201: Summit Season 2002 Part II
19th October 2002:
The morning saw State Secretary Edi Sudrajat in a press conference as he explained to the travelling media about the meeting which President Try Sutrisno and President of Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika had; both agreeing that Islamic nations should take a stronger stance against terrorism. The press corps, however, was more interested in the meeting Try was in the middle of having that morning with Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee and President of Brazil Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Indian Minister of External Affairs Yaswant Sinha, and Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs Celso Lafer the three leaders spoke about BRICI.
Cardoso was clearly the most enthusiastic about BRICI, Vajpayee “somewhat shares” Indonesia’s wariness about being in the same bloc as China but he sees the point of BRICI, saying that the five largest emerging economies should forge their own paths to growth and prosperity without being pressured to adopt certain policies. Try was the most cautious, asking why they could not advance their collective interests through the G-15 but agreeing in principle because having prudent economic policies should not be the same as being part of the Washington Consensus. Vajpayee answered Try’s question by saying that having Russia and China will add both economic and geopolitical weight to BRICI that the G-15 is not likely to have.
Though agreeing about BRICI, Cardoso and Vajpayee still had some difference about how it would work. Cardoso said that it would primarily be an economic organization while Vajpayee said that geopolitics is unavoidable saying that the message he got from Russia in favor of BRICI not only for the economics but also because it wants an alternative if things go awry with the G-8. Cardoso retorted that he does not mind BRICI being an alternative and that being an alternative is in fact the point of BRICI just as long as what President of Russia Yevgeny Primakov defines as things going awry with the G-8 does not involve military conflict.
By the time Cardoso, Vajpayee, and Try fronted the press, BRICI was another step closer to being realized. There was agreement that all five BRICI nations should meet after March 2003 to have a proper discussion about what this organization would be like. The reason of the timing is so that the new President of Brazil can take office, the Chinese Communist Party can complete its party and state leadership transition, and so that Indonesia can hold the 2003 MPR General Session.
“Do you think a President Tutut Soeharto will be interested in BRICI, Mr. President?” asked a member of the press to Try.
“You’ll have to ask that question to her yourself”, replied Try, inwardly recoiling at the idea of Tutut trotting around the globe.
When Cardoso departed, Try followed Vajpayee back into the meeting room to have their private meeting accompanied only by Ginandjar and Sinha. Edi was now free to join them.
Try began by expressing his relief that both India and Pakistan pulled back from their standoff earlier in the year. But this was just a prelude for the thanks which Try conveyed, and which he wanted to convey directly, for India allowing Shwe Mann and his men transitting in India en route to Indonesia. Try was so outspoken and effusive in his thanks that Edi thought Try was going to get down on his knees and give Vajpayee a sungkem.
Vajpayee smiled expressing first and foremost that he feels some guilt at instigating the events in Myanmar saying that it was because he was encouraging Than Shwe to side with Indonesia that Khin Nyunt launched his coup. He told Try to look on the bright side and make full use of Shwe Mann and the men that has come with him.
As for India’s stance on the matter, Vajpayee said that it was only once the situation with Pakistan settled down that he was able to explain the situation fully. Vajpayee emphasized to both the cabinet and Lok Sabha alike that Indonesia never intended for Shwe Mann to transit in India to minimize any negative reaction. Instead he focused on the fact that Myanmar had conducted a raid on Indian soil and has been able to deflect attention to that. Try once again expressed his thanks.
It was clear that the senior person in the room was Vajpayee, not only in terms of age but also in terms of diplomatic experience. Very delicately, he reminded Try of the message he sent months prior about how he wanted to see tangible benefits in India’s relationship with Indonesia. Vajpayee said that Try did not have to convince him that Indonesia is of strategic value to India but that “others in my country” still need to be convinced of Indonesia’s value especially after the Myanmarians transitted through India.
Try and Ginandjar countered by brandishing some pages outlining some potential areas where India and Indonesia could work together and be of benefit to India. Edi chuckled when he saw the impressed look on Vajpayee and Sinha’s faces as they realized that Indonesia was not expecting a free ride. One area identified where both sides agreed that Indonesia could benefit India was in regards to coal, with India seeking to increase coal imports to Indonesia to bridge the gap between India’s coal production and coal consumption.
“We would be thankful if we could make some progress in this area, Mr. President”, said Vajpayee as he shook hands with Try when the conversation was over “Our usual coal exporter will still be exporting coal our way but it has…er…found a more lucrative market.”
