France Fights On (English Translation) - Thread III - The lost files

[demolitiondan]

Epilogue
One of the consequences of this meeting was an official (and very firm) request by the Quai d'Orsay (1) to the American government to associate French Justice with the legal proceedings underway against the G.I. guilty of common law crimes committed on French territory. At the end of March 1944, an agreement was reached granting the French Republic a status comparable to that of a civil party. The American court, however, retained control of the proceedings and, of course, of the convictions. The presence of a French representative at the execution of a potential death row inmate was also guaranteed.
The adoption of this modus operandi may have been seen as a victory, but it partly confirmed the quasi-extraterritoriality of American soldiers in France. This state of affairs lasted as long as American bases were located on French territory. Today, this status still poses many problems in countries with a permanent American military presence, as the events in Okinawa demonstrate.
The same agreement also defined the principle of official collaboration between the U.S. Military Police and the Gendarmerie Nationale, enabling the organization of joint patrols (the famous "Black and White", in reference to the colors of the uniforms). Although it's not clear whether these patrols were the only reason, the crime rate dropped dramatically in the American soldiers' "entertainment zones", particularly in the famous hostess bars near the Place aux Huiles, which were so well established that their security guards enjoyed an almost cordial relationship with the police. The sight of machine-gun-equipped Jeeps racing down the Canebière at night with the roar of their engines astonished many an old resident of the Vieux Port, but their activities soon became part of folklore.
Interestingly, it was on these patrols that private detective G. Jourdan got his start. Jourdan's first experience. He had volunteered to join the Gendarmerie after the Liberation, and by a combination of circumstances, this assignment undoubtedly determined part of his future career.
The January 11th meeting also led to less official decisions, but just as important, if not more so. Firstly, the French police and gendarmerie were instructed to systematically report to their superiors any complaints or even reports involving American soldiers, including minor offences. This escalation of information usually resulted in a request for the immediate expulsion or redeployment of the individual, rephrased if necessary with all the more insistence as the conflict drew to a close and the accusation was of such importance. In this regard, Mandel is quoted as saying, "Firmness does no harm, nor does cynicism."
In this way, without appearing to interfere, the authorities of the French Republic were able to keep out people who might undermine the French Milieu's control over the more or less illegal activities taking place in Marseille and along the Mediterranean coast. This unholy alliance was quickly dissolved after the end of the war, as Corsicans, Italians and Marseillais came together to defend their interests against North African, then Asian and Russian gangs.
As soon as the war was over, the reconstruction of Marseille's northern districts and the Port of Toulon was carried out by French groups who subcontracted to local companies. Today, the quality of the work, both urbanistic and technical, is well known.
It is also rumoured that the Triad and Yakuza offensives in the USA (notably San Francisco) in the 1960s were a response to the arrival in Japan of some overzealous soldiers transferred from Europe. We know how much Asian organized crime hates upheaval...
The General's office can still be visited at the Palais Longchamp (open every day except Tuesday). Whether this episode inspired him or not, we know today that he was not averse to letting some of his collaborators resort to the help of various underworld circles when circumstances required it (the all-too-famous Service d'Action Civique (2)).
In 1949, deciding to drop all pretense, Blémant resigned from the Police Nationale (decree of June 13, 1949, with the agreement of DST director Roger Wybot). Having obtained authorization to operate the "grands jeux", he invested in the Paris Montmartre, one of Marseille's finest cabarets. With his backing, the ex-commissioner became the owner and eventually controlled more or less directly and completely two other cabarets: the Drap d'or in Marseille and the establishment of the same name near the Champs-Élysées in Paris. This new profession did not prevent him from being awarded the Légion d'Honneur in 1956, for his activities in the Resistance. He then fell out with his Guérini allies over a dark gambling scandal at the "Grand Cercle", an establishment which was subsequently robbed and set on fire on March 30, 1964, possibly on his orders.
On May 15, 1965, at around 7:00 pm, while driving his white Mercedes on the départementale 15 between Pélissanne and Lançon-de-Provence, he was shot twice with a MAT49 machine pistol from a car. The commando was led by René Mondoloni, a natural son of Mémé Guérini (at the wheel), accompanied by Étienne Carrara and Pierrot Colombani (the shooters). His wife Antonia Marti, seated beside him, was only slightly wounded, but Blémant was mortally wounded by four bullets. His funeral was attended by police officers, members of the secret services of various countries and leading figures from the French and Italian underworld, but there were no members of the Guérini clan in attendance.
General Marie-Gustave Meunier successfully reformed the Direction Générale de la Gendarmerie Nationale and became the first Commandant of the Gendarmerie and the Garde Républicaine at the end of 1944. A notorious and influential Freemason, he worked to rebuild the lodges across the Rhine. Awarded the Grand Cross of the Légion d'Honneur, he retired in the 1970s, covered in honors. He then wrote his memoirs, which were a modest best-seller, but make no mention of the interview of January 11, 1944.
By way of conclusion, it should be pointed out that naval officer Jean Gabin, who volunteered for the French Navy as an LST and then Joffre aircraft carrier gunner, was able to witness first-hand the trafficking of all kinds that went on in Marseille during his leave. Disgusted by the effects of heroin on drug addicts, he later insisted on starring in La Horse (directed in 1969 by Pierre Granier-Deferre, original score by Serge Gainsbourg), a film in which he plays a traditional Norman patriarch who energetically opposes drug dealers.

(1) At the time, this was still Rue Michelet and its annex on Quai de la Joliette.
(2) Gaullist secret militia, part agents, part thugs, which got it use in the 60' against syndicalists ...

