A sealed dispatch rests on the table. Only the stamp of a All-Union Congress of Soviets Executive Commitee member, denotes a slightest clue of why and how this unassuming yellow-tinted paper, may have found its way into the Union halls of power.
Opening it, this text can be read:
From [Redacted]
Date [Redacted]
Esteemed Comrades,
I hope this letter does not arrive with excessive tardiness. If so, I must voice my sincere apologies. However, the times are becoming ever more eventful, and so, troubling. Traveling outside our Union borders, especially as a member of the Congress of Soviets Executive Commitee, requires more than ever deep covers and roundabout communiques. Yet these measures, have become more difficult to implement too. The international bourgeoisie is becoming worried by the Revolution in general and our Union growing power in particular.
I am pleased to see our efforts to create a new Alphabet free of any Imperialist connotations have bore fruit. I hope it soon to become a lingua franca among the communist Internationale.
I am instead, both intrigued and worried about the growth of pan-Turkic sentiment. As we know all too well from pan-Slavism role in the Great Imperialist War, such ideology may rapidly become very powerful not only among the target populations, but because of said sheer size, on the world stage. Pan-Turkism however in particular, holds equal potential to become one of our Union greatest threats and destabilising agent, if a counter revolutionary Turkey were to support a reactionary version among the Turkic populations of our Equal, Free, Soviet and Socialist constituent Republics.
Or an opportunity to more than ever influence and steer Turkey onto the path of revolution, if our more numerous Socialist Turkic intelligentsia was able to take over the sentiment intellectual leadership. And spread a Socialised form of Pan-Turkism, from for example student exchanges and open borders. Hopefully, radicalising Pan-Turkists into a pan-national form of communism.
Like all forms of nationalism, our approach must be cautious, our control absolute. Nationalism has the potential to both be a great force of progress, when genuine and employed to liberate oppressed people, push self determination and self expression, potentially break down classes. Or of reaction, when coopted to divide the proletariat and in general people into arbitrary nations, to justify hatred and wars amongst the people of the world like in the last Great Imperialist War, to erase class consciousness by implying it is at odds with national consciousness in class collaborationist regimes like the Fascist Kingdom of Italy. In general, it is progress when a genuine expression of a people's rights to uniqueness. It is reaction when pushed for by imperialists, bourgeois, aristocrats and their brand new attack dogs, the fascists.
As such, while a secularist, socialist, Pan-Turkic sentiment based on recognising a shared identity, not as an excuse for racism, conquest or the like, but as a first step towards the abolition of the nation state, towards the recognition of all shared qualities above petty differences, towards global unification. Could be an asset and could be compatible with communism.
A national but not class conscious Pan-Turkism, be it secular or worst of all, Islamist, focused on bringing Turkic peoples together not because of shared values, but because of greater differences with all other outsiders than amongst themselves. Pushing for these foreigners and their influence to be an inherent enemy and weakness, ones to vanquish and cleanse from Turkic lands. In the absolute worst case, calling for a unification of all Turkic people as necessary to defend themselves. Meaning obviously, acting as a justification for conquest and expansion, in particular towards our Central Asian Constituent Fraternal Republics. Would be a grave danger.
As explained by the bourgeoisie increasingly agitated state, new opportunities to spread the Revolution appear to be developing worldwide.
In Colombia, the government obvious ownership by the United Fruit Company and so complete lack of legitimate popular mandare. Their clumsily heavy handed approach at repressing workers' demands. Are all a great free propaganda, to boost the popularity of socialist thoughts. Of course, any further revolutionary expansion in their "emisphere of influence" may trigger American military intervention. Regardless of domestic economic troubles, the American Bourgeoisie cannot tolerate losing more of its South American puppets, especially profirable banana republics. We must tread lightly, and strike only when victory is assured, possibly in multiple countries at once. It is either a shocking and rapid break down of the USA stranglehold, that would make any intervention defacto a massive war and long slog to conquer and pacify by force of arms from Mexico to the Southern Continent. Or nothing at all.
In Yugoslavia, again nationalism raises its complex head. It is the cause of the crisis, and rallying cry of many dissenters. However, here there are nationalisms of the secessionist variety, not of self-determination. And ones at odds with the Yugoslav project pan-national sentiment. I believe the correct answer to be, the backing of a All-Left United Front, with a program of national self-determination. Ergo, recognition and autonomy of all constituent Yugoslav nations, much like us and our Republics. While Left Nationalists may enter the Front, they must do so while professing to put Leftistm, possibly socialism or communism or anarchism, before nationalism. As for the other nationalist factions, they represent a force as counterrevolutionary and reactionary as the King's Dictatorship. Only weaker right now, because of circumstances. Much like their fellows during our own Civil War, the enemy of my enemy simply comes later. They will be dealt with, as they become a threat or barring that, once the King has been overthrown by Socialist Revolution.
Because of this, my vote may be considered A, with a very slight tint of B.
As for comrade @Red Angel suggestion, while I consider the NKVD power and mandate too large and vague. And so, would suggest at the very least domestic and foreign affairs be split. For efficiency, effectiveness, and to protect the Revolution from potential Thermidor Reactions. A separate agency only for economic and research affairs would be too specific and small to be effective. Especially as it would require to create a complete separate foreign espionage network, with all the resource expenditure and risk of discovery that entails.
