Italico Valore - A more successful 1848 revolution in Italy - a TL

IMHO, it should peter out in a couple of years at most, in particular if an amnesty is thrown in at a certain point.
This is not the reconstruction of the southern states after four years of civil war, much less the toppling of Saddam Hussein.
There has always been a certain amount of cattle and sheep rustling in the mountains, now some disgruntled ex-soldiers have been added to the mix.

It would be in the interest of the Confederal Government to play as low key as possible, and use military police (Carabinieri) rather than Bersaglieri: it must appear a restoration of law and order, not a pacification by force (which was the mistake IOTL, but, when the army is used instead of a trained police force, bad things happen). It would be a very good thing to provide a cadre to train local forces (call it Carabinieri of Naples, Provincial Police or National Guard) to take point in the field.

There were 86 telegraph stations IOTL: this means that only the major cities and towns rated one, and there was probably little of that in the mountains.
Whoever is in charge (and probably not either of Lamarmora brothers - Alessandro should still be alive, btw: no war of Crimea, no cholera) should whine less and set up temporary lines.
 

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IMHO, it should peter out in a couple of years at most, in particular if an amnesty is thrown in at a certain point.
This is not the reconstruction of the southern states after four years of civil war, much less the toppling of Saddam Hussein.
There has always been a certain amount of cattle and sheep rustling in the mountains, now some disgruntled ex-soldiers have been added to the mix.

It would be in the interest of the Confederal Government to play as low key as possible, and use military police (Carabinieri) rather than Bersaglieri: it must appear a restoration of law and order, not a pacification by force (which was the mistake IOTL, but, when the army is used instead of a trained police force, bad things happen). It would be a very good thing to provide a cadre to train local forces (call it Carabinieri of Naples, Provincial Police or National Guard) to take point in the field.

There were 86 telegraph stations IOTL: this means that only the major cities and towns rated one, and there was probably little of that in the mountains.
Whoever is in charge (and probably not either of Lamarmora brothers - Alessandro should still be alive, btw: no war of Crimea, no cholera) should whine less and set up temporary lines.
The army is sent in because there are no spare policemen or Carabinieri (all Italian states are required to own Carabinieri Gendarmerie for internal security, they're the nearest thing to a Confederal police force). The army maintains order, patrols the streets and the fields and does not act as an occupation force. They're more restrained from OTL and are led by LaMarmora who is a battle hardened veteran and one of Sardinia's best generals so he knows what he's doing.

It's not a full blown insurrection, it's maily raids on cities and bandits hiding in the mountains creating disorder but never on OTL's scale. About telegraphs, the engineers can set them up put the problem are the brigands who cut them so "keeping the communication lines open" is problematic and requires some men dedicated to it.
 
The Carabinieri corps was created in 1814 by king Vittorio Emanuele I: originally they were dragoons, i.e. light cavalry armed with swords and carbines (hence the name), who normally fought dismounted but in case of need could charge the enemy (as they did during the Risorgimental wars). Since they were not concentrated in a single location, but were barracked all over the territory of the kingdom of Sardinia, they also were charged - in time of peace - with patrolling the countryside.
This is what is needed to suppress brigandage in the South, with some support from infantry and light cavalry, because this is what they have been trained for.
IOTL, the Neapolitan army was disbanded after the unification, and only a minority was allowed to enlist in the Italian army. This is not going to happen ITTL, because it is the wrong way to incorporate a new province into the Confederation. Cavalrymen from the Southern provinces, with a few months of training, can very well lead the suppression of brigandage: they speak the same dialects as the farmers do, they are not foreigners and they know the land.

The problem IOTL was that the army tasked with the suppression acted in the same way they would have in enemy territory: martial law, reprisals, summary execution. All of this did little to solve the problem, and rather give it some fuel. Since this time the annexation of the Kingdom of Naples has been planned in advance, and has not been just the result of an impromptu action of Garibaldi and his volunteers, one can hope the aftermath can be dealt with in a more sensible way.

