Hadrian's Consolidation - reboot

[Hecatee]

Tabularium, Rome, november 177


Five years ago Titus Manlius Caledonius was a centurion on duty on the Rhenus border, where he used his free time playing with large tablets to see if numbers could help him better manage his unit. Now he was a member of the equestrian order, and a centenarii in the imperial treasury administration, in charge of fraud control. Working from historical data, he’d built tables of provincial revenues that allowed the administration to detect variations in incomes and predict future revenues by looking at the parameters that influenced it.

He had been promoted to the position three years before and he’d immediately started to ask for historical information on grain production, tax incomes and similar topics, making great tables of information for each province for each year of the past century. Some of the information was available from the regular census data, other he’d had to ask to local administrations, which had taken their own sweet time to answer until an order from the Emperor himself had made sure to shorten any delay. He’d then made great tables summarizing the information for each province, and then put together large summaries for the empire. This had taken two years before he could show true results…

Working with great mathematicians working at the Academia and at Trajan’s library in the forum Trajanus, he’d begun to identify patterns, and from there irregularities, a number of them turning out on further examination to be frauds. Some were known, other not : soon the first few trials were started in court where his information proved accurate and large sums of ill gotten gains retrieved for the state.

Now Manlius Caledonius was in his office talking with a machinatorum, a bronze device sitting on the table between them : “So you tell me this tabullator is able to do common mathematical operations and display the result, whether this operation is an addition, a soustraction, a multiplication or a division ?” asked the official to the engineer.

“Yes it is. It is actually the second generation of calculating machine. At first I used simple disks but it proved to be unsatisfactory for multiplications and divisions. But a colleague of mine had a brilliant idea, making cylinders with teeth of variable height and this led me to build the contraption you now see.”

“I must say it is most unusual to look at, although not unpleasant to see.”

“Well I’ve seen machines both in Alexandria and in some collections here in Rome, including the Emperor’s, that gave me a lot of ideas. There is also research coming from Alexandria that inspired me, including a mechanical horologium that a colleague invented a year ago and which has been described to me in great details by a friend that was coming back from an assignment in Egypt. We still meet a lot of issues with gears and cogs but when one decides to look into them one never knows what he’ll be able to achieve…”

“Well we shall see if it is as interesting and useful as we expect it to be. As you can see I’ve had a table of information brought, from which a number of calculations can be made. Hirtius here is one of my best employee, he has not worked on the calculations our service made from this table so he’ll start from the same point you do although I do have all the result double checked and copied on this papyrus. We’ll see if your machine is faster and provides correct answers !”

“I’m glad for the challenge !”

--

Three hours later Hirtius put his pen down on the table, his calculations finished. The machinatorum had already turned in his results quite some time before, allowing Manlius Caledonius to check them against the information he’d been provided with. He took a few minutes to check the results of his clerk and smiled before turning toward the two men :

“Well it seems the Academia has once more delivered a miracle ! Prefect Prigonus will certainly be most happy that his institution has once more delivered. Not only did the result come very fast but it was also correct. You Hirtius must not be disappointed though for your calculations were correct and none in the departement could have done them better. We’ll need to do some more tests on the machine to ensure it is indeed as good as we expect it to be, but I think we’ll soon order a number of them. In fact every provincial or local administration should have at least one of those machines !”

-----

The machine discussed is a Leibnitz type of calculator, itself a late 17th century improved version of the Pascaline invented earlier that century by French philosopher Blaise Pascal

 

[Hecatee]

Near Mediolanum, April 178


Marcus Aurelius, Imperator, felt all of his 56 years as he rode his horse toward Mediolanum, the next step on his tour of the empire. Around him a small army of praetorians, dignitaries and servants moved in an organized way. The trip had only begun a few days ago, although its preparation had started many months before.

The Emperor wanted to see his empire one last time. He knew he would not be able to do a new trip around all of its borders, given his age. The empire was peaceful, growing steadily richer no major issue needed his attention and so he could take this opportunity to plan for the future and introduce his heir to the local elites of all the provinces and help smooth the transition of power.

Avidius Cassius was riding next to his adoptive father. Ten years younger than Marcus Aurelius, he had already travelled extensively and led forces at war, including during the Germanic war of nine years before. He’d also been sent on a number of missions to ensure the implementation of the new laws organizing the empire that had been decreed four years before, in fact he’d been in Africa Proconsularis when he’d been summoned back to Rome for this trip.

The tour was to take the imperial entourage through the Alps to Octodurus and then up to Lugdunum, from where they’d follow the Rhodanus for a while before going to Augustodunum and then Lutetia. There a fleet would take them down the Sequana river and across the oceanus britannicus to visit Britannia and the wall garrison.

The ships would bring them to Londinium, and from there they’d go by land to Lindum, then to the bases at Eboracum and Luguvalium, before going to the wall and the battlefield of Alaunia Civitas. It would then be time to meet again with the fleet that would be waiting for them at Pons Aelius, ready for the next part of the journey.

For the Emperor had decided to take a dangerous way back to the mainland : crossing to the allied barbarian lands of Frisia and the territory of the Cherusci, he would sail up the Rhenus and stop in Lupia to confer with their king, also inspecting the legionary bases in Noviomagus, Castra Vetera and Bonna on the way.

He would then visit the new provinces and see how they had evolved in the years since their conquest, Augustodunum Germanicum, Buccula and Ad Marcomani Confluens being his main destinations, before taking ships on the Danuvius and stopping in Carnuntum, Brigetio, and Aquincum where he’d take the road to Arx Cubitus, the first garrison on the Tisia river. He’d then visit Porolissum and Napoca, where he expected to spend winter and celebrate the Saturnalia, before going to Transmontes where ships would carry him to Troesmis.


From there he’d reach the Euxine sea where the Euxine fleet would carry him to the bosphoran kingdom of Sauramates II, making him the first roman emperor to ever visit the vassal kingdom. Stopping at Tyras, at the mouth of the river of the same name, and at Olbia on the Hypanis, he’d then go to Chersonnesos before crossing to Asia Minor, landing in Trapezus and visiting the troops in Satala, which would provide him with a strong escort to Vagharshapad where he’d meet the Armenian king.

From there he intended to visit Arsamosata and the base at Melitene before he’d revisit his old battlegounds : Edessa, Antiocheia Mygdonia, Singara, Hatra and Ctesiphon were all on his itinerary, as was the garrison on the sinus persicus.

He’d then cross the desert to Palmyra, going through Emesa and Bostra, Gerasa and Petra from where he’d turn west toward Pelusium and Alexandria where the fleet would carry him to Gortyna in Crete, Cyrene, Leptis Magna and Carthago.

From there he intended to emulate the divine Hadrianus and visit the troops at Lambaesis before going to Caesarea where ships would carry him to Tingis before taking him to Hispania : from Gades he’d visit Hispalis, Italica, and go west to Felicitas Iulia before going north to Brigantium and Castra Legionis. Crossing the mountains he would then go to Burdigala and sail up the Garumna river and the canal to Narbo, where he’d take the road back to Italy trough Nemausus, Aquae Sextiae and Cemenelum.

This tour was as much a celebration of his twenty years of rule as a way to tighten the bonds of the provinces with the empire, meeting the local elites outside of Rome and seeing how the lands were managed. Of course he knew that senators would make the trip back from Rome to their family’s provinces, but it would be very different from what he was seeing in the capital…

 

[Hecatee]

Alaunia Civitas, Caledonia, early Augustus 178


It had been nine years since the battle of Alaunia Civitas had marked the defeat of the barbarian invasion from beyond the wall. The event had truly changed the destiny of the town. The imperial largesses that had been conferred on it after the victory had allowed for the building of new public structures as well as the construction of a true wall to protect it, which had led to many local civilians moving in.

The town had gone from a few hundred inhabitants to almost three thousand, making it the de facto capital of the region. No other place had as many people in the same place except for the great legionary bases, and they were not nearby… It also allowed for a number of tradesmen to see their business flourish, with a number of smiths and potter taking residence in Alaunia.

