign to hold its individual seats.
John had managed to survive, as had most of his new comrades, but they only made up a handful of members in the new Parliament. The National Alliance had surprised everyone with its gains, even if Action and the Liberals combined still had less seats than Labour or the Conservatives. The National Government had won the most seats overall but had fallen short of the majority they had called the election to gain, MacDonald had resigned and encouraged the King to send for Lloyd George as his replacement.
Lloyd George was the sort of man Mosley had once rallied against but now they were allies and he had made Tom Home Secretary and one of his Conservative adherents, Anthony Eden, Foreign Secretary with Keynes himself being made Chancellor by way of a peerage. It remained to be seen for how long this new government would last, lacking anything close to a majority they would be reliant on Labour or the Conservatives to get anything passed.
Another election seemed likely and so John was throwing himself into his constituency work, to try and make those who had elected him as happy as possible before the next time they would have to go to the polls.
He had begun to doze off surrounded by his papers when jerked awake by the phone ringing.
He answered curtly, his back protesting the sudden movement after him having been sat in the same place for so long. The operator asked him if we would accept a call from a man named Ernst Mehr in Berlin. He racked his brain as to where he’d heard the name before recalling the member of the German Social Democrats who had welcomed Mosley and himself to Hamburg amidst the German Civil War. John accepted the call eagerly, what was going on in Germany was far more hopeful than anything this side of the Channel.
“Mr Strachey?” A voice asked hesitantly in German accented English.
“Do you remember saying that you would do anything you could to help?”
John winced. He was no longer Tom’s disciple but the United Front remained a worthwhile cause.
---
The illustration is from the cover of the 1929 Liberal Party manifesto, We Can Conquer Unemployment.
Thanks! I really appreciate that. The butterflies are beginning to flap across the world now, setting the stage for what's to come.
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I'm guessing he's going to be a bit surprised when he finds out that the reason Ernst wants his help is to bring down the United Front.
Is Ernst going to tell him the truth about that, though? I'm doubtful.
From a Doylist point of view, I doubt The Red would have mentioned those two Labour parliamentarians if he meant them to be a narrative dead end. And from a Watsonian perspective, deceiving his allies for political advantage is exactly the sort of thing Ernst would do. Over the course of the story, Ernst has gone from our (always self-important but) vaguely sympathetic viewpoint on the increasing chaos and dysfunction of the Weimar Republic, to one of the most unsympathetic characters in the story—unfailingly slimy, treacherous, self-interested.
Good points - I wonder if this attempted intervention will backfire on both of them, empowering both the United Front in Germany and the far-right/fascists in Britain, somehow.
Leftcom
Banned
This is a beautiful timeline.
A few questions:
1. Can you tell us what the various dissident factions on the Communist Left are up to? Particularly the German Council Communists around Herman Gorter? I feel that Red! Hitler may be too nationalist (and insufficiently Communist) for their liking.
2. What's Amadeo Bordiga doing in Italy? Historically, he lost influence when he suggested to Stalin that the Comintern be run by the Communist Parties of the various nations, as opposed to power being centralized in Moscow; he was another ultra-internationalist, and may again be wary of Hitler's nationalistic brand of Communism. Will his argument carry more weight with a solid Communist Party in power in Germany?
3. Will Germany seriously pursue communization- that is, the abolition of classes and money? Or is it gonna be a demsoc welfare capitalist State on steroids?
If Hitler is only pursuing a welfare-warfate State, I cannot see that flying with left-communists. I think he'd get the Stalin treatment, especially if he ever works against revolutionary movements the way OTL Soviet Union did in e.g. Spain. In such a scenario I can see Gorter at. al. adopting an almost-Ernst Röhmian position, giving "critical support" to the regime whilst urging a "Second Revolution".
A few questions:
1. Can you tell us what the various dissident factions on the Communist Left are up to? Particularly the German Council Communists around Herman Gorter? I feel that Red! Hitler may be too nationalist (and insufficiently Communist) for their liking.
2. What's Amadeo Bordiga doing in Italy? Historically, he lost influence when he suggested to Stalin that the Comintern be run by the Communist Parties of the various nations, as opposed to power being centralized in Moscow; he was another ultra-internationalist, and may again be wary of Hitler's nationalistic brand of Communism. Will his argument carry more weight with a solid Communist Party in power in Germany?
3. Will Germany seriously pursue communization- that is, the abolition of classes and money? Or is it gonna be a demsoc welfare capitalist State on steroids?
If Hitler is only pursuing a welfare-warfate State, I cannot see that flying with left-communists. I think he'd get the Stalin treatment, especially if he ever works against revolutionary movements the way OTL Soviet Union did in e.g. Spain. In such a scenario I can see Gorter at. al. adopting an almost-Ernst Röhmian position, giving "critical support" to the regime whilst urging a "Second Revolution".
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There was actually talk IOTL of Lloyd George, Mosley, and Churchill coming together in the event of a National Government being formed around the Conservatives and MacDonald although I wasn't really sure how that would be possible ITTL. When one of the major points of contention between the National Government and National Alliance was whether or not to leave the gold standard, which was Churchill's economic legacy, I couldn't see him going to bat against it. Not that he's likely to back the National Government either.
Yeah, Strachey's here for the duration. He did have the good sense to realise what Mosley was turning into but that hasn't caused him to lose his idealism, even if said idealism leads to him getting hoodwinked by Ernst.
Thanks!
I don't think the nationalism would have been Gorter's main gripe as it hasn't really had time to manifest itself at this point in time, beyond rhetoric. The reformism would probably be his bigger gripe if he were alive to see the outcome of the Civil War which many Left Communists have argued is a failed opportunity.
I'd be sceptical of it, at least at first. The KPD pulled out of the Comintern in resistance to Stalinisation after all and whilst the PCI managed to maintain more autonomy than most at this time I can't see the German example being a positive case for a more pluralised organisation. When the KPD rejoins the Comintern things will begin to change however I'm not sure how Bordiga would fit into that. There's a "German Question" to be considered alongside the "Russian" one he struggled with IOTL and I can't help but feel he'd paint the same picture of retrogression in regards to the United Front, if indeed he characterised it as truly proletarian in the first place.
The contemporary United Front government in Weimar is probably closer to the latter, demsoc in principle but structurally welfare capitalist with some trimmings of mutualism and peasant proprietorship. The DAR will pursue communisation in the way you define it although they likely wouldn't use that term. A mode of production will manifest itself under the auspices of the socialist stage of development albeit with uneven development as an actual goal rather than a contradiction. Naturally all such characteristics would be excused by the DAR themselves by them pointing to the sunlit uplands of the new society which is just round the corner. Once the international financier plot has been buried, of course.
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