Cutting telegraph lines was always a classic strategy of native in territories under military occupation, be it the north of France during the war with Prussia, the Far West of the USA during the Indian wars or the mountains of Calabria and Irpinia after the unification. It is an annoyance, but it cannot - and shouldn't - be used as a justification for the failure of a ham-fisted military occupation
 
26. THE END OF AN AGE

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25 THE END OF AN AGE

cavour2.jpg

Cavour during his late years. He was one of the most well known and respected politicians in Europe and Italy, as the man had built the Confederation

The remainder of 1860 was spent by the Confederation trying to put its finances in order: the rapid industrial, railway, military and social expansion had dramatically increased the expenses of both the Confederation and the individual states. For the management and monitoring of these expenses, in addition to the Ministry of Economy and Finance, the First Confederal Bank was established, a banking institution controlled by the government with the task of preparing the ground for the future union of currencies (as in the single states were still using old currencies but with a fixed exchange rate that saw the Piedmontese Lira in a position of dominance over other currencies), but also to grant, control and collect the numerous loans that the state made to its companies, many of the which occurred with foreign money, especially British.

Foreign loans were covered by the numerous properties expropriated by the church. These were often used either as a pledge or converted into public utility structures if buildings, redistributed to peasants if land plots. Although excellent as guarantees, the government saw in Italy's dependence on foreign capital a serious problem for the political and financial integrity of the nation as its capital was held in London and not in Milan and the increase in loans increased its interests and charges of Italy abroad. Thus Cavour began to work on a liberal economic reform: previously Italy had traded in a free market but protectionist regime, with numerous constraints for companies which, although they were necessary at the dawn of industrialization, now limited Development. With the economic reform of 1868 the way of doing business in the country was revolutionized by embracing a capitalist model of free market and free enterprise with the government acting as an entrepreneur in essential sectors. The rights of the workers were not ignored or repressed however, as the work laws were not changed for the worse but amended for the better with the introduction of moderately higher wages, more safe working environments, especially in mines, and further restriction to child labour with kids now unable to work in factories.

Another aspect of Cavour's economic reform was that many loans were paid off and other loans started to be repaid more recently. The money for these actions was found by cutting the budget by reducing bureaucracy and by imposing new taxes especially on the middle classes who were enjoying industrialization most of all. Cavour did not want to hit the poorer classes too hard so as not to exacerbate discontent, especially in the regions affected by banditry. Cavour's policy was successful and in 1872 the Confederation would have reached a balanced budget, overcoming it and going into profit.

Despite the rapid industrial expansion along the Po valley, the Italian economy was still based on agriculture which, although of decreasing economic importance, remained the main national export. The agrarian reform had been carried out in the north in the Po Valley and in the Maremma, compensating the large landowners and redistributing the land to small and medium farmers who worked directly on the land. In the south, agrarian reform was still stalled on a large scale by the support that the large landowners provided to the kingdom of Naples, making the local government reluctant to implement an integral reform but laying solid foundations for future change. In Adria, where the landowners power was minimal, there were few resistance to the reform which was carried out thoroughly

In addition to the economic reforms, the 1860s were also a period of national standardization with the issuing of four fundamental codes: the confederal penal code, the confederal civil code, the commercial code and the navigation code. These codifications were carried out by commissions of experts from various states with the aim of creating a single law throughout the Confederation, especially in the most important sectors such as criminal and commercial law. The publication of these codes at the end of the 1860s was a great step forward for the political unity and the approach of the various bodies to the confederation which with the passage of time was slowly accumulating power. The various states still held legislative power over issues such as security, taxation, administration and rights, although uniform Confederal laws existed throughout Italy.

By 1867 Cavour had already understood that he did not have many years to live: malaria had become more persistent than it once was and the medicines he was taking were starting to have less and less effect. For this reason the count began to look for a successor among the ranks of the Liberal-Confederate party, who was identified in the figure of Bettino Ricasoli, a Tuscan patriot, former mayor of Florence and member of the Constituent Assembly already previously noted by the count for his political ability. Ricasoli was introduced to the government with a cabinet position, from which he could begin to get an idea of how the policies in the Confederation's button rooms worked.