This boon had not meant that the particularities of the town had been forgotten : the houses still had similar plans, with the walled gardens still used to grow vegetables that supplemented the food bought from the nearby peasants, yet all were now built from bricks as that industry had proved its worth during the siege.

But on this day, unusually sunny, the town bustled with even more people than normal as the Emperor himself had arrived to visit the site of the famous battle. Veterans of the battle, a few from the military units and many more from the civilian militia, made him an honor guard, their bows in hand, and escorted him to the forum where the rest of the population awaited him.

All around was an air of festivity, with many stalls in the street selling food and drinks to the trong that had come to the town in order to see the Emperor before he left the island. In some places musicians played their instruments while people singed or danced in the squares or at the crossroads, goaded by the rhythms of the flutes and tibia uticularis that were so common in the area.

As elsewhere since the beginning of the imperial journey, secretaries of the imperial entourage took note of the local songs and of the music, as well as information on other details, asking questions from the local. Marcus Aurelius had ordered them to prepare a new encyclopedia of the habits of the people of the empire, based on direct observation. He hoped it would be more precise than Pliny’s book, because he felt the imperial administration needed more precise information to better detect understand how policies might impact a given region as well as better detect changes indicative of progression or regression of the imperial influence. He felt it particularly important for the border regions, for a region too barbarian in its behaviour would be more prone to siding with an invader sharing the same culture. All of Argentocoxos of the Maetae’s soldiers had not been born on the other side of the wall…

 

[Hecatee]

Imperial camp, Lupia, Cherusci kingdom, Germania, mid-september 178


In a matter of days a small hill near the cheruscian capital of Lupia had become a little Rome. Situated alongside the river Lupia, the town had always carried the same name in the roman archives, although the locals had their own name for it, something properly barbarous looking like Thomhamme if the imperial translator had transcribed it correctly…

The Cherusci had not controlled the land for long, it was a result of the last war when they had crushed the Marsi tribe and conquered the area. The localization of Lupia had been chosen both to impress on the defeated Catti that the land was now Cherusci, their former vassal’s, and to facilitate communication with the Romans, who had helped conquer the area.

In fact the city was the second one the Romans called Lupia, for the former capital of the tribe had had the same name despite not being on the river Lupia, something that was rather confusing to some of the older officers.

But right now Lupia and the massive hall of the king of the Cherusci was no longer the largest or more impressive town of the area. In less than a week a force of legionaries and auxiliaries had erected a large camp at the heart of which stood a large purple tent. No hostility was displayed on either side as this was a diplomatic mission, but the emperor would have been a fool had he not had a camp built in the middle of the germanic territory : treason was still a possibility, or simply a murder attempt by a disgruntled Chatti.

And so the imperial fast displayed itself in this mobile court : the tent was made of leather died a dark shade of purple but inside it was serican silks in a wide array of colours, coffers made of precious woods, beds and chairs made of finely worked bronze, splendid silvered chandeliers laid on a floor of marble panels that decorated a number of rooms.

Marcus Aurelius had wanted to impress, and impress it would… It had required no less than ten barges to bring all the equipment for this tent to the camp, and a hundred slaves had worked to erect it in time for the arrival of the emperor.

Yet it had been done without problems and on schedule as the team had been properly warned by the new signals towers built alongside the Rhine in the last eight years : the telegraph had warned them as soon as the emperor had arrived at the mouth of the Rhine, two weeks ago, giving them the time to implement the pre-planned procedure that had also be agreed upon with the Cherusci.

Two cohors of the XXX legion Ulpia Victrix had in fact arrived in Lupia earlier in the summer and had prepared the terrain of the camp, cutting the trees and building terraces on the hill that added to the monumentality of the tent and paving part of the terrain so that dirt would not soil the emperor’s feets. The use of scrappers, which the legion’s engineer had seen of the site of a future canal when he’d been in the area of Narbo a few years before, had greatly helped prepare the ground : the soldiers had built small stone walls and filed the ground behind them with scrapped soil to make the terrasse in record time.

The arrival of the imperial baggage and it's escort of a further two auxiliary cohors had then transformed the hill from a succession of mostly empty terraces to a full camp with tents enough for a legion and the imperial court.

When the emperor had arrived in Castra Vetera he’d been escorted by four other centuries alongside his praetorian guard, two from the legion and two auxiliary units, a formidable force but also less than it could be, a clear sign of the emperor’s strength and confidence despite the fact that the Cherusci were the tribe of the loathsome traitor Arminius, who had caused such grief to the divine Augustus.

But Marcus Aurelius also knew that the cherusci king’s position was not as secure as it seemed : while his victories had given him a lot of prestige, his control on the Chatti land was still somewhat shaky, while other leaders were not happy at being once more allied to Rome after their tribe had almost been destroyed in the time of the divine Tiberius.

Also the Romans had three legions in striking distance of the Cherusci lands, alongside many auxiliaries that made a total of fifty thousand seasoned warriors that could be called against the Cherusci, with at least ten to twenty thousand more ready to intervene as reinforcements in less than a month, something the tribe knew and understood well.

 

[Hecatee]

Governor’s palace, Pattara, Lycia, mid-september 178


Governor Licinius Priscus would have loved to enjoy the cool evening in the gardens of his large palace complex on top of the hill dominating the busy harbor of Pattara. The capital of Lycia was a very rich and active port, and a number of monuments thanks to its former status as capital of the old Lycian league.

But enjoy this position he could not as a man seemed intend to destroy his bliss by rattling dry numbers that showed a pretty problematic situation that, if not taken in hands straight away, could lead to a number of troubles with the emperor or at least his rationalis summarum, which was the same for all practical purposes.

The man in front of him was an equestrian specially mandated to audit the provincial finances, and he was doing it using new methods that led to the discovery of a number of malpractices that would need to be rooted out of his administration. Titus Aelius Pausanias, right hand man to the rationalis summarum and, according to everyone in Rome, the next holder of that office, was sitting in his chair, a look of intense concentration on his face while his assistant Diophanes showed to the governor the extent of the corruption in the province. Given how rich his province was it was not immediately noticeable, but quite a few people had been lining their pocket with imperial money, more than Licinius Priscus would have thought possible. He’d done well in staying away from swindling the treasury and keeping content with bribes and inflated contracts…

“And could you explain to me, governor, why it is that the price of marble columns has risen by a fifth since you took control of the province ?” asked Diophanes. Startled, the governor answered too quickly : “you’d have to ask Theophanes, who sells them to us”

“Oh so you know who sells marble columns but not who’s responsible for the much larger grain trade ? Interesting, we’ll be sure to chat up with the man. But that’s for later. Right now we got to decide how you’re going to react to the swindling. You can’t simply go arresting all those rich and powerful men or you’ll get a revolt on your hands… Beside I’m not sure they still have the cash on hand. No, we’ll need to be more creative than that.

What I’d suggest would be for you to assemble all of them here in Patara, and offer them a deal they can’t refuse, where they’ll have to pay a sum that will cover the imperial losses plus a good 50 percent of the sum as fine, but with no pursuits against them. Given what the alternative would be I’m sure they’ll give the sum, especially as at least half of it will be invested in the province with new infrastructures and, I’m afraid, new opportunities for theft so that they will in fact recoup some of their losses. But that’s the way the world goes…”

 

[Hecatee]

Imperial camp, Lupia, Cherusci kingdom, Germania, mid-september 178


The debate had lasted for some time before the emperor himself had decided : he would appear in civilian clothes while his court would put their best armors on. Now this imperial decision was being enacted as the king of the Cherusci tribe entered the imperial tent with his own close followers.

Marcus Aurelius was not sitting on a throne, nor were any such contraption visible in the room. Walking toward the king, the Emperor extended his hand and took the German’s forearm in a strong salutation that the barbarian replicated. While none was duped by the apparent equality, the gesture was a powerful sign.