 

[demolitiondan]

And now for the little pictures ...
Robert Blémant, obvious part-time gangster.

Paul Carbone and François Spirito (the second and fourth from the left) with this rat of Sabiani, in 43' (far left) :

Same played by Delon and Belmondo in the movie Borsalino, that I recommand :

 

[demolitiondan]

Gaston Deferre, who went on to become mayor of Marseille, Ministre under Mitterrand and narrowly missed out on a presidential bid. History will remember also him for the ...last duel in France, against deputy who insulted him.

The Guérini brothers in 44. Curiously, until the 2000s, the Bouches-du-Rhône département was run by the Guérini brothers. Same name, same Corsican village... they finally fell for a nasty story of rigged public contracts.

 

[demolitiondan]

Of course, this Text is complementary to Our best years ("nos plus belles années').

 

[demolitiondan]

Don't cry, Argentina...
The butterfly effect of WW2 in South America

February 14, 1943
Their agent in Buenos-Aires
Province of Buenos-Aires, on the border with Uruguay - After many detours, side roads and wads of cash left on the desks of officials to make them aware of his problems, Johannes Siegfried Becker finally returns to Argentina, the country he left in February 1942 to meet his superiors in Berlin. It was a dangerous and costly journey, but the man seemed to have the means to overcome many difficulties.
Herr Becker, better known under the pseudonym "Sargo" in the Abwehr offices at 75-76 Tirpitzufer in Berlin-Tiergarten, was no mere shady commodities trafficker, nor even an ordinary spy: he was the man in charge of Operation Bolivar, set up in 1940 by the Reich's secret services to gather information useful for its weapons, hinder the efforts of the Allies and their supporters in Latin America, and even attempt to "turn" these countries.
Bolivar's main targets were initially Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Cuba and Argentina. Unfortunately, as the course of the war unfolded as we know it today, only the Argentine cell is still providing valid information. Mexico is far too controlled by the Americans to be a favorable hunting ground, despite the efforts of the very capable George Nicolaus - who only succeeded in attracting the attention of the S.O.E. In Cuba, Bolivar's aim was above all to inform the U-boats operating in the region - and there aren't many U-boats left in the Caribbean. What's more, the man from Berlin, a certain Heinz Lüning, proved to be a complete incompetent, unable even to use his radio! Surely more interested in the wiggles of the local women than the movements of the ships, his drop boxes remained empty. His capture in August 1942, and execution three months later, moved no one (1).
Chile and Brazil were more productive. From Santiago, a cell headed by Ludwig von Bohlen and Friedrich von Schulz Hausman centralized reports from Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala and Mexico, then forwarded them to Berlin via a radio station (call sign PYL). All under the cover of a seemingly irreproachable company, Compania Transportes Maritimos (2)... But the efforts of the State Department have gradually reduced this delicate structure to nothing - all that remains in Chile is a network described as the "PQZ group", autonomous and competent, but also hunted down and under pressure. In Brazil, the three stations controlled by Herbert O.J. Muller's "Informadora Rapida Limitada" group (known as Prinz) were neutralized as early as March 1942, in a massive, coordinated police operation. Sargo escaped arrest only because he was absent. Since then, his colleague Heinz Lange (aka Jansen) has fled to Paraguay to re-establish a much smaller cell with Johnny Hartmuth (Guapo) and Wolf Franczok (Luna), equipped with a transmitter sent by air.
That leaves Argentina. Becker knew Argentina well - he had already been sent there in May 1940, when his compatriots were triumphing in Europe, but had only been able to work there for a short time. Initially, he and Jansen were to commit sabotage against British interests in Buenos Aires. However, due to internal indiscretions that Becker was unable to understand, the German Embassy had ensured that their activities would focus solely on espionage. And the organization of this mission sutrapidly moved to Brazil for security reasons, with the support of Gustav Albrecht Engels (Alfredo), owner of the General Electric Company in Krefeld - a valuable man. But by 1942, the ambitious plans he had drawn up with Alfredo had collapsed under the blows of the Allies (3). For the time being, Sargo had to revert to actions within Argentina alone.
But Argentina is far from irrelevant to the Reich! The country has much to appeal to the Nazis. Many Argentine citizens are of German descent, much of the army is sympathetic to Germany's cause, and the country is a traditional rival of England, not least over a dispute about an insignificant archipelago in the South Atlantic. Not enough to start a war, but the Argentine government nonetheless maintained a benevolent neutrality towards the Axis, despite American pressure. Indeed, it was the army that ran the country - elections were merely folklore designed to please foreigners.
But this attractive picture for the Germans needs to be qualified. Contrary to appearances, Argentina was neither stable nor destined to join the Reich. In the first place, its economy is largely dependent on exports of food and raw materials to England and France (Algiers these days). Argentine beef is highly prized and produced in large quantities - along with American grain, it saved AFN from starvation in the summer of 1940. And Argentina's prices are highly competitive: friendly pressure from historic British customers and Washington prevented it from taking advantage of the windfall. But even with reasonable prices, these orders represent a considerable financial windfall for the country, which favors its industrial development (4). Nevertheless, this iron-fisted development has led to a socially catastrophic rural exodus (5).
Argentina was thus a country in the throes of economic transformation, and the war only accelerated the process.
.........
Since 1930 and General Felix Uriburu's coup d'état against the elected president Hipólito Yrigoyen - Uriburu was recognized as de facto president by the Supreme Court on September 10 (6) - Argentina has experienced an "infamous decade" of political hardening and massive exploitation of the population by Anglo-Saxon capitalists, whose influence swept away all attempts at political renewal. Thus, on April 5, 1931, to everyone's surprise, the opposition candidate, Honorio Pueyrredón, a virtual unknown, was elected governor of Buenos-Aires - the capital's province! Uriburu reacted with violence, reshuffling his government in an approach even more favorable to his backers, cancelling the local elections and appointing Manuel Ramón Alvarado de facto governor of Buenos-Aires.