20th October 2002:
Looking very eager that Algeria got the opportunity to host such an event and to the applause of all the leaders in attendance, Bouteflika declared the G-15 Summit open. Speeches were made, highlighting the necessity of economic cooperation but invariably outlining each nation’s view of the Multipolar Moment and their reaction to the 9/11 attack. Try repeated the point he made to Cardoso and Vajpayee the previous day saying that one can be responsible economic managers without having to adhere “strictly” to certain policy prescriptions.
There was a lot of uncomfortable gazes Try’s way when Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak made his speech calling for tolerance of expansionary fiscal policy or even of deficit spending because not “all nations can claim responsible economic management on the basis of not having to pay debt”. Try kept a poker face but sitting behind him Edi and Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo had to bite their lips; especially when Najib said that Malaysia sees multipolarism to mean the struggle against hegemonic aspirations both on a “global and a regional level”.
For Try, it was the meeting on the sidelines that mattered. He, together with Wismoyo got to sit down with President of Sri Lanka Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sri Lankan Minister of Foreign Affairs Harindra Corea. There followed a harrowing tale as Kumaratunga spoke of the Tamil Tigers still running amuck in her country, conducting a terrorist attack on Sri Lanka’s international airport in July 2001, and then assassinating Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake in the middle of an election campaign; this last event helping to barely push Kumaratunga’s party across the line on a sympathy. Try listened on as Kumaratunga spoke about the adverse effect that this rebellion had in the economy.
Though Kumaratunga’s predicament netted a deal to import more Pindad bullets to fill the Pindad assault rifles which had already arrived in Sri Lanka, Try looked sufficiently distraught that Wismoyo did not want to rejoice too much at the deal was just signed.
The next leader was also fighting rebels. Though Try and Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti talked with him about more bus rapid transit lines in other cities in Indonesia, President of Colombia Alvaro Uribe told a story of how he was pursuing a harder line against the FARC. He complained in particular that the United States should expand its anti-drug campaign to other nations around Colombia because that’s where FARC is getting money from for its campaign.
21st October 2002:
Breakfast saw Try sitting around the table with Bouteflika, President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak, President of Senegal Abdoulaye Wade, President of Nigeria Olesegun Obasanjo, President of Iran Muhammad Khatami, Najib Razak and President of Pakistan Aziz Khan who recently made the transition from chief executive to president.
Bouteflika had wanted a joint communique by the G-15’s Islamic nations on terrorism and fighting radicalism. What he got instead was a debate about the War on Terror with Najib and Aziz Khan combining and then demanding that the communique “also condemn” the United States-led War on Terror and how the War on Terror has led to suppression of “Muslims by Muslims”. Mubarak argued back that whether led by the United States or anybody else, or whether or not Muslims are involved in operations against radicals, the communique should not imply that taking action against terrorism is wrong.
The majority in the room was sympathetic to the idea that Islamic nations should be doing more to fight terrorism but Bouteflika wanted a consensus and he relented in the face of Najib and Aziz’ obstinancy by not issuing a communique.
Try looked unhappy when he and Edi stepped out of the meeting. Ginandjar, together with Minister of Trade Anthony Salim, fared better in their meeting with President of Peru Francisco Tudela. In addition to committing to opening an embassy in Lima, Indonesia agreed to provide market access for Peru’s Big Cola soft drink product in Indonesia in exchange for market access in Peru for Indonesian FMCGs.
The G-15 Summit thus came to an end with a joint communique calling for increased economic cooperation between member nations and for a path of growth that involves “responsible economic management without sacrificing social order and with due regard to each nation’s national interests”.
There were a lot of farewells. President of Venezuela Francisco Arias got a lot of attention from the other leaders; freshly elected, inaugurated, and who will be hosting the next G-15 Summit in Caracas after Venezuela backed out this year. In a corner of the conference room, Try posed with Najib, Tudela, President of Chile Ricardo Lagos, and President of Mexico Vicente Fox for pictures; Fox shaking hands warmly with each of them and telling them that he will see them at APEC later in the week.
Try then farewelled Bouteflika before returning to the hotel where he stayed. As everyone else in the delegation was packing up, Try sat down in the suite’s bed room with the doors closed. He was accompanied by Edi, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo joined in from Jakarta through a secure line, and all three heard Chief of ABRI Intelligence Agency Amirul Isnaeni provide a briefing. Amirul began by making mention of Algeria being next door to Libya and how he had authorized the military attaches in the Indonesian Embassy in Algiers to “follow leads” in Libya.
“We have found, Mr. President, evidence of increased GAM activity in Libya probably in the last few months or so”, said Amirul, handing over a folder to Try.