Although old and ill, the count was still one of Europe's shrewdest statesmen and managed to add one last success to his long list of conquests for Italy: in 1868 in Spain there had been a liberal rebellion that had ended with the ousting of the unpopular Isabella II and the creation of a provisional revolutionary government which, in addition to writing a constitution inspired by that of 1812 and the Sicilian one, undertook to find a new monarch for Spain, reluctant to become a republic. Through the skilful diplomatic maneuvers of the count who from the first moment had recognized the government and had contacted them through the embassy, the Spanish government rejected both Isabella's son, Alfonso, and Leopoldo Hohenzollern, choosing Amedeo di Savoia, son of Vittorio Emanuele II as king. Crowned in 1869, Amedeo had difficulties initially: new language, new people, new traditions, which led him to comment "the Spaniards are ungovernable" but with the help of Juan Prim, prime minister, his ally who recently escaped an attack, the young king learned to move in the Spanish political environment, pursuing a policy of close relations with Italy.

On 6 June 1871 Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, died in Milan during the exercise of his functions as Prime Minister. Faithful to the last, he had held the confederation for more than 20 years and his efforts had allowed Italy to rise from a jumble of divided states to the level of a Great European Power. Known and adored by the population, respected and feared by political opponents, Cavour's funeral with the procession to Turin, his hometown, was followed by hundreds of thousands of people who came to give their last farewell to the Architect of Unity. With Cavour's death, Bettino Ricasoli became Prime Minister and an era ended for Italy.
 
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Indeed a decade of success for the Confederation came to end. The 1870s may be very interesting for an alternate colonial age race start, also for Italy.
 

Deleted member 147289

Indeed a decade of success for the Confederation came to end. The 1870s may be very interesting for an alternate colonial age race start, also for Italy.
Cavour died and with him died the dreams of the first patriots of a united Italy. A new generation will have to take the torch but very few of them will accomplish anything near the scale of Cavour, a true father of the nation.

As Italy mourns the only Prime Minister it has ever known, the world events still unfold to unravel a fragile peace built on repression and artificial borders, while the most advanced nations look at the riches of Africa and Asia with hunger, now that Suez has opened
 
Cavour died and with him died the dreams of the first patriots of a united Italy. A new generation will have to take the torch but very few of them will accomplish anything near the scale of Cavour, a true father of the nation.

As Italy mourns the only Prime Minister it has ever known, the world events still unfold to unravel a fragile peace built on repression and artificial borders, while the most advanced nations look at the riches of Africa and Asia with hunger, now that Suez has opened

Cavour ruling for a decade had the chance to fix some things so successive politicians and statemen from the peninsula would have a more good example to follow, and well, act more properly than OTL.

Besides, nothing better than a nation built on confidence, to steer properly future generations...
 
Rest in peace, Cavour. At least this time you were able to lead an united Italy for a period of time long enough for your skills to make a difference.
 
Also, hooray for Amedeo I! Since Juan Prim hasn't been assassinated, he'll have a powerful ally to help him govern Spain. Looks like this world won't have any more Bourbons in power anywhere now. Hopefully...

EDIT: Also, will Pareto play an important part in politics? IIRC he ran for a seat in Parliament once or twice, but wasn't elected.
 
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Also, hooray for Amedeo I! Since Juan Prim hasn't been assassinated, he'll have a powerful ally to help him govern Spain. Looks like this world won't have any more Bourbons in power anywhere now. Hopefully...

EDIT: Also, will Pareto play an important part in politics? IIRC he ran for a seat in Parliament once or twice, but wasn't elected.

Savoy Spain is always mandatory for a 19th century Italian wank. ^^
 
Also, hooray for Amedeo I! Since Juan Prim hasn't been assassinated, he'll have a powerful ally to help him govern Spain. Looks like this world won't have any more Bourbons in power anywhere now. Hopefully...