This move towards dictatorship by an already authoritarian regime did not go unchallenged: a month later, an armed insurrection led by Lieutenant-Colonel Gregorio Pomar broke out in the province of Corrientes. But it was quickly crushed and used as a pretext for an even more repressive policy: closure of the offices of the radical Civic Union (opposition party), arrest of the majority of its leaders and a ban on electoral colleges electing politicians directly or indirectly linked to former president Yrigoyen. His ministers, including Pueyrredón and Alvear, were exiled. In the years that followed, elections were regularly announced and then cancelled at Uriburu's whim.
Argentina was now under the control of the "Concordancia", a political alliance between the conservative National Democratic Party, the radical anti-personalist Civic Union and the independent Socialist Party. This trio strove to promote the country's industrial development - but to the benefit of the large families who owned the industries, and with methods that were far from democratic and peaceful (7). This cut-throat policy was accompanied by difficult negotiations with the British, the main investors and customers, who increased their economic control over the country while favoring their dominions in their own import quotas (8).
By the early '40s, the results of these policies and compromises were plain for all to see: Argentina was importing less and producing more. But the money remained in the coffers of a few banks in Buenos-Aires... or in London. Trade unions were dispersed and repressed, while the Communist Party devoted most of its scarce resources to defending the interests of the USSR alone. Two presidents had been elected by fraud, without anything changing: first, the anti-personalist María Ortiz Lizardi (from 1937 to 1942), who was a little more democratic, but who had ceded control of the state in July 1940 to her vice-president Ramón Antonio Castillo Barrionuevo. The latter officially became president in June 1942, on the death of his predecessor.
Not even global chaos could upset this situation - and who had the means or the interest to do so? Neutral in all the conflicts of the century, Argentina maintained trade links that suited everyone - including England, which had refused Ortiz's proposal to join the Allies in December 1939! The French Sursaut and the rapid control of the Atlantic by the Royal Navy and the Marine Nationale saved the country from an economic depression, as exports grew in line with Allied needs.
As for the conflict itself, the population remained divided. Aliadófilos (pro-Allied) and neutralists debated within the narrow limits that the authorities were willing to grant them. The Germanófilos (supporters of the Reich) remained a numerical minority - beyond the ideological sympathies, even professional admiration, of a significant portion of the Army, it seemed obvious that declaring war on the Allies could only lead to catastrophe in the very short term. Germany was a long way off, and helping a Latin American country seemed beyond its reach in the present circumstances, if it wanted to at all! The Iraq affair had discouraged even the most reckless of Germanophiles.
In order to count, Argentina had to remain neutral and wait-and-see, even if this meant relying on the widespread Anglophobia of the population. In return, the most Anglophile of its officials would be removed at the drop of a hat. If the British Empire was ever weakened enough, the Falklands would be recovered. In the end, only the daily El Pampero clearly supported the Reich - the government, for its part, continued to walk a tightrope amidst the usual political turmoil. Thus, in 1940, a parliamentary commission of inquiry headed by the socialist deputy Enrique Dickmann (and certainly teleguided from abroad) was set up to investigate a potential German attempt to seize Patagonia before conquering the rest of the country. In a sign of the times and political opposition, the conservative deputy Videla Dorna replied that the real risk in this region was a Communist invasion, and the government came to consider a German invasion as a potential risk, while British domination of the Argentine economy was a reality. This baroque and ambiguous attitude lasted until early 1942.
But the United States' entry into the war changed all that: at the Rio Conference in 1942, President Roosevelt expressly invited the Latin American countries to join forces against the Axis with American support. This manoeuvre had two very different aims: to further isolate Germany and Japan diplomatically, but also (and above all) to replace England in its role as guardian power of the whole of South America - America for Americans (10) !
However, instead of President Ortiz (clearly pro-Allied), Cordell Hull was now faced with a much more reserved President Castillo, who certainly feared a coup d'état in the event of alignment with the democracies. Chancellor Enrique Ruiz Guiñazú therefore refused to accept Washington's demands. Since then, however, American pressure has continued to mount, particularly through the intermediary of its eternal rival Brazil. The pseudo-embargo imposed by the United States on Argentine sales to North America had only marginally impacted the country's economy, with French and English customers making up for the Americans and avoiding a significant drop in sales. But even they were increasingly obliged to pay for their purchases with American money - how long could they continue to source their beef from Buenos Aires?
At the beginning of 1943, Argentina's situation was very fragile. The latest trade agreements with England, particularly unfavorable and almost tantamount to extortion (12), threatened to destabilize the whole of South America, and hence the Allied war effort. In the best-informed circles, it is whispered that the English now claim to be paying the Argentinians for the commercial goods of obsolete warships! Such a scam can only fuel discontent, as presidential elections approach under a state of emergency and President Castillo seems determined to impose a powerful sugar entrepreneur from the province of Salta, named Robustiano Patrón Costas, as his successor. He will surely be forced to declare war on the Axis, if only to save his business...
However, the army does not seem inclined to go along with this arrangement, which would perpetuate a fraudulent system while undermining neutrality. Becker knows from well-informed sources that a group of generals is planning to create a secret organization, the United Officers Group (Groupe des Officiers Unis - GOU), designed to oust Castillo. Of course, the German doesn't know its members, but he will support their actions, which are intrinsically favorable to the Axis, whenever possible. What's more, rumors of a reshuffle are circulating, with talk of the ousting of the Minister of War, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez - rumors that the Axis men are trying to amplify! Argentina's future looks set to be turbulent, thinks "Sargo" as he crosses the border to finally leave Uruguay...