Both men sat around a small table set in the middle of the room while their councillor took seat on chairs set on each side of the table. Slaves served wine in cups made of pure gold decorated with a minimalist pattern that would have been supreme taste in a Greek setting six centuries before, so as not to distract from the important talks that were about to take place, the subtil decoration in itself a statement. It would be time later on to drink from more ornate vessels…

“So what is the situation of your kingdom ? Do you still have issues with the remnants of the tribes you defeated or do the Hermundurii on your eastern border cause you concerns ?”

“No Imperator, none at all. The Chatti are no longer a tribe and most of their surviving women are now my warriors’ wives. As for the eastern border, the Hermundurii have turned to the East and to the North, they fight the Langobardi toward the mouth of the Albis while trying to fend of the powerful Suebi nation who rules between the Albis and the Viadua rivers.”

“Tell me about those Suevi”

“Well they are a powerful tribe, but they have lost a lot of power since the time the Romans first came to the Rhenus and their king Ariovistus was defeated. My own ancestor Arminius briefly succeeded in taking control of many of their vassals or constituent tribe, for they are a people more than a tribe, but the defeat you romans inflicted on my tribe allowed them to take control of the region again.

The Chatti we defeated with your help were one of their constituent tribes, although luckily for us the main group of Suevi was too far to defend their brethren. The Langobardi currently fighting the Hermunduri are also part of this nation, which is why the Suebi also fight them.

A number of them probably fought with the Marcomanni you defeated, but their main force was not used to fight against you. Otherwise you would have had at least fifty thousand of them on the battlefield… They are limited to the East by the Burgundiones, who often tries to take their lands, and, in the North East, by the Rugii who control the coast of what you call the Mare Suebicum. In the south-east the Naharvali are their allies, but are less powerful and part of the Lugii people, which is made of five tribes including the Buri who sent warriors to the help of the Quadi during your war with them.

The Suevi, like us, were vassals to the Marcomanni before your invasion but became ascendant again when you defeated your neighbors, helped by the fact that the Burgundiones have been more concentrated to the east of their lands where rumors of a wandering tribe from the North are coming from.”

“So what you describe is essentially chaos up to the Viadua and troubles on the amber road, is it not ? And can the Cherusci face those troubles ?”

“Frankly, no. And this is why I would like, in agreement with my council, to ask you to make the lands of the Cherusci a special province of your empire, protected by roman arms alongside our own, in an agreement similar to the one you once had with the Batavi but with the taxes and the laws being implemented by our own instead of roman officials.”

 

[Hecatee]

Governor’s palace, Colonia Agrippina, late September 178


The man was old, ancient really. Or at least so it seemed, although he was in fact only in his sixth decade. His hands, gnarled like an old tree’s roots, bore the marks of countless burns and a lifetime of work. Yet he was richly clothed, his toga as fine as any equestrian’s one, which was only fair as he was a member of the rich class.

He'd never entered the cursus publicus, spending his life in his workshop working with fire, glass and powders to create marvels or with ink and papyrus or parchment to do accounting or deal with the responsibilities that were his by virtue of being the head of the glassmakers’ college, and only reaching the equestrian census at an age too advanced to enter the public career.

Titus Claudius Cicero had invented new ways to work the glass, and improved on old techniques. His work on glass colours was renowned, the result of numerous experiments throughout the years, and he was now about to present his masterpiece to the most powerful man of the empire.

He’d known he’d wanted to meet with the emperor the moment he’d heard of his coming, four months before. Since then he’d spent most of his time in his workshop, getting his gift ready. Once he’d been reasonably confident of his success he’d sought out the governor and made sure he’d arrange an audience with the emperor, a bag of gold sealing the deal.

Now he was about to meet the emperor. The gift was already in the audience chamber of the palace, hidden behind a cloth, but it was in fact just a pretense. He had another gift for Marcus Aurelius, one much more precious…

Around him a number of people also waited for their audience with the Princeps. Most came to ask for favours, but not Claudius Cicero : he only wanted to gift. Patiently he waited, going through the pages of the codex his slave carried for him and which was the true reason for his presence.

Finally the moment came. A slave called for his name and he came to the door of the audience hall, which then opened to let him in while his name was shouted by the chambelland. Around a hundred men were waiting in the room, which was dominated by an estrade on which stood an ivory curule chair, a masterpiece of sculpture, on which sat the Emperor.

Walking about twenty pace to the spot indicated by an attendant, Claudius Cicero bowed respectfully to his lord who greeted him, allowing him to raise his head. “Princeps, I’ve come to make you two gifts. The first I hope will please you while the second I hope may interest you.”

Behind him two slaves had pushed the rolling frame on which lay his masterpiece. Taking the clothe away, the glassmaker showed to the amazed crowd his larger than life imperial portrait made in the millefiori technique : thousands of pieces of glass rods welded together formed the image, somewhat mosaic like but translucent too as he demonstrated by moving a torch behind the glass panel.

A number of the rods he’d especially made using thin sheets of gold that now shined under the light, giving a brilliant halo around the head of the emperor. It was a wonder as the Empire had never seen, and well worth the praise it would get in later literature. The method used made the curls of the hair and of the bard lifelike, the moving light giving the illusion of movement, while the eyes shone as if an intellect was trapped in the panel.

At least as impressive was the large range of colors displayed in the panel : it seemed that all the shades of the world had been captured, with vibrant reds, deep purples, wonderful blues and greens, dark blacks and so many other hues which none could remember ever seeing in glass.

“This, Princeps, is the gift that I hope will please you. This is all my skill could do to render honor to the ruler of the Res Publica. But my other gift, although in appearance more modest, might interest you more as it may prove of use to the empire. Two years ago my apprentice died of a wound caused by the carelessness of a slave who poured molten glass on his arm. I have thus no heir for the knowledge I spent a life collecting, and so have decided to entrust it to you.”

On this words he made a sign to his slave who came forward with the massive codex his master had been perusing only moments before. One of the emperor’s attendant came forward to take the gift and bring it to the emperor.

“In this I compiled the results of the methodical research I’ve been doing into glassmaking and colors. The effect of flames on components, the effects of combination of components, how to find the best components in nature as far as the merchants I met could tell me, all organized in a systematic way in a way that would have probably interested Aristotle himself. The copy of the codex you now hold is the true result of my life, and this copy is for you. I have also had five other copies made for the Academia in Rome and four libraries here in Colonia Agripina, in Pergamon, in Alexandria and in Carthago so that this knowledge may be shared with all.”

 

[Hecatee]

Pomptinae Paludes, near Taracina, Latium, March 179


Germanicus looked at the windmill in front of him, one of more than two dozen he could see around him. The winter winds had caused a lot of damage to the sails, at least two of which had to be replaced, but overall the mill was in good shape and had operated the pump without too much problem, taking water from the field’s ditch to the canal that would ultimately bring it to the sea.

Now that winter was coming to an end it was time to make the necessary preparations for the coming work. Till the fields, plant the seeds, clean up the ditches, there was so much work to do. This was his tenth year as a slave on the property of the Claudii Pompeiani, he’d been captured during the Marcomaning wars when he was a strong young warrior. His time in Germania was now almost a distant memory, replaced by the dull experience of his life on the lands of his owner.

At least the weather was better, much milder than what he’d known in the germanic forests. And he did not have to wonder about food either, nor about clothes : everything was provided, as was a bed in the windmill. He had to work, work hard too, but until now he’d always had the strength, except four years ago when he’d gotten sick in the winter, luckily at a period when little work was expected of him.

A tug on his ankle chain brought him back to the present. The two other slaves of his gang needed him to move the plough. The chain was indeed an inconvenience, but he supposed it was to be expected. He was a slave after all, and some always tried to escape. He could still remember when, early after his arrival in Italy, a group of five of his brethren had fled and been hunted down by his master’s guards. They’d lasted three days on the cross set on a chariot that had followed the work gang to the working place of the day. That was when he’d decided to accept the role fate had defined for him : too harsh a way to leave this world, and no glory in it. None in being a slave either, but at least no unnecessary pain.