“It’s already been established that when Colonel Gaddafi helped the Central African Republic’s President Patasse to stop a coup against him last year, there were Acehnese personnel involved”, replied Ari Sudewo’s voice over the phone.
“Are these the same Acehnese as those ones?” asked Edi.
“These are different ones, Mr. State Secretary”, replied Amirul “From our findings, they are from various parts of the world most notably GAM exiles who have sought refuge in Europe. They’ve come into Libya and are undertaking training.”
“What kind?” asked Ari Sudewo.
“Well, military training obviously”, explained Amirul “But they’re getting practice flying aircrafts and helicopters there.”
“They’re planning a terrorist attack?” asked Edi.
“We don’t know”, replied Amirul “But they are planning something.”
Edi and Amirul watched Try flick through the pages in the report in the folder. Try placed the pages down and closed down the folder.
“Thank you very much, Amirul, that’ll be all”, said Try.
“Yes, Sir”, said Amirul as he saluted and stepped outside.
“What I want to know is, is this a credible threat?”, asked Try after Amirul left “It’s not that I’m not taking this seriously but this is all happening so far away from Indonesia. Is this credible threat?”
“We’ve established a few months ago that the OPM is in hiding in Oceania and raising funds and now we’ve got this piece of intel saying that the GAM is in Libya and training” replied Ari “Okay, these are things happening far away from Indonesia but this should be the main takeaway of what we just heard: they are planning something. And whatever they’re planning, I don’t think the intention is to keep it far away from Indonesia.”
There’s silence as Try thought things through for sometime before he spoke again.
“This will not be the last time that we will talk about this, Chief”, said Try “But I’m afraid that I have to go. The Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave is next on my itinerary.”
---
A sungkem is a sign of respect, normally paid by juniors to elders.
Amirul Isnaeni is the current ITTL Chief ABRI Intelligence Agency. Back in Soeharto’s days, he played divide and conquer between BAKIN and the ABRI Intelligence Agency, both being headed by close associates with the ABRI Intelligence Agency being the more prominent one because it was headed by Benny Moerdani. ITTL, the ABRI Intelligence Agency is still prominent but it clearly defers to BAKIN. One of the Chief of the ABRI Intelligence Agency’s responsibilities is being in charge of the military attaches. That’s why the intel was retrieved from military attaches who reported to Amirul and who in turn reported it to Ari Sudewo at BAKIN.
The morning saw State Secretary Edi Sudrajat in a press conference as he explained to the travelling media about the meeting which President Try Sutrisno and President of Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika had; both agreeing that Islamic nations should take a stronger stance against terrorism. The press corps, however, was more interested in the meeting Try was in the middle of having that morning with Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee and President of Brazil Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Indian Minister of External Affairs Yaswant Sinha, and Brazilian Minister of Foreign Affairs Celso Lafer the three leaders spoke about BRICI.
Cardoso was clearly the most enthusiastic about BRICI, Vajpayee “somewhat shares” Indonesia’s wariness about being in the same bloc as China but he sees the point of BRICI, saying that the five largest emerging economies should forge their own paths to growth and prosperity without being pressured to adopt certain policies. Try was the most cautious, asking why they could not advance their collective interests through the G-15 but agreeing in principle because having prudent economic policies should not be the same as being part of the Washington Consensus. Vajpayee answered Try’s question by saying that having Russia and China will add both economic and geopolitical weight to BRICI that the G-15 is not likely to have.
Though agreeing about BRICI, Cardoso and Vajpayee still had some difference about how it would work. Cardoso said that it would primarily be an economic organization while Vajpayee said that geopolitics is unavoidable saying that the message he got from Russia in favor of BRICI not only for the economics but also because it wants an alternative if things go awry with the G-8. Cardoso retorted that he does not mind BRICI being an alternative and that being an alternative is in fact the point of BRICI just as long as what President of Russia Yevgeny Primakov defines as things going awry with the G-8 does not involve military conflict.
By the time Cardoso, Vajpayee, and Try fronted the press, BRICI was another step closer to being realized. There was agreement that all five BRICI nations should meet after March 2003 to have a proper discussion about what this organization would be like. The reason of the timing is so that the new President of Brazil can take office, the Chinese Communist Party can complete its party and state leadership transition, and so that Indonesia can hold the 2003 MPR General Session.
“Do you think a President Tutut Soeharto will be interested in BRICI, Mr. President?” asked a member of the press to Try.
“You’ll have to ask that question to her yourself”, replied Try, inwardly recoiling at the idea of Tutut trotting around the globe.
When Cardoso departed, Try followed Vajpayee back into the meeting room to have their private meeting accompanied only by Ginandjar and Sinha. Edi was now free to join them.