(1) Significant detail: Heinz Lüning has gone down in history as Hoover and Rockefeller's (associated with General President Batista) response to the Navy's complaints about the presence of German submarines in the Caribbean! It's only a short step from there to thinking that he was the unwitting and convenient scapegoat for the absence of Allied convoys along the American coast in early 1942. Lüning was the only German spy to be executed in Latin America.
(2) A former subsidiary of Norddeutscher Lloyd...
(3) The idea was to set up a network in the USA via General Electric. The operation failed when the man chosen, a man called Immers (a known and convinced Nazi), was simply refused a visa by Customs! Vegetating in Porto Alegre and making many enemies as a result of his arrogance and recklessness, Immers was finally repatriated to Germany in 1943.
(4) Between 1939 and 1943, industry's share of Argentine exports rose from 2.9% to 19.4%, while the industrial production index exceeded that of agricultural production for the first time.
(5) In 1943, there were 117,000 arrivals a year in Buenos Aires, an increase of 62% on 1936 and 1,387% on 1930! Most of these national immigrants were simple peons looking for a better situation than serfdom on the big estates - without necessarily finding it.
(6) A very useful expression! It will be reused to legitimize all the coups that follow...
(7) Readers are well advised to consult Hugo Pratt's album Tango, which describes the use of some of the best-known former outlaws of the American West to put down the bloody (but discreet) peasant revolts in Patagonia.
(8) Thus, under the terms of the Roca-Runciman treaty of April 27, 1932, Argentina retained the right to sell its products to the United Kingdom (albeit in smaller quantities than the dominions) in exchange for major concessions in terms of customs duties and British investment facilities in Argentina. Vice-president Roca declared that "in terms of its economic importance, Argentina resembled nothing more than a large British dominion". The agreement, signed under pressure from large Argentine landowners anxious to retain their markets, was finally cancelled on July 28, 1932 after intense labor protests. The tug-of-war between supporters and opponents of economic openness continued in another form.
(9) We recall the words of Hermann Göring in the famous Entretiens de Nuremberg (by Leon Goldensohn, Flammarion ed.). When asked about possible projects in Latin America, he is said to have shrugged his shoulders and replied, "Ach, what do you want us to do there?"
(10) This takeover had already begun in 1940, but the French Sursaut prevented its completion by preserving British capabilities.
(11) Willingdon's diplomatic mission required Argentina to send thousands of cattle to Great Britain free of charge, decorated in Argentine colors and bearing the words "Good luck". This arrangement was strongly criticized by the Argentine press and politicians, especially as the country's most remote regions were suffering from malnutrition.

 

[demolitiondan]

March 7, 1943
The GOU is unhappy
Buenos-Aires - It's Sunday, and before going to mass, the members of the United Officers Group gather for the first time in a discreet shack in the Puerto Madero district to hold a short plenary session. This meeting need not be repeated too often... not that those concerned feel much threatened by Castillo's political police, but in truth, they all know each other.
The officer corps of the Fuerzas Armadas de la República Argentina - i.e., the Army and Navy - retains a high degree of social unity. They are essentially aristocrats and, more broadly, upper-class men, who fight to maintain their supremacy in the face of new recruits from the middle class who are quick to upset the established order. To maintain their power, these officers are even prepared to silence their own divisions, between nationalists close to the Catholic Church and liberals favoring closer ties with the Concordancia's powerful economic backers.
The members of the group are still orphaned by General Agustín Pedro Justo, their historic and undisputed leader, who maintained both the unity of the army and its link with the political world. Alas, Justo, who was to succeed Castillo in 1943, died on January 11, prompting the Concordancia to take control of the government, and with it the discontent of the military. In short, the GOU is a kind of think-tank that gives concrete expression to this discontent. The majority of its members were not generals, but simple colonels or lieutenant-colonels - the main leaders remained in the shadows. But they were the group's ideology: nationalist, anti-communist, neutralist and (for form's sake) anxious to put an end to the corruption and shameless exploitation of the country by previous governments. All we know today is that the founders of the GOU were colonels Juan Carlos Montes and Urbano de la Vega or (depending on the source) colonel Enrique González and general Emilio Ramírez. Finally, its first and only president is said to have been Ramírez's father, himself a retired general.
On March 7, the members of the GOU noted the current drift of Argentina under the authoritarian leadership of President Castillo, and concluded that the country urgently needed to be brought back under control. But since the death of General Justo, the leadership position is up for grabs! Each senior officer now leads his troops autonomously and according to his own imperatives, obeying government orders from time to time. Castillo's successor cannot allow such a situation to continue after his inauguration - so the window of opportunity is clearly between now and the presidential elections. After that, it will be too late.
Before dispersing, the plotters decided to appoint an informal committee to prepare future action: colonels Enrique P. González, Emilio Ramírez, Eduardo Ávalos and Juan D. Perón. The latter is a parvenu, an insignificant descendant of a Sardinian sheep-breeding family settled in Patagonia and a former ski instructor from Mendoza. He's a loyal follower of Justo, to whom he owes his rise from the Military Academy to the War Academy. Finally, politically, he's a supporter of a form of social democracy oddly tinged with Italian fascism. Suffice to say, he shouldn't cast a shadow over his colleagues...