A noise behind him make him look. A small group of men on mules had appeared and looked to be coming their way. Given the stupid hat it was probably the estate’s villicus come check on their work. He’d better make his best to do what was expected of him. The man was rather nasty…

A few minutes later his gang was hailed. They all stopped and went back to the road on the dyke between the ditch and the canal where the villicus awaited them.

“Men. You’ve been here for ten years. Not many have survived that long. Our master, the august senator Claudius Pompeius, has seen it fit to recognize this endurance and make you an offer. If you want it you can receive a plot of land next to the estate and start to cultivate it for yourself, as freed men. He’ll provide you with some money to start things, and during three years you’ll be able to benefit from the support of the estate in case you are short on food or funds, and then you’ll be independant. Being freed you’ll be able to have wives and children, for you to cherish and support. You’ll also be able to buy more marshes to make your land bigger if you think you can handle it. After ten years you’ll be able to sell the land and leave or stay and keep cultivating it, as you see best. What do you say ?”

“Will we be able to buy ourself a slave to help us with the work ?” asked one of the other slaves, Placidius.

“Of course, if you can gather enough money. Slaves are pricey in the area, with all the work and the fact there has been no war in quite some time.”

In the end out of ten slaves present only three took the offer, but Germanicus was not one of them...

 

[Hecatee]

Imperial residence, Apulum, Dacia, March 179


Marcus Aurelius was having one of his last evening with his friends before going back on the roads for the second year of his journey around the empire. Around him on the couches in the room of his newly built palace were his closest friends, as much as an emperor could have any, and advisors.

His heir was leaning on the couch to his right, while his medicus Gallienus had the honor of the one to his left. The six other guests made for the two wings of the assembly, so that all could easily reach the food in the table in the middle.

The meal was simple, as always when the emperor had no official requirement, but exquisite nonetheless thanks to the talent of his cook. They were currently eating a hypotrimma salad made with local summer honey and plants such as mint and lovage while having an heated argument on philosophy.

“But what is the goal of philosophy ? Why do we study it and train in it for so long ? Is it only to make us better ? But is that not very arrogant ? Because you know the argument that philosophy is what gets us closer to divinity, but is not being closer to the divine an arrogant goal ?”

“True, one could see your point. But the goal of philosophy must be seen as the tool that helps you make good, instead of bad, and thus be in our behaviour closer to the divinity, but without that being a goal in itself, only being good being the goal.”

“But that is only true if you keep looking only at ethics. Yet philosophy has from the earliest day been divided between natural and ethical philosophy. Remember Heraclitus and the other presocratic discussing the nature of the world and which elements is at its basis. And who can say that the work being done at the Academia Practica or at the Library, even if more manual than Aristotle would have considered proper, is not philosophy ?”

“Look even at the book the glassmaker offered you at Colonia Agrippina. His approach, systematic and organize his perception of the world, bringing new ways to see the world by the effect its component can have on each other. His work brings new clarity on the world, it is thus philosophical but not good or bad…”

“I’m not so sure for his advance of our knowledge is good in itself, given that it makes us understand the world, and thus divinity, better”

“You tire me with your arguments, and make me thirsty. It’s lucky that your stewards were able to bring Falernum to this gods forsaken place. But if I’m to give an opinion I’d say that the glassmaker’s work is as philosophical as Gallienus healing, and that is very philosophical because it is doing good and enlightining our understanding of the world. “

“I’ll remember you saying I’m doing good next time I’ll have to try healing you Gaius, but in the meantime to your health !”

“I do wonder, now that we talk of the glassmaker’s work and of the old pre socratic philosophers, whether Epicurus was not right in his depiction of the world and the stoics in error.”

“The unlimited number of atoms of the epicurians ? That would need more research but… can we see it ? Are we not like the men in Plato’s cave, only seeing a shadow of the world and unable to see it in all its glorious truth unless helped by a god…”

“You forget that in Plato’s story it was no god that brought the man to the light but another man who had escaped the cave and then come back to help those still prisoners…”

“Thus doing good…”

“... so that one can say that natural philosophy is an ethical occupation that the men of good must practice !”

Marcus Aurelius had not said a word during this, simply eating his salad with a smile on his face and a cup of wine close at hand. This was the kind of moments he liked the best, when he could escape the tediousness of ruling the empire. Hopefully his plan…

His train of thought was interupted by the intrusion of four slaves carrying the pulum frontonianum. The smell of the chicken in its sauce made all thoughts of philosophy escape the diners, at least for the time being.

 

[Hecatee]

Chersonesus Taurica, Regnum Bosphorus, April 179


Tiberius Julius Sauramates son of Rhœmétalcès, king of the Regnum Bosphorus, looked in awe at the fleet coming in port. He could not remember such a display of military might and doubted there had been so many warships in the Euxine Sea and in particular in the Chersonesus since at least the time of the Diadochi, if not the war between Athens and Sparta. And this fleet was coming to his domain, in peace.

The fifty warships accompanied ten transports and a majestuous prestige ship of a gigantic size, three time the height of any other ship in the fleet, the sails on its masts purple in shade and emblazoned with the eagle of the empire. Marcus Aurelius, emperor of Rome, had come to his kingdom.

Sauramates knew the emperor, having met him years before during his stay in Rome, where he’d been educated alongside a number of other sons of foreign dignitaries. But he’d been nothing at the time, one son lost amidst many others, heir to a prosperous but far away land, not as exotic as the Armenians nor feared as some of the Barbarian tribes…

He wondered about what Marcus Aurelius would think of his kingdom. The great northern wall had changed so many things in the regnum… There had been a lot op upheaval, but things were now settled. The grain production was on the rise, with new exports toward the western black sea to bring supplies to the fortresses on the new northern border of the empire and more food for the people.

A number of new granaries had been built in the main ports cities, based on the plan of those in use in the roman legionary bases. A number of houses were rebuilt in cut stone or bricks, showing a certain prosperity, while new and larger temples were being built, another sure indication of wealth.

Most of the new buildings were made of bricks, an innovation in the area brought by the defunct Herodes Atticus which had catched across the kingdom like a plain fire in the middle of summer…

Thanks to increased taxes on grain export Sauramates had been able to pay for the services of four roman engineers who had spent a year each roaming through his land and suggesting improvements. His cities had thus new and more efficient baths, sewer systems to take away soiled water,...

But all this had been made possible initially by a man that the emperor had condemned and exiled, and maybe Marcus Aurelius would be angry at Sauramates and the kingdom for having harbored the man..

The king was also worried because of the situation developing on the sea of grass. More and more information came from north of the wall about the Gothii tribe, violent northmen come down south and becoming more and more threatening for cities such as Olbia, which was outside the big wall. This tribe disrupted the river trade that connected the inner parts of the western sea of grass with the Euxine sea.

Due to that one engineer had designed improvements to Olbia’s defenses : using bricks they had made the walls thicker and, more importantly, higher to the point that in no places a ladder could reach the top. The gates had also been reinforced to prevent treachery in case of siege and make the use of a ram difficult.

Similar improvements had been made to the northern wall, which now had a large covered gallery at the top of it providing good firing positions protected from enemy archers and bad weather while its brick structure prevented any risks of fire ruining it. The gates were well protected, and towers had been built at regular interval to reinforce the defenses.

There were even talks of building a first, slightly lower, wall in front of the main one so as to trap any force able to force the first line in a place from which escape would be difficult. The Romans engineers knew of the capacities of the new bracchiae and planned with them in mind, even if there should be no way a barbarian tribe ever got such weapons. But the example of the traitors who had provided king Decebalus of Dacia with artillery in the time of the divine Trajanus showed them they could not count on a enemy never gaining access to the technology.

Of course some barbarians could try to go around the wall with ships, but it was expected to be even more difficult than for them to gain artillery : ships required very specific knowledge to operate and the Roman and Bosphorean navy, as small as they were in the Euxine sea, would be able to stop them dead in the water. Beside the engineers had also provided the kingdom with the new signal towers, meaning that information about any fleet sighted alongside the coast could very easily be transmitted everywhere in the kingdom and allow the king’s cavalry to throw them back from the beaches.