EDIT: Also, will Pareto play an important part in politics? IIRC he ran for a seat in Parliament once or twice, but wasn't elected.
Pareto! Now, this is an interesting fellow to have in high-ranking positions.
 
I don't know the man, who is he?
Don't remember much, but he apparently came up with the concept of "elite" and some even see him as a precursor of fascism. What I do remember with certainty is that he was pro free trade and opposed to the Historical Left.

EDIT: It could be interesting to see how a successful 1848 revolution and such could've affected his philosophy.
 
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27. JOURNEY TO THE BALKANS

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27. JOURNEY TO THE BALKANS

The Balkan peninsula had remained incredibly silent during the last twenty years: no rebellion, no revolt, no ethnic violence (of noteworthy dimensions at least), it seemed as if the different peoples who cohabited the peninsula had, all of a sudden, learned to live together in peace.

The Tanzimat reforms had begun to bring the empire into the modern age, investing in education, strengthening the formal equality of all the sultan's subjects, proclaimed freedom of worship, reformed the army bringing it to a European professional model and revitalized the Ottoman economy which had entered an early stage of industrialization. The long peace that reigned in Europe for at least 20 years, without major conflicts, had allowed the empire to concentrate its resources internally, reforming and modernizing itself with positive effects: the Arab and Balkan peoples had become more receptive to the Turks and they were starting to show some willingness to cooperate with each other. The empire had lost sovereignty over Egypt and Tunisia, keeping Libya but cashing in an alliance with Great Britain which was now convinced that the Russian Empire, after years of calm, was just waiting for a chance to strike its old enemy.

Most of the Balkans, especially Greeks, Montenegrins, Serbs and Bulgarians, still dreamed of a independent state from the Ottomans and capable of autonomously deciding its internal and foreign policy. However, the struggle for independence would not have been easy: their enemies had a strong army and a very efficient police and administration system, with the addition of civilians inclined to cooperate with the enemy and irregular militias composed of Turkish inhabitants in the Balkans. A foreign sponsor was needed to be able to become free and most of the Balkans turned to Russia.

Russia was the traditional enemy of the Ottomans, the two empires had fought countless times, with mixed results. Now Russia was completing the first period of reform with Alexander II: among the most important achievements of the Tsar there is certainly the abolition of serfdom, freeing about 30 million people from the land and making them free. Economic reforms aimed at improving the fiscal conditions of the empire, the beginning of industrialization in Moscow, St. Petersburg and along the Don, the expansion of the rights of nationalities cohabiting with the Russians and the improvement of educational systems had propelled the Russia almost to reach parity with the Western states. Russia was also the bastion of Orthodoxy and was led by a council of ministers who supported the Pan-Slav cause calling for a unitary Slavic state. The obstacle to this state was the Ottoman Empire but until now the two empires had maintained cordial relations.

All this changed, but the change did not come from the Balkan Peninsula but from outside, from Romania. In 1866 the new constitution had made no reference to Ottoman sovereignty over the state but at the time that was ignored, with Bucharest making the usual gestures of submission to the Sublime Porte. In 1871 Domnitor of Wallachia and Moldova Carol I announced the independence of his nation from the Ottoman Empire to the assembled chambers of the Romanian parliament, ordering the expulsion of the Turkish garrisons, their administrators and all Turks loyal to the sultan present in Romania, asking for help from the European Powers in the struggle for independence.

The Ottomans were surprised at this unilateral proclamation and sent an ultimatum to the Romanians: to renounce independence and re-establish Ottoman sovereignty over their state or to face the Ottoman army that was already gathering to march on Bucharest. The Romanians wavered at the request, they were not strong enough to defeat the empire, but the Russian ambassador made it clear to the king that whatever happened, they would enjoy Russian support. Strengthened by this guarantee, the Romanians refused and the Turks crossed the Danube on April 27th. The Balkan War had begun.
 
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