May 14, 1943
Abwehr disperses
Buenos-Aires - After an initial contact and a few reports, Becker (Sargo), head of the Abwehr in South America, considers the current cell to be too exposed and decides to disperse its members. Wolf Franczok (Luna) returns from Paraguay to Buenos Aires to centralize the data, leaving Hartmuth (Guapo) alone in Paraguay. As for Lange (Jansen), he heads for Chile, where "Sargo" hopes to become more efficient, but also more discreet. He then returns to cultivate his contacts in the Argentine Army...

 

[demolitiondan]

June 3, 1943
A job up for grabs
Campo de Mayo military camp, Buenos-Aires - General Pedro Pablo Ramírez (not to be confused with Colonel Ramírez... his son) has come to visit his colleague General Arturo Rawson, head of the cavalry camp near the capital. Rawson is a member of the conservative National Democratic Party, a traditionalist Catholic in the purest Argentine aristocratic tradition. It goes without saying that, faced with a liberal like his visitor, and even if the latter gives him "dear friend", he remains reserved and the interview takes place in a frankly... false atmosphere.
However, it soon becomes clear that Ramírez has come to announce President Castillo's latest reshuffles - and, above all, to complain about them. In truth, the stubborn politician at the head of state demanded his resignation after the ministerial council of May 18! This was on the pretext of obscure negotiations that the general had conducted to become a presidential candidate under the "Democratic Union" label: an alliance that would have brought together the Radical Civic Union, the Socialist Party, the Democratic Progressive Party... and even the Communist Party, although Ramírez avoids dwelling too long on this last point.
With a knowing look, the ex-minister considers Rawson and blurts out: "I believe that the corruption of this government and its shameless exploitation of Argentine wealth for the benefit of foreign powers that have always been hostile to us must cease immediately. I'm sure we're both keen to defend our poor nation from the capitalists and their henchmen. But... what can I do in my present position? I did consider the classical political route - as I told you, I was offered the leadership of an opposition group, the Democratic Union. But Parliament is so conservative! So we'll have to do without it, for our own good. And I have no doubt, General Rawson, that you agree with me. I'm not unaware of your exchanges with your friends at the Jousten Hotel on May 25 - obviously, I covered for you! Initially, I had planned to come and see you today with the representative of a group that is, on the whole, compatible with your ideals, the United Officers Group.
Unfortunately, Colonel Edelmiro Julián Farrell, one of his chiefs, who was to accompany me on this visit, is absent for personal reasons.He was supposed to send me his deputy, Colonel Perón... but I can't get in touch with him!Anyway... These people won't mind me speaking on their behalf.Have you considered a career in politics, General?For a Presidential candidacy that could be declared... as early as tomorrow?"
General Rawson takes a fresh look at his interlocutor, then settles comfortably into his armchair, hands folded in front of him... He's never liked the idea of a parvenu like Robustiano Patrón Costas ascending to the supreme office.Although a conservative, this provincial aristocrat and mediocre sugar producer has transformed his province of Salta into a quasi-feudal state entirely devoted to enriching the English... and himself.No doubt, if he comes to power, it will be through massive fraud (which is permissible) and to neutralize once and for all the influence of the Army on the State (which is much less so).With a hyena-like smile, he proposes to study the question immediately.

Reich Embassy, Buenos-Aires - As night falls, the Reich officials don't stop to sip a Fernet-Branca in the mild autumn sunshine - although some of them used to do so in this relatively unexposed posting.Passing from one office to another, a host of files and archives all end up in the fireplace!For an urgent message arrived this morning from Wilhelmstraße: a coup d'état is likely tomorrow!Given the uncertainty of the future government's policy, and the extensive correspondence exchanged between the embassy and Berlin over the last four years, it seems pointless to take the slightest risk.This merry-go-round, strictly confined to the interior of the building, goes unnoticed by the policemen on duty.

 

[demolitiondan]