However, creating a specialised branch of the NKVD may be in order. After all, one needs specialised analysts and experts for such specialised knowledge. Just like the NKVD has its armed forces branches.
Opening it, this text can be read:
From [Redacted]
Date [Redacted]
Esteemed Comrades,
I hope this letter does not arrive with excessive tardiness. If so, I must voice my sincere apologies. However, the times are becoming ever more eventful, and so, troubling. Traveling outside our Union borders, especially as a member of the Congress of Soviets Executive Commitee, requires more than ever deep covers and roundabout communiques. Yet these measures, have become more difficult to implement too. The international bourgeoisie is becoming worried by the Revolution in general and our Union growing power in particular.
I am pleased to see our efforts to create a new Alphabet free of any Imperialist connotations have bore fruit. I hope it soon to become a lingua franca among the communist Internationale.
I am instead, both intrigued and worried about the growth of pan-Turkic sentiment. As we know all too well from pan-Slavism role in the Great Imperialist War, such ideology may rapidly become very powerful not only among the target populations, but because of said sheer size, on the world stage. Pan-Turkism however in particular, holds equal potential to become one of our Union greatest threats and destabilising agent, if a counter revolutionary Turkey were to support a reactionary version among the Turkic populations of our Equal, Free, Soviet and Socialist constituent Republics.
Or an opportunity to more than ever influence and steer Turkey onto the path of revolution, if our more numerous Socialist Turkic intelligentsia was able to take over the sentiment intellectual leadership. And spread a Socialised form of Pan-Turkism, from for example student exchanges and open borders. Hopefully, radicalising Pan-Turkists into a pan-national form of communism.
Like all forms of nationalism, our approach must be cautious, our control absolute. Nationalism has the potential to both be a great force of progress, when genuine and employed to liberate oppressed people, push self determination and self expression, potentially break down classes. Or of reaction, when coopted to divide the proletariat and in general people into arbitrary nations, to justify hatred and wars amongst the people of the world like in the last Great Imperialist War, to erase class consciousness by implying it is at odds with national consciousness in class collaborationist regimes like the Fascist Kingdom of Italy. In general, it is progress when a genuine expression of a people's rights to uniqueness. It is reaction when pushed for by imperialists, bourgeois, aristocrats and their brand new attack dogs, the fascists.
As such, while a secularist, socialist, Pan-Turkic sentiment based on recognising a shared identity, not as an excuse for racism, conquest or the like, but as a first step towards the abolition of the nation state, towards the recognition of all shared qualities above petty differences, towards global unification. Could be an asset and could be compatible with communism.
A national but not class conscious Pan-Turkism, be it secular or worst of all, Islamist, focused on bringing Turkic peoples together not because of shared values, but because of greater differences with all other outsiders than amongst themselves. Pushing for these foreigners and their influence to be an inherent enemy and weakness, ones to vanquish and cleanse from Turkic lands. In the absolute worst case, calling for a unification of all Turkic people as necessary to defend themselves. Meaning obviously, acting as a justification for conquest and expansion, in particular towards our Central Asian Constituent Fraternal Republics. Would be a grave danger.
As explained by the bourgeoisie increasingly agitated state, new opportunities to spread the Revolution appear to be developing worldwide.
In Colombia, the government obvious ownership by the United Fruit Company and so complete lack of legitimate popular mandare. Their clumsily heavy handed approach at repressing workers' demands. Are all a great free propaganda, to boost the popularity of socialist thoughts. Of course, any further revolutionary expansion in their "emisphere of influence" may trigger American military intervention. Regardless of domestic economic troubles, the American Bourgeoisie cannot tolerate losing more of its South American puppets, especially profirable banana republics. We must tread lightly, and strike only when victory is assured, possibly in multiple countries at once. It is either a shocking and rapid break down of the USA stranglehold, that would make any intervention defacto a massive war and long slog to conquer and pacify by force of arms from Mexico to the Southern Continent. Or nothing at all.
In Yugoslavia, again nationalism raises its complex head. It is the cause of the crisis, and rallying cry of many dissenters. However, here there are nationalisms of the secessionist variety, not of self-determination. And ones at odds with the Yugoslav project pan-national sentiment. I believe the correct answer to be, the backing of a All-Left United Front, with a program of national self-determination. Ergo, recognition and autonomy of all constituent Yugoslav nations, much like us and our Republics. While Left Nationalists may enter the Front, they must do so while professing to put Leftistm, possibly socialism or communism or anarchism, before nationalism. As for the other nationalist factions, they represent a force as counterrevolutionary and reactionary as the King's Dictatorship. Only weaker right now, because of circumstances. Much like their fellows during our own Civil War, the enemy of my enemy simply comes later. They will be dealt with, as they become a threat or barring that, once the King has been overthrown by Socialist Revolution.
Because of this, my vote may be considered A, with a very slight tint of B.
As for comrade @Red Angel suggestion, while I consider the NKVD power and mandate too large and vague. And so, would suggest at the very least domestic and foreign affairs be split. For efficiency, effectiveness, and to protect the Revolution from potential Thermidor Reactions. A separate agency only for economic and research affairs would be too specific and small to be effective. Especially as it would require to create a complete separate foreign espionage network, with all the resource expenditure and risk of discovery that entails.
However, creating a specialised branch of the NKVD may be in order. After all, one needs specialised analysts and experts for such specialised knowledge. Just like the NKVD has its armed forces branches.