The kingdom had no strength to extend but would now be able to grow, its heart well protected from any threat and its eastern reaches kept reasonably peaceful...

 

[Hecatee]

A small vicus in Gallia, May 179


The decision had been taken during the previous winter but work had had to wait for the planting to be done. Now it seemed that the whole vicus had turned out with axes and saws, picks and trowels and was working on opening new land for agriculture and a new village. Thirty men and hald a dozen women had come along for the adventure, leaving mostly the old and the very young in the village alongside four valid men to make sure no brigand had any ideas about them…

A spot had been chosen alongside the main road, two days walk from the nearest vicus, next to a statio. They had first cleared a path perpendicular from the main road, leading into the forest toward a sacred fountain and a small river. They had found a clearing that was perfect to establish the five new houses of the settlement, and from there they had started to cut the trees and take the roots out, making huge pyres every evening from them.

The material for the new houses had quickly been gathered that way, but the building itself could wait a bit : they had to clear as much land as possible so as to be able to plant winter wheat in autumn. Beside the owner of the statio had given them use of his stable, which was comfortable enough in this season.

The decision had been taken because of the need to preserve the woods near the vicus which prevented the opening of new fields despite the need for more food that the years of demographic growth had made necessary. So it had been decided that five young couples would be sent away to found a new village, and all had lent a hand to help them, thus the large work party.

The soil was rather heavy but that was not to be a problem given that the vicus had been able to petition its patronus for some communal ploughs and the man, a senator originally from Lugdunum, had been able to send them three plough of the new heavy design invented in Norica of which they had heard from a passing official of the governor’s staff. They had already had one before, and it had helped increase their productivity : the new settlement would keep one of the three new ones too.

The vicus was not the only one in Gaul to make such a choice. Many places saw similar initiatives, especially in areas well connected with the road network : the presence of a statio was often a deciding factor. The traditional individual farm was less popular, common working of the land allowing for larger investment capacity in the new tools needed to prosper, and the richer domains were not numerous enough to use all the lands, especially since more marginal lands were now exploitables.

This also caused other changes. More vici now had their own permanent blacksmith who replaced the itinerant ones because they needed bigger ovens to reach the high temperatures required for cast iron. The need for iron and coal also made many prospect the lands for the precious materials, and many trade it over some distances.

Gaul was flourishing and the new settlement was only one proof among many of that fact…

 

[Hecatee]

Near Mediolanum, Gallia Cisaplina, June 179


The two groups of men faced each other, hostility visible in their posture. Between them, three men doing their work. The border dispute between the lands of the two men was a long one, but the local magistrate had decided to finally settle things once and for all and had managed to get a team of agrimensores to come and fix the exact limit of the two lands, setting new markers and confirming the position of the old ones.

The two owners were there, each one surrounded by a dozen of his strongest slaves and workmen armed with wooden clubs. A fourth group of men, made of the local magistrate, his secretary, two slaves and a contubernalia of local guards, looked on the proceeding and prevented, by its mere presence, open violence between the two other groups or against the professionals setting the limit of the land.

The conflict, caused by an inheritance, had already lasted for three generations, and piles of documents had been presented by both parties to support their case, but the last one found by the equestrian owner Titus Pontius Aquilius had been decisive : the old letter between his ancestor and a neighbor had shown without doubt that the old oak was the delimiting feature of the land and not the large boulder as claimed by his neighbor and cousin twice removed Aelius Pontius Alaudus. This meant that the spring was indeed inside Aquilius’ lands…

The agrimensores were now checking on the terrain that the description matched the text and that the three was indeed the correct one. Their gnomon indeed pointed toward it, but to be sure they were walking the distance to the three with their odometer, under the constant supervision of the various parties.

The presence of the agrimensores was due to the status of Aquilius, one of the imperial machinatorum : this had convinced the authorities to finally review the case and close all debates. Aquilius also knew that Alaudus would not go any further in his appeal : the family had lost enough money as it was and they could not hope to win against someone who was known to have spoken personally with the emperor on a number of time, as Aquilius proudly told his guests at most dinner parties.

Looking at the machine Aquilius’ villicus, manager of the farm in his master’s absence, said to no one in particular : “Nice machine. I’m sure someone could devise one similar to plant seed very precisely if one was so inclined.”

His patron looked at him, surprised : “and why would you want that ?” “Oh I don’t know, it would make the planting of an orchard simpler, or even a grain field… Instead of throwing seeds to the wind and hope in falls in the churned ground and where it’d stay easy to eat for birds we’d have it directly set in the soil at a given distance, making sure each plant has enough space to grow and improving the amount of grain not eaten by the birds… I can even see a smaller version of the machine being used to do easier work when planting vegetables…”

His master looked at the odometer, pensive. “Yes, actually I could see it work… Set a mechanism that drops a hammer at a given distance, compacting the ground to make a hole, then dropping a seed in the hole and with a piece behind that would collapse some of the ground on top of the seed…”

Making a sign to his personnal slave, Aquila asked for his notes’ volumen and some ink, immediately starting to sketch his idea before he forgot it. On the other side of the field Alaudus grimaced, wondering what mischief the thief of his land was now scheming about...

 

[Hecatee]

Babylon, Mesopotamia, August 179


The summer heat was oppressive, the sky a perfect blue under the scorching sun. Yet Marcus Aurelius did not feel it too much, being in the shadow of the great temple of Babylon with his escort while the high priest gave him a tour of the facilities.

Babylon had known a new lend of life when Ctesiphon had been destroyed following its capture fifteen years earlier. Too exposed, on the wrong side of the Tigris, it had been deemed indefensible. A number of the survivor had come to the old city, looking for safety behind its crumbling walls among the ruins of the houses that littered the vast defended perimeter.

Following hard on their heels had been the emperor Marcus Aurelius himself, who’d received the capitulation of the city and decided to make it one of the main cities of the newly conquered areas. Rebuilding had followed, starting with the walls.

A full legion, the IV Scythica, had been based on one side of it while the rest was given to the civilians. A number of the palaces had been restored and modernized and the legion had spent quite a lot of time repairing the old walls, adding a layer of baked bricks on top of the decaying raw earth ones, reinforcing angles with stones carried by boat from the higher reaches of the Euphrates, improving the defenses with a dry and a wet moat, turning the place into a massive fortress that doubled with an important trading center, its religious prestige also playing a massive role as did its privileged links with Alexandria and its library.

The blue gate had been repaired with new brilliant tiles, the great ziggurats themselves had begun to undergo a number of restorations, and gold shone once more from the roof of the highest temple of the city, providing a second sun that was like a beacon for the whole area.

The scale of the change astonished the emperor, although he knew it was only a reflection of the scale of the trade going through the city thanks to its position on the Euphrates at the point where an important road turned inland toward Voltinia Capitolina in Iudea.

Thinking of the road made the Emperor’s mind move to all he’d seen and learned since leaving the Bosphorus kingdom, some three month ago.

So far the stay of the emperor in the far eastern reaches of his empire had been most interesting. A lot of the destruction of the last great Parthian war was still visible, with a number of fields still abandoned and their irrigations channels filled with sand while some cities had never recovered from the sieges that had led to their capture, but in other places things had taken a turn for the best. Regular relay stations were found on the river side, helping boost trade by providing the boatmen with places to eat, sleep or change animals when going against the current.

The places also acted as relay for the telegraph chain that ran alongside the river until it turned for Antiocheia, with branches across the mesopotamia proper to the forts on the Tigris river. Another line of telegraph went from Babylon to Voltinia Capitolina, providing quick communication with the rest of the empire despite the desert.