June 4th 1943
A putsch by the book
Campo de Mayo military camp, Buenos Aires - At dawn, the military camp is abuzz with activity. General Rawson harangues his men, railing against President Castillo's corruption and the plundering of Argentina. At his side, Colonel Elbio Anaya, who commands the garrison infantry, makes no secret of his satisfaction and agreement with Rawson's words. This great humanist, responsible for the bloody repression of the Patagonian workers' strikes in 1921, is very much at ease in this muscular exercise.
Shortly afterwards, 8,000 armed men left Campo de Mayo and headed for the presidential palace, led by trusted officers such as Colonel Fortunato Giovannoni, Lieutenant-Colonel Tomás A. Ducó (1) and Colonel Ramí. Ducó and Colonel Ramírez. The latter, in particular, is all smiles. And with good reason: he is, of course, the son of General Ramírez, who had visited Rawson the day before!
President Ramón Castillo shouldn't be surprised by this military action, which is entirely predictable in the current context. In fact, this shrewd politician has already foiled and aborted a large number of conspiracies, such as the one hatched by the radical trade unionist Emilio Ravignani, or the one combined by the radical Ernesto Sanmartino and (already!) General Arturo Rawson! However, improvised in just a few hours (2), the putsch took just about everyone by surprise - surely a consequence of the absence of civilians in the movement, these politicians are so talkative!
But surprise doesn't mean lack of reaction. On arriving at the Naval Officers' School in the Núñez district, the insurgents came across loyalist forces commanded by a few exalted cadets. They had to attack - at a cost of around thirty dead and almost a hundred wounded. Like King Zog under other skies, President Castillo took advantage of the time saved to abandon the Casa Rosada (the pink house - the presidential palace) and board the trawler Drummond with a few faithful followers. The boat headed for Uruguay, while rebel troops invaded the deserted palace under the midday sun.
Deserted? Not quite: a delegation made up of Generals Ramírez and Juan Pistarini and Colonel Farrell received General Rawson and his men in a hushed atmosphere. General Ramírez's double-dealing is already obvious, but his two accomplices won't stand up to the putschists either! Farrell is one of the leaders of the United Officers Group, even if he doesn't claim to be; what's more, he served for two years in an Italian Alpine regiment, and makes no secret of his fascist sympathies. As for Pistarini, he's close to Justo, a former Minister of Public Works under his government (3) and a long-time accomplice of German contractors and their masters. Rawson was welcomed as a friend at the presidential palace, and quickly felt at home.
The news of the "nation's protection" was announced early in the afternoon on the radio and at a press conference. The news met with general approval, with varying degrees of enthusiasm and sincerity. Only the leaders of the Communist Party looked glum - but of course, their opinion didn't count. In a supreme irony, the British and American embassies welcomed the new government with understanding and even satisfaction, praising the "courage" of the mutineers. British ambassador Sir David Kelly even spoke of "cries of satisfaction". For all concerned, it seems clear that the Junta will be more malleable than the previous government, whatever its exact political orientation.
Under these conditions, it's hard to see how Ramón Antonio Castillo Barrionuevo would have had any chance of returning to power. In fact, no country offered to welcome the old rogue, who finally crossed the Rio de la Plata again a few weeks later. Arrested, he was released by the new government after a month's detention - the individual was no longer considered dangerous. He died in poverty in October 1944, with only 47 pesos and 25 cents left in his bank account. His relatives had to contribute to burying a man who had been one of the richest in the country.
In his hiding place, indifferent to the fate of the former president, Sargo observes with satisfaction the chaos that has settled over the Argentine political scene. All this drama could well disrupt allied supplies, and the German thinks - perhaps rightly - that the British and Americans have the wrong impression of the country's new masters...

(1) Ducó is also president of the CA Huracán sports club.
(2) Historian José Romero refers at length to a "rescue operation by a Nazi-influenced group".
(3) In this capacity, he was responsible for the first international airport project on the outskirts of Buenos Aires.

 

[demolitiondan]

June 5, 1943
Discord among the putschists
Buenos-Aires - General Rawson, the de facto president, is now comfortably ensconced in his presidential office at the Casa Rosada, preparing the list of ministers for his future cabinet. But even if this officer of certainty doesn't realize it yet, his choices could very quickly cause him... difficulties. Although he was the driving force behind the overthrow of Concordancia, Rawson is above all a traditionalist. For him, as the famous expression goes, "everything has to change for nothing to change". Indeed, his group of "Jousten Generals" was almost exclusively made up of Castillo's obligés, such as Generals Diego Isidro Mason and Sabá Sueyro, and Rear Admiral Benito Sueyro (brother of the former).
In the afternoon, the famous Ernesto Sammartino of the UCR, who had already plotted so hard to oust the former president, was summoned to the Casa Rosada to give his opinion on the composition of the cabinet. Perhaps this cunning man of the shadows could invite Rawson to... adjust his appointments somewhat, in order to spare his allies of circumstance? But he never gets the chance - for some unknown and strangely opportune reason, the palace guards neglect to warn the General-President of Sammartino's arrival, who leaves as he came.
At the end of the day, Rawson unveiled his future government to his insurgent "friends". It is very much to the right, with a strong emphasis on those close to the old regime: it includ General Domingo Martínez, nationalist historian José María Rosa and old Horacio Calderón, a staunch conservative and former Minister of Agriculture under President Victorino de la Plaza in 1916! The list does not unleash enthusiasm. General Pedro Pablo Ramírez and the four colonels greeted it with coughs and clears of the throat. Finally, Ramírez announced his categorical refusal to support the government. Rawson, however, remained stubborn and inflexible, clinging to his positions like Belgrano at Campichuelo! The putschists part company in an atmosphere heavy with threats...

 

[demolitiondan]

June 6, 1943
Turn of the screw
Buenos-Aires - The night passed in the presidential palace without Arturo Rawson deigning to amend his government. Firmly adhering to his principles, the General-President prepares his appointments for the following day, scorning his former accomplices. They pay discreet visits to the leaders of various political movements, including the radicals of the Democratic Union. Good for them!
In the meantime, Rawson was once again tightening the social screws: on obscure pretexts, he had the directors of the Federation of Meat Industry Workers arrested, before deporting them to Tierra del Fuego without trial. The union's offices were closed and its general secretary, José Peter, was sent to prison without a trial. He remained there for sixteen weeks - it must be that his corporatist workers' rights movement was getting in the way of this vital sector of the Argentine economy. This augurs well for what's to come, as everyone near the Rio de la Plata seems to be thinking (discreetly)...