Try began by expressing his relief that both India and Pakistan pulled back from their standoff earlier in the year. But this was just a prelude for the thanks which Try conveyed, and which he wanted to convey directly, for India allowing Shwe Mann and his men transitting in India en route to Indonesia. Try was so outspoken and effusive in his thanks that Edi thought Try was going to get down on his knees and give Vajpayee a sungkem.
Vajpayee smiled expressing first and foremost that he feels some guilt at instigating the events in Myanmar saying that it was because he was encouraging Than Shwe to side with Indonesia that Khin Nyunt launched his coup. He told Try to look on the bright side and make full use of Shwe Mann and the men that has come with him.
As for India’s stance on the matter, Vajpayee said that it was only once the situation with Pakistan settled down that he was able to explain the situation fully. Vajpayee emphasized to both the cabinet and Lok Sabha alike that Indonesia never intended for Shwe Mann to transit in India to minimize any negative reaction. Instead he focused on the fact that Myanmar had conducted a raid on Indian soil and has been able to deflect attention to that. Try once again expressed his thanks.
It was clear that the senior person in the room was Vajpayee, not only in terms of age but also in terms of diplomatic experience. Very delicately, he reminded Try of the message he sent months prior about how he wanted to see tangible benefits in India’s relationship with Indonesia. Vajpayee said that Try did not have to convince him that Indonesia is of strategic value to India but that “others in my country” still need to be convinced of Indonesia’s value especially after the Myanmarians transitted through India.
Try and Ginandjar countered by brandishing some pages outlining some potential areas where India and Indonesia could work together and be of benefit to India. Edi chuckled when he saw the impressed look on Vajpayee and Sinha’s faces as they realized that Indonesia was not expecting a free ride. One area identified where both sides agreed that Indonesia could benefit India was in regards to coal, with India seeking to increase coal imports to Indonesia to bridge the gap between India’s coal production and coal consumption.
“We would be thankful if we could make some progress in this area, Mr. President”, said Vajpayee as he shook hands with Try when the conversation was over “Our usual coal exporter will still be exporting coal our way but it has…er…found a more lucrative market.”
20th October 2002:
Looking very eager that Algeria got the opportunity to host such an event and to the applause of all the leaders in attendance, Bouteflika declared the G-15 Summit open. Speeches were made, highlighting the necessity of economic cooperation but invariably outlining each nation’s view of the Multipolar Moment and their reaction to the 9/11 attack. Try repeated the point he made to Cardoso and Vajpayee the previous day saying that one can be responsible economic managers without having to adhere “strictly” to certain policy prescriptions.
There was a lot of uncomfortable gazes Try’s way when Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak made his speech calling for tolerance of expansionary fiscal policy or even of deficit spending because not “all nations can claim responsible economic management on the basis of not having to pay debt”. Try kept a poker face but sitting behind him Edi and Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo had to bite their lips; especially when Najib said that Malaysia sees multipolarism to mean the struggle against hegemonic aspirations both on a “global and a regional level”.
For Try, it was the meeting on the sidelines that mattered. He, together with Wismoyo got to sit down with President of Sri Lanka Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sri Lankan Minister of Foreign Affairs Harindra Corea. There followed a harrowing tale as Kumaratunga spoke of the Tamil Tigers still running amuck in her country, conducting a terrorist attack on Sri Lanka’s international airport in July 2001, and then assassinating Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake in the middle of an election campaign; this last event helping to barely push Kumaratunga’s party across the line on a sympathy. Try listened on as Kumaratunga spoke about the adverse effect that this rebellion had in the economy.
Though Kumaratunga’s predicament netted a deal to import more Pindad bullets to fill the Pindad assault rifles which had already arrived in Sri Lanka, Try looked sufficiently distraught that Wismoyo did not want to rejoice too much at the deal was just signed.
The next leader was also fighting rebels. Though Try and Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti talked with him about more bus rapid transit lines in other cities in Indonesia, President of Colombia Alvaro Uribe told a story of how he was pursuing a harder line against the FARC. He complained in particular that the United States should expand its anti-drug campaign to other nations around Colombia because that’s where FARC is getting money from for its campaign.
21st October 2002:
Breakfast saw Try sitting around the table with Bouteflika, President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak, President of Senegal Abdoulaye Wade, President of Nigeria Olesegun Obasanjo, President of Iran Muhammad Khatami, Najib Razak and President of Pakistan Aziz Khan who recently made the transition from chief executive to president.