Overall this province, despite having been set up much more recently than any other, had better infrastructure than many older ones the Emperor had crossed until then on his journey through the empire. Of course the heavy military presence helped explain a lot of it. But Marcus Aurelius also noted some unsanctioned uses of the telegraph that explained why the trade was booming : indeed he’d seen a number of time the telegraphs’ wings move but no message being given to him, for traders paid for the privilege of sending messages about the cargo they sent on the telegraph service…

At first he’d been incensed, then intrigued by the practice. He’d inquired about it after arriving in Babylon and been surprised to learn how much of a change the quick relay of information could impact the trading practices. He’d even ordered his officials to look into how the telegraph and cursus system could eventually be opened to private communication instead of being a state only post system.

But not everything was good in the region. From his exchanges with the Armenian king, guardian of the Caucasus and northernmost reaches of the land of the two rivers, and from what his officials in Antiocheia Mygdonia and Babylon had told him, the situation further east was ever more chaotic. Now that the sickness had receded after killing so many on the Parthian plateau the region was prey to intercine wars for domination over the area and, more frighteningly, raids from scythian nomads coming through western Bactria, on the fringe of the Kushan empire, and ransoming cities. At this rate it would not be long before the steppe tribes would think of permanently setting in the rich lands of the plateau…

Traders on the sea route to India also reported that some of the raids took the direction of the further east, coming in the lands behind the mountains where they fought the Kushan under their emperor Huvishka, never remaining for long but causing lot of damages and disrupting the land roads, thus improving the revenues of the sailors who dared compete with the Jews of Qeshm.

He’d talked with the Jews of Qeshm’ factor in Babylon, who had confirmed the information he’d received, and who had pleaded for the Jews’ return to the empire. The man, whom Marcus Aurelius suspected of being a Jew hiding his true faith but whom he had not put to the test, had been most eloquent but had not been promised anything but some thinking on the matter. Among the tidbits of information he’d provided was also intelligence about small Jewish communities scattered between Mesopotamia and the Kushite kingdom, often in isolated valleys where they tried to make their traditions survive. They were not important enough to be a threat to the empire but were one more reason not to expend any further in that direction.

Soon he’d be parting with the Sericans : while they had initially planned to part ways in Alexandria, it had finally been decided they would leave from Charax and be carried back home by the ships of Qeshm, going along with a number of roman ambassadors carrying gifts. The decision had been made while at sea on the Euxine and messages sent once they’d reached land so everything and everyone needed was ready to start the journey. The ships would also bring back home the two alexandrian scholars who had stayed behind, if they had not left already on their own means or with the expedition the Sericans were supposed to send to Rome.

 

[Hecatee]

Forum of Toletum, Hispania, September 179

Many had come for the occasion and the basilica was packed full with people come for the trial. On the podium, in his ivory curule chair, stood the governor, surrounded by lictors. In front of him, in chains and surrounded by soldiers, stood five men, the leaders of the brigands who had preyed on the travellers of central Hispania for a number of years. At their head, no less than one of the richest equestrian of the whole province, Lucius Turranus Attianus himself, about to be tried by a jury of ten of his peers.

Dozens had been killed by the brigands over the years, and at least ten time as many had been dispossessed of their goods. Well equipped with horses, those brigands had been able to escape the authorities thanks to bribes and their knowledge of the land, until one day when they had been seen attacking a travelling merchant and been followed back to their mountain fortress. The man who’d followed them at a distance, the son of another prominent equestrian on his way for his enrollment in the army to begin his cursus honorum, had then travelled at great speed to the nearest garrison. His name had been enough to cause an immediate reaction and the fortress had been swiftly surrounded, the bandits soon capitulating due to a lack of water.

They had revealed their complices and soon the leadership of the band had been captured, including its famous leader. Now the justice of Rome would be felt. Many were anxious because Turranus Attianus owned large lands and large flocks that provided labor for many while his generosity had graced the city with many beautiful buildings whose construction had also provided work.

As a consequence there were as many who wanted him condemned, especially amongst his surviving victims, as there were who wanted him freed. Of course Turranus Attianus was not coming down quietly and had brought his clientele and friends to Toletum for support. The governor had to thread carefully for this was the kind of situation that could lead to insurrection… He’d deployed a cohors near the felon’s main estate and another one was conducting “training march” next to Toletum’s walls, while a number of message carriers stood with their horses next to the basilica’s rear door…

On a sign from the governor the accusator rose while silence established itself in the large room. Taking the usual pose of the orator, he started his exordium, introduction to his charge. He had three hours to present his case, calling upon witnesses and the full experience of his numerous years of rhetorical practice. Great admirer of Cicero, he also used the flourishes of greek rhetoric, including many a quote or historical references. To him Turranus Attianus was a new Procustus, that Athenian highwayman killed by Theseus, and only death and confiscation of his estates would do for his crimes, as it had been for Procustus. Would the governor, and through him the Emperor, be the new Theseus that would bring peace and safety to the region ?

After a midday pause the time came for the defense to speak. Turranus Attianus himself led his defense, with two other advocates adding some words for the other accused. But, sure of his power, the brigand had misread the popular opinion.

A number of times his arrogance made the people growl in anger, forcing the governor to call for quite and threatening to have the audience expelled. Finally as Turranus Attianus concluded his peroration came the time for decision.

The ten juror cast their votes into an urn which was brought to the governor, who had the votes counted in front of him. The accused were culprit. A roar of shock went through the crowd as the news sweeped through it, going outside of the building to the mass of people assembled on the forum’s square. Soldiers, who had mainly been resting on their shields until then, smarted up and made sure their weapons were loose in their scabbard.

The governor rose from his chair and gave the sentence. For the accomplices, death and confiscation of their properties : those who had the citizenship would be decapitated, the others would go on the cross.

For the equestrian knight Lucius Turranus Attianus, radiation from the equestrian order, confiscation of his properties and exile to the canis islands, with his smallest estate left to his wife and children. Justice had been done, execution was to be immediate.

 

[Hecatee]

Voltinia Capitolina, Iudea, november 179

The sight had wonderful, well worth the days on camels’ back that the almost 60 years old emperor had suffered since leaving Babylon. Entering the small gorge that led to the city of the Nabateans and discovering the façade of the tomb of one of their kings had been an experience unlike any previously experienced by the emperor.

The Nabateans, who had been incorporated into the empire during the reign of the divine Trajanus, had known a period of slow decline that the conquest of Mesopotamia by Marcus Aurelius had reversed : trade again soared on the caravan roads and paths almost forgotten that crossed the land from east to west had been treaded upon again by the long files of camels.

Their leaders had insisted for the emperor to come visit them in their former capital, presenting their invitation as an act of thanks for the boons the conquest of the emperor had bestowed upon them, and he had accepted. He’d heard of the city’s curious layout and had a desire to see it for himself, but there were political considerations too. The Nabateans knew the desert well and their continued submission helped with the control of the border with the great arabian desert further down toward Hegra, where the small garrison survived in large part thanks to the nabatean caravans bringing supplies : a revolt in this sensitive area could prove devastating for the tax revenues of the empire as those caravans carried a lot of incense from Arabia Felix that did not go by sea, and on which enormous taxes were due.

The Nabataean trade network also included a number of relay cities in the desert south of Iudea, on the way to the commercially strategic port of Gaza, another reason why good relations with them were important.

On the other hand Petra was a rival of the powerful city of Palmyra further north, given that it had taken part of the trade that had been going through Syria during the decay of Petra. As always everything was a delicate balance…

After ceremonies of welcome with gift of water, bread and salt, Marcus Aurelius had been shown into the surprisingly modest palace of the former kings of the city. A great banquet had been organized, where the citizens themselves had provided the service, bringing the dishes and filling the cups for the Nabateans had almost no slaves, a fact they were proud of, and justly so in the mind of the emperor.