 

[demolitiondan]

June 7, 1943
General Ramírez finally becomes president...
Buenos-Aires - Arturo Rawson has been in the Casa Rosada for 48 hours. He plans to convene Parliament before the end of the week to take the oath of office. After that, he'll have to declare war on Germany, to please the Allies... It's a detail: what influence could it have on the country's future? But for the moment, Rawson's most urgent task is to consolidate his power by summoning the main political leaders, a wise but somewhat belated move.
Indeed, in his office cluttered with files and papers, it's not Ernesto Sammartino who shows up, but Colonel Elbio Anaya! Without pretending to look up from his papers, the de facto President coolly inquires why this intruder - who can only be a representative of the United Officers Group - is here! But he hears him reply with a falsely saddened air: "General Rawson, I'm afraid there's been a misunderstanding. I'm sorry to inform you that General Pedro Pablo Ramírez has just been declared President of Argentina by the political parties assembled in Congress. Would you like me to send your belongings to Campo de Mayo?"
Arturo Rawson looks up, only to be met by a smiling face. The man's not kidding! He's come with a squad of military men, ready to cordially offer their arms to facilitate the move... Without a word, but choking with rage, the general insists on signing a letter of resignation, then gathers up his personal belongings. In a somewhat derisive gesture of defiance, he refused the proposed military escort and returned to his quarters in a single military jeep. Some would even say he insisted on driving it himself! On the stoop, Anaya watches him leave. A good thing done (1)!
The junta quickly got rid of Arturo Rawson by appointing him ambassador to Brazil - a challenge and a poisoned chalice, given the strained relations between the two countries, under the heavy shadow of the American giant. Thereafter, the deposed general-president would again make his presence felt by supporting attempts to overthrow the government in 1945 and 1951 - for which he would be brought before various military tribunals on several occasions, which sentenced him to short terms of imprisonment. Bitter and insignificant, he wrote a historical work entitled "Argentina y Bolivia en el épico de la emancipación" before dying of a heart attack in 1952 in Buenos Aires.
.........
As soon as Rawson was gone, General Pedro Pablo Ramírez, duly elected president, set to work. His detailed knowledge of the political machinery, acquired during his ministry under Castillo, surely came in very handy... The man immediately formed his cabinet, made up almost exclusively of military personnel and including a number of well-known names - including those known to Rawson:
Vice-President: General Sabá Sueyro,
Minister of Economy and Public Finance: Jorge Santamarina,
Minister of the Interior: Colonel Alberto Gilbert,
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Rear Admiral Segundo Storni,
Minister of Justice and Public Instruction: Colonel Elbio Anaya,
Minister of the Navy: Rear Admiral Benito Sueyro,
Minister of Finance: Jorge Santamarina,
Minister of War: General Edelmiro J. Farrell,
Minister of Agriculture: General Diego I. Mason,
Minister of Public Works: Vice-Admiral Ismael Galindez.
In fact, the only civilian figure is Jorge Santamarina, heir to Joaquín Ramón Santamarina Cesáreo Manuel - a genuine and legendary self-made man who arrived in Buenos Aires at the age of 16 to make his fortune in cattle breeding and cart sales. His descendant may seem less adventurous - in addition to being head of the family business, he's one of the leading members of the Grain Regulatory Council. A certain vision of change, then...
Importantly, no well-known members of the United Officers Group were appointed. But Ramírez has not forgotten his closest followers: he has appointed Colonel Enrique González as head of the Presidency's private secretariat and Colonel Emilio Ramírez, his own son, as head of the Buenos Aires police force! Last but not least, Farrell has been promoted to brigadier general.
Two other personalities entered politics. Juan D. Perón was appointed assistant and chief of staff to Edelmiro Farrell, the Minister of War. The colonel soon asked to take charge, unofficially, of the Department of Labor - an area that had been left fallow, so to speak... Well, the man certainly had his reasons! As for General Juan Pistarini, he was given the title of Commander of the Campo de Mayo, replacing Rawson - in this area as in many others, prevention is better than cure.
After the usual congratulations, everyone agreed on the need to continue the work begun by Arturo Rawson by cracking down on deviant political groups and limiting individual freedoms - well, even more than they already were. In the days that followed, arrests multiplied, particularly among members of the Communist Party, who were destined to be deported to Patagonia. Those "collectivist" leaders who managed to escape the arrests either fled to Uruguay or went underground.

(1) Rawson is the second Argentine president with the shortest term of office - three days. The record is still held by Frederico Pinedo, in 2015 - who remained in power for just 12 hours! But under very different conditions...

 

[demolitiondan]

Yes , it did happened this way ! Rawson below :

 

[demolitiondan]

June 15, 1943
A military friend of the unions
Buenos-Aires - Following in the footsteps of its predecessors of all persuasions, the Argentine government is steadfastly pursuing its policy of repressing opponents and cutting the economy to the bone. It is now adopting a new series of laws and regulations instituting a generalized tutelage of labor unions and corporations. All the relevant texts were passed by Congress without difficulty, the representatives of "the will of the Argentine people" bowing their heads like everyone else to let the storm pass. Among the multitude of decisions, however, one stood out: the dissolution of the Acción Argentina association, composed essentially of "progressive" politicians, fighting both against anti-Semitism and for entry into the war on the side of the Allies. It will make the American embassy think long and hard, and even across the seas...
What cannot be obtained by force can be won by cunning. The country's most powerful unitary unions, the CGT (the second, largest (1) ) and the Railway Union, requested and obtained a meeting with Colonel Perón (de facto head of the Labor Department) and his colleague Domingo Mercante (who had the good taste to be both a member of the G.O.U. and the son of one of the leaders of the Railway Union). Such a meeting is not superfluous, given the nature of social dialogue in Argentina, where the language of force is most often the only one employed.
The two unions' lawyers, Ángel Borlenghi and Juan Atilio Bramuglia, arrived at the meeting on tiptoe... But the welcome they received contrasted with this caution! They thought that their alliance would be useful in bringing pressure to bear on the junta, but Perón was apparently extremely receptive to their demands. Working hard to reform and extend the remit of the Department of Labor (of which he is still not the official head), the colonel promises to initiate numerous social reforms to improve living conditions for everyone. We smile at each other, congratulate each other, and promise to meet again very soon, with the support of other personalities.