Bouteflika had wanted a joint communique by the G-15’s Islamic nations on terrorism and fighting radicalism. What he got instead was a debate about the War on Terror with Najib and Aziz Khan combining and then demanding that the communique “also condemn” the United States-led War on Terror and how the War on Terror has led to suppression of “Muslims by Muslims”. Mubarak argued back that whether led by the United States or anybody else, or whether or not Muslims are involved in operations against radicals, the communique should not imply that taking action against terrorism is wrong.
The majority in the room was sympathetic to the idea that Islamic nations should be doing more to fight terrorism but Bouteflika wanted a consensus and he relented in the face of Najib and Aziz’ obstinancy by not issuing a communique.
Try looked unhappy when he and Edi stepped out of the meeting. Ginandjar, together with Minister of Trade Anthony Salim, fared better in their meeting with President of Peru Francisco Tudela. In addition to committing to opening an embassy in Lima, Indonesia agreed to provide market access for Peru’s Big Cola soft drink product in Indonesia in exchange for market access in Peru for Indonesian FMCGs.
The G-15 Summit thus came to an end with a joint communique calling for increased economic cooperation between member nations and for a path of growth that involves “responsible economic management without sacrificing social order and with due regard to each nation’s national interests”.
There were a lot of farewells. President of Venezuela Francisco Arias got a lot of attention from the other leaders; freshly elected, inaugurated, and who will be hosting the next G-15 Summit in Caracas after Venezuela backed out this year. In a corner of the conference room, Try posed with Najib, Tudela, President of Chile Ricardo Lagos, and President of Mexico Vicente Fox for pictures; Fox shaking hands warmly with each of them and telling them that he will see them at APEC later in the week.
Try then farewelled Bouteflika before returning to the hotel where he stayed. As everyone else in the delegation was packing up, Try sat down in the suite’s bed room with the doors closed. He was accompanied by Edi, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo joined in from Jakarta through a secure line, and all three heard Chief of ABRI Intelligence Agency Amirul Isnaeni provide a briefing. Amirul began by making mention of Algeria being next door to Libya and how he had authorized the military attaches in the Indonesian Embassy in Algiers to “follow leads” in Libya.
“We have found, Mr. President, evidence of increased GAM activity in Libya probably in the last few months or so”, said Amirul, handing over a folder to Try.
“It’s already been established that when Colonel Gaddafi helped the Central African Republic’s President Patasse to stop a coup against him last year, there were Acehnese personnel involved”, replied Ari Sudewo’s voice over the phone.
“Are these the same Acehnese as those ones?” asked Edi.
“These are different ones, Mr. State Secretary”, replied Amirul “From our findings, they are from various parts of the world most notably GAM exiles who have sought refuge in Europe. They’ve come into Libya and are undertaking training.”
“What kind?” asked Ari Sudewo.
“Well, military training obviously”, explained Amirul “But they’re getting practice flying aircrafts and helicopters there.”
“They’re planning a terrorist attack?” asked Edi.
“We don’t know”, replied Amirul “But they are planning something.”
Edi and Amirul watched Try flick through the pages in the report in the folder. Try placed the pages down and closed down the folder.
“Thank you very much, Amirul, that’ll be all”, said Try.
“Yes, Sir”, said Amirul as he saluted and stepped outside.
“What I want to know is, is this a credible threat?”, asked Try after Amirul left “It’s not that I’m not taking this seriously but this is all happening so far away from Indonesia. Is this credible threat?”
“We’ve established a few months ago that the OPM is in hiding in Oceania and raising funds and now we’ve got this piece of intel saying that the GAM is in Libya and training” replied Ari “Okay, these are things happening far away from Indonesia but this should be the main takeaway of what we just heard: they are planning something. And whatever they’re planning, I don’t think the intention is to keep it far away from Indonesia.”
There’s silence as Try thought things through for sometime before he spoke again.
“This will not be the last time that we will talk about this, Chief”, said Try “But I’m afraid that I have to go. The Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave is next on my itinerary.”
---
A sungkem is a sign of respect, normally paid by juniors to elders.
Amirul Isnaeni is the current ITTL Chief ABRI Intelligence Agency. Back in Soeharto’s days, he played divide and conquer between BAKIN and the ABRI Intelligence Agency, both being headed by close associates with the ABRI Intelligence Agency being the more prominent one because it was headed by Benny Moerdani. ITTL, the ABRI Intelligence Agency is still prominent but it clearly defers to BAKIN. One of the Chief of the ABRI Intelligence Agency’s responsibilities is being in charge of the military attaches. That’s why the intel was retrieved from military attaches who reported to Amirul and who in turn reported it to Ari Sudewo at BAKIN.
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