The imperial entourage stayed five days in the city, officially opening a temple to the imperial family dug into the cliff atop the theater, a magnificent façade ornately decorated and more beautiful than that of the great tomb at the entrance of the city. Inside its rock chamber were portraits of all the emperors since the divine Julius Caesar himself, including the revilled Nero and Domitian, with a larger portrait of Marcus Aurelius himself set in a central niche. It was probably one of the most beautiful temple of the imperial cult in all of the empire…

Leaving Petra the imperial caravan had then gone north to Gerasha and Bostra, reviewing military units and seeing the impressive richness of the cities along the way, to which imperial largesses added : here a library, there a valetudinarium, in another city a new bath…

Finally they’d turned west to Voltinia Capitolina where they rested for a week, with the emperor hearing judicial cases from Iudea, a number of them going back to the consequences of the wars in the time of the divine Hadrianus. Justice could be slow, especially when bureaucracy was involved…

Still, they would soon be in Alexandria, in time for the Saturnalia and three months of rest…

 

[Hecatee]

So a plane trip gave me time to write a double lenght update, and a visit to the Manchester museum of science and industry (after giving a paper on a WW2 French novel rewritting the De Bello Gallico) gave me the content for the post Enjoy !

Outskirts of Rome, villa of the prefect of the Academia Militaria, December 179


Aelius Prigonus Cicero and his guests were sipping wine, properly diluted, while discussing. The meal had been informal, just the prefect and two of his friends, the current curator of the aqueducts and an architect only recently come back from the provinces. The difference of rank between the three men had been forgotten for the evening and it was just three engineers discussing together, Prigonus Cicero lamenting about the lack of progress with the aeolipyles, or the steam engines as some called them.

“We simply can’t seem to produce enough heat to produce the steam necessary to boil the water. We tried making the exhausts smaller, with hope that it would increase the power of the machines because the pressure would move the steam faster, but such was not to be the case. We tried to put larger bowls above bigger fires, but here too the results were not up to the expectations : some time the fire was so hot that the metal would melt, other time it was the rivets that would fail. Beside making the bowls larger cause problems because the metalworkers can’t make sheets much larger than what they are now, and too often we see leaks at the joints between the plates. I even got a slave killed by a flying rivet !.”

“But Aelius you should have known that we don’t heat the water in a bath in the way you describe ! We make sure to increase the amount of water in contact with the heat by putting pipes in the walls and multiple access points underneath the bath so that the air that has been heated by the furnace goes on more sides of the water. If we did not have to make space for the swimmer we would actually put tubes in the bath itself to heat the water faster… “

“Oh that’s a brilliant observation ! Yes, I suppose we could find a way to have hot air go through tubes set in the middle of the water reservoir… But that would add weight and size to the enclosed furnace… They would cost more and have more failure points… “

“But you use copper, yes ? Could not the new norican cast iron be used to make more solid and eventually larger pieces ?”

“Possibly yes, although it has never been tried. And steam being water, would it not rust ?”

“Could be an issue, but bronze does not really like water either, does it ?”

“Yes indeed… that is why we tend to use lead in aqueduct, but lead melts at lower temperature than bronze and iron, not good for your purpose… anyway you could increase your heating by having your pipes not straight but spiraling like those in the wine serving automata described by Hero of Alexandria…


“What a splendid idea ! it would increase the surface of contact and thus the heat transfer. But finding a competent enough metal worker to make such tube… “

“That is indeed a problem… and also there must be a limit to how many spirals and how wide the tube can be.. Do you think there is a law that can be calculated ?”

“Of course, why not ? after all we can calculate the flux of an aqueduc, can’t we ?”

“True enough, although I don’t know how simple it is… I mean the nature of the material must play a role, as must its thickness : a wall of one brick carry less weight but allow more heat than a wall of two bricks, and a tube of lead, while very costly, is better than a tube of ceramic, itself better than a tube dug into stones... “

“I will set some of my men on the problem. It feels like it is only a problem of engineering. That’s a bit like what a senator asked me the other day… He’d seen one of the old automata from the time of the cursed Nero which has been refurbished for the Praetorian prefect and is used by him to delight his guest at the banquets he gives. So this senator had seen the machine move around and pour wine, so he asked me if there were other moves that we could replicate with an automaton or a machine… I said yes of course, given the description given to us by the Alexandrian scholars, but I don’t know what exactly are the limits. He then asked me if we could reproduce the labors of a women…”

“What ? he wanted to… copulate with a statue ? had he a bad case of agalmatophilia ?”

“Ah no, if only… I’m sure we could invent something with pig blader and pneumatic effects, but that was not it… No, he wanted to see if we could replicate the actions of the spinstress and of the weaveress ! For him a machine could probably do as well or even more regularly than any women, and if it worked in conjunction with a water mill it would never stop as long as it has fresh wool or cotton... “

“He’s not wrong you know ! But what would be needed to make such a machine ?”

“Well every action is mechanical, so I presume that if one took upon himself to decompose the actions of the women he would see a succession of mechanical actions that could be replicated... “

“But that’s brilliant ! You should set someone on it !”

“Yes, probably I should… but I’m not sure if we could build such a machine. I have the feeling that more and more we reach the limits of what a craftsman can build, or even a team of them, certainly at an economical price… “

“Ho but you could find a way around that by first automating the work of cratsmen or providing them with new tools… I mean we already have saws that help have enough planks to build a watermill or a house faster, maybe we can invent a machine that helps hammer a metal sheet or cut holes in wood to gain time in nailing or fastening… I’m sure there is so much that can be done. You should talk with your craftsemn, or at least have someone do it, to see what are their needs and limitations. If no one asks we shall never know... ”

 

[Hecatee]

Governor’s palace, Alexandria, Egypt, March 180


Marcus Aurelius stood, full of energy. This winter rest in Egypt had been wonderful, with the very restful cruise on the Nile and the visit of numerous temples on the banks as well as the stops in many villages where simple peasants had come to pay homage to him as if he was a pharaoh of olden times. It had only been fifteen years since an emperor had spent so much time visiting the country and yet this would be a life defining moment for many.

For the Emperor it had mainly been an opportunity to see how much change had taken place in the land of the pharaohs. Reforms he’d ordered during his last trip had been implemented, as well as more general laws. Overall the land was well ruled by the administration, and he could see that the people seemed somewhat healthier and richer thanks to controls against the abuses of taxes collectors.

The amount of judiciary disputes was also less important than on his previous visit, despite the fact that the economy had grown. The main issue seemed to be an increase in work contract related conflicts, with among others a particularly bad overseer that actually raped a number of his working women. Had they been slaves that it would not have mattered, but slaves were rare in Egypt and they were free women, dignified wives and mothers. That particular abuser had found its end under the teeth of a pack of hyena in an impromptu amphitheater next to the garrison’s quarters in Thebai.

In the island fortress of Sount he’d also met ambassadors from the kingdom of Kush, sent by King Adeqatali who wanted more trade and help against the powerful kingdom of Axum : while Marcus Aurelius was always a proponent of trade, he was certainly not ready to send his forces so far south, especially as the axumite kingdom provided his precious bunno beans !

But the vacation in the south had come to an unforeseen end when a messenger arrived from Alexandria. War had erupted on the north eastern border… The imperial entourage had immediately taken ships to the former ptolemaic capital, sailors using sails and muscular strength to accelerate the trip, not stopping on the way except to replenish their stores of food and water.

At the palace information had been available in larger amount. The wandering tribe of which they had heard while in the Euxine kingdom had been pushed south by hunger and attacked all the tribes on its way in order to gain food, causing a refugee crisis on the border. Worse, many expected those Gothii to now attack the empire… Reinforcements and directions were asked for by the local governors. The threat was still a few months from the border itself, but would be there by the end of spring.

The concilium was now meeting in the former ptolemaic council chamber, and had discussed the situation for an hour. Now the Emperor had made his mind and would give his instructions.

“I will not change my itinerary. This crisis does not yet require my personal supervision, but my heir will go in my stead, concentrate the necessary forces and deal with the threat. He shall have command of the fleets, including those based in Italia, to offer him as much strategic mobility as possible : should it be required he will be able to move legions from Asia Minor or the Danube area to either our border or the kingdom’s wall and thus defeat the enemy. Every effort will be made to move the barbarians to the wall, with our legions to come behind them to crush them as an hammer hitting the soft metal on an anvil. The empire is at war.”