(1) In addition to the small Argentine Trade Union (made up of radicals) and the Workers' Federation (of anarchist leanings), the Argentine labor movement at the time had two "General Confederations of Labor" - the first socialist and radical, the second socialist and communist.

 

[demolitiondan]

July 28, 1943
University unrest
Buenos-Aires - After nearly a month and a half of pushing through all the laws he wanted, General Ramírez decided that the Congress was an expensive and useless political body - so he have it dissolved. For good measure, he also dissolve Francisco Pérez Leirós' second CGT, given its past sympathies with "socialist and collectivist" movements. What's more, its leader had the very bad idea of threatening Colonel Gilbert, promising him a revolutionary union march on the Casa Rosada if elections were not quickly organized. The majority of members join the first (and now only) General Confederation of Labor - no doubt state-supervised, but nevertheless led by a socialist.
Errors in education and training are undoubtedly the cause of the intellectual degeneration which led the members of the dissolved union to fall into such lows. As a result, Colonel Elbio Anaya officially take control of all the country's university institutes, foremost among them the National University of the Littoral. The latter will be entrusted to Jordán Bruno Genta, a Hispanist from a Catholic, nationalist and generally... traditional tradition! This appointment - in total contradiction with the university reform of 1918 (1) - is greeted by jeers from students and professors, who staged an impromptu demonstration. The demonstration is violently dispersed, the university's general secretary arrested and the students expelled.
Without wasting any time, Genta set to work, implementing his program to create an "intelligent aristocracy, nourished by the Roman and Hispanic heritage". These statements will cause a stir even in the ranks of the nationalist group FORJA, led by the writer and philosopher Arturo Jauretche, who even spoke of "university banditry". Once again, the regime react with force and imprisoned Lauretche, despite his being the leader of one of the first groups to support it, at the beginning of June.
Meanwhile, the Department of Labor did not stand idly by and obtained a freeze on rural rents and leases - a decision obviously in favor of the workers. At the same time, an official commission of inquiry isset up to investigate the CHADE company, strongly suspected of having corrupted the whole of Buenos Aires to obtain a monopoly on electricity distribution in the capital. Who says the government doesn't care about probity (2) ?

(1) In particular, the latter guaranteed universities' decision-making autonomy, the principle of academic freedom and student participation in decision-making bodies.
(2) The commission, which extended its activities to investigate many other corruption cases, finally drew up the "Rodríguez Conde Report" in 1944, proposing two decrees aimed at abolishing CHADE's status as a legal entity. Curiously, the de facto Vice-President Juan D. Perón did not follow up on this proposal, and the document was not made public until 1956! In the meantime, CHADE had largely financed Perón's election campaign, and remained one of the few non-nationalized companies in the 1950s.

 

[demolitiondan]

August 5, 1943
Argentina for Argentines!
Buenos-Aires - General Ramírez's military government is pursuing a two-pronged policy. After rents, prices of basic necessities were frozen - in the hope of putting an end to the high inflation caused by the rapid development of recent years. Hospitals were nationalized and free healthcare services were introduced. In addition, all these measures are financed by the end of tax exemptions for industrialists who supported Castillo - including the Chadopyff factory. For others, however, whether individuals sympathetic to the junta or sectors deemed strategic, we'll have to wait and see.
Meanwhile, with its right hand largely unaware of what the left is doing, the junta continues to control the trade unions, closes down the Communist newspaper La Hora and introduces religious education in schools. General President Ramírez had set himself a clear task: "to renew the national spirit and the consciousness of the Patria, in order to give an Argentine ideological content to the whole country".
General Farrell, and of course Colonel Perón, continued to establish contacts with civil society and workers' movements, taking credit for any reforms that worked in the interests of the people. Indeed, the position of defender of the worker is up for grabs - since the start of the war, the Communist Party has been largely discredited by its attitude, which is disconcerting for the average Argentine: first in favor of neutrality before the war, then in favor of entering the conflict from 1942 onwards, before finding itself defending the maintenance of production in the factories, and finally rejecting the current government as pro-Nazi! In Moscow, the peon's life and moods are of little concern, as long as the fight against fascism continues... And Perón argues with ease in the face of such clumsiness: "the excuses they're looking for are very well known. They say we're 'Nazis'; I say we're as far from Nazism as from any other foreign ideology. For us, only the common good of Argentines counts. We don't want any more [electoral] fraud or lies. We don't want those who don't work to live off those who do." A speech that sounds like it was recorded in Red Square!
However, the "collectivists" were not the only blunderers on the River Plate. Seeking support abroad, and hoping to monetize his country's eventual entry into the war as a task for Istanbul, Foreign Minister and Rear Admiral Segundo Storni wrote a personal letter to Cordell Hull. Stating his (real (1) ) sympathy for the United States and greatly exaggerating the importance of his role in the current government, the man declares outright that Argentina is preparing, under his influence, to finally break off relations with the Axis! Calling for patience in a political climate that was "muy complicado" at a time when Germany had not taken any hostile measures against Buenos Aires that would justify reprisals (!), the admiral concluded his missive by proposing that the United States demonstrate its support by