 

[Hecatee]

Main gothic camp, northern Scythian plain, March 180


Filimer son of Gandaric, looked at the others chiefs reunited under his roof. The Gauts were ready to move again. During the winter season they had sent parties of warriors in all directions in search of food but now was the time to move the whole tribe again.

They had to decide the direction in which to go. That was not an easy decision, even if they knew that they could not go back to the Gothiscandza that had been home to their tribe for generations for the land did not support their numbers anymore, especially with all the fighting with other tribes trying to flee from the peoples of the south.

The Gauts has lost their old protector, the Marcomanni, to the attacks of the peoples from the south, and they had welcomed Marcomanni refugees amongst them before moving. Filimer had even used the gratitude of the refugee to plot the destruction of his internal enemies, especially the aliorumnas which none of his men dared to touch but which he had exterminated by a group of refugees during one of their nightly ceremonies, only to be cut down by Filimer’s own guards for their sacrilege…

Once the opposition to the move of the tribe had been crushed it was only a matter of moving… It had taken time, but they’d started their move, going slowly toward the south-east : land was said to be fertile and far from the southern peoples. He’d found a great river which he had later learned was called Borystene by the southern peoples, and followed it south. Captured scythians had told him that the river came to a sea on which cities were built, by which he understood large settlements like those of the bigger chieftains but even larger, and that they were surrounded by walls that protected them from those who sought to enter uninvited.

Once more he thought this meant strong wooden palissades such as those he was used to, maybe with an earthen berm to reinforce them. With thousands of warriors at his back he knew he could take such place with ease.

He was about one season’s walk from the cities and the sea, and hoped to settle in before winter came again, so as to benefit from the grain the locals would have planted which would feed both his tribe and its most cherished possession, the large cheptel the tribe brought with it.

But it seemed the peoples of the south had gotten wind of their migration. Mounted patrols had clashed with some of his warriors and a larger group that had come somewhat too near the river that they called as border for their territory had been engaged by a large infantry force.

They did not fight in the same way as the tribe, did not even look like men under all that iron they wore. All that iron… Such a fortune ! And if this was what the soldiers wore, what did the kings of that tribe own ?

So the decision that had to be taken was whether to leave the river and move toward the border or whether to keep going south in search for a land to settle, in time growing in strength and then attacking the southerners… A hard choice, but decision must be taken now...

 

[Hecatee]

Troesmis, Moesia Inferior, mid April 180


It had taken 23 days for Gaius Aurelius Verus Avidius Cassius, Caesar of the Empire, and his entourage to reach Troesmis, an incredibly fast journey made possible by good weather and the labor of the rowers deep in the bowels of the heavy quinquereme that carried the heir of Rome and his staff. Making only the briefest stops in places such as Rhodes, Ephesus, Byzantium and Appolonia Pontica, they had soon come to Tomis where they all mounted horses from the cursus publicus which they rode hard to the legionary base of Troesmis, headquarter of the V Macedonica legion.

Despite the fatigue from the journey Avidius Cassius immediately assembled the officers of the legion to take stock of the situation. The Gothii were walking between the Tyras and Hypanis rivers, fighting the Bastarnae on their way to the Euxine sea. Their goal seemed to be Olbia or maybe the smaller town of Tyras.

The Bastarnae were a large tribe of old origin. Soldiers from Gauls said there were words of the old celtic tongue in their speech, although those from Germania also said they could understand part of what the tribesmen said although other words were clearly from the Sarmatian and Scythian languages. What differenced them most from the horses tribes however was their more sedentary way of living which was now perturbated by the invasion from the northern Gothii.

Already refugees were coming to the head of the bridge over the Porata river although strong patrols made sure none crossed the river. The legate had ordered tents to be set up on both sides of the bridge head so as to leave a passage for the legion should the order be given, and his legionaries had also set up latrinae and other basic amenities to prevent the apparition of sicknesses. He’d even had potters make a clay aqueduc alimented by water coming from the river to make sure people had fresh water, and he’d asked the local civilian authorities for grain to feed the few hundred people already congregating to fall under the umbrella of the Romans’ protection.

At first surprised by the thoughts and efforts put into the work, the Caesar approved of them for it would cause a lot of good feelings from the Bastarnae who might become precious allies given their knowledge of the lay of the land.

Other preparations had been made for war. Units had been ordered to make sure they were ready to move and auxiliary cohorts had been ordered to concentrate around the three legionary bases of Arx Anconem, Transmontes and Troesmis.

Aggressive patrolling was also pursued and some clashes with Gothii raiders had already happened, usually to Rome’s advantage. The Gothii were ferocious but still barbarians, courageous but lacking organization, equipment and techniques. On the other hand they were numerous, at least fifty thousand warriors and the strength of three legions with their associate auxiliary units would be insufficient. The XIII Gemina from Apulum and the I Italica from Novae would be required, as well as a vexillation from the I Adiutrix from Brigetio, the II Adiutrix from Aquincum and the IV Flavia Felix from Arx Cubitus.

A plan soon emerged. The Bastarnae would not be good in a siege but could be useful in a more manoeuvring campaign, and they would be defending their land. Emissaries would be sent to their chiefs to propose an alliance and inform them that Rome intended to walk armies through their lands, with or without their cooperation. The forces from Arx Anconem, Apulum, Transmontes and two of the western vexilations, all with their auxiliaries, would move to the Tyras river north of the Gothii and unite in a force some fifty thousand men strong. Avidius Cassius would personally take command of this force, the main roman strength.

Meanwhile the forces of the I Italica would go, without its auxiliaries, to Olbia to strengthen its garrison and allow them to defend the strong modern walls there. The infantry part of the auxiliary units usually attached to the legion would form an ad-hoc force to reinforce Tyras but were ordered to leave if the main Gothii army went toward the city, a fleet being dispatched to carry them back to safety if needed.

The cavalry of those units would remain with the forces of the legate of the V Macedonica which would be tasked with preventing the Gothii from crossing the Tyras toward the south and protecting as much of the Bastarnae land as possible while also serving as reserve force.

 

[Hecatee]

Senate house, Rome, april 180


The session of the senate had been quiet, with some debates on a proposed reform of the rules for donations of a building or statue to a city, which would now require that 10% of the building cost also be given in cash to cover future costs of maintenance. It would make evergetism more costly, but city management easier and, more importantly, such acts of generosity less frequent and thus more exceptional in every sense of the word…

Senators were now leaving the curia, chatting as they took the direction of their homes, their slaves and closest collaborators walking alongside their masters. The new barbarian threat was discussed, most being of the opinion that it would be a short affair. Avidius Cassius was an experienced general, veteran of the Marcomannic wars, he’d conduct the conflict in a much more dynamic way than Marcus Aurelius, blessed be his name, could ever hope given his growing age. After all the emperor was going on 60 while his heir was ten years younger…

Other wondered if the next in line, young Marcus Petillius Cerialis, was ready to take the mantle of the Empire if anything catastrophic happened. Petillius Cerialis, the second son of a most distinguished family risen to prominence during the rule of the divine Vespasianus, had been adopted as a child fifteen years earlier by Avidius Cassius . A peculiarity of the imperial constitution meant that the adopted children of the Augusti and Caesari did not take the name of their adopter’s family, a way to show that it was not a dynastic succession.

Petillius Cerialis had received the best education available and spent five years in the legions, two in Britannia and three in Mesopotamia, before being sent in missions by his elders in a number of trouble spots that did require authority but not an emperor’s presence. Now 28, the man was less than half the age of Marcus Aurelius and was a bit hot headed, as were many in his original family and as was his blood ancestor if Tacitus was to be believed…

The young man had arrived in Rome a few weeks ago, coming back from a mission in Gaul, probably to ensure that the imperial family was seen in the capital during this war while both the Emperor and his heir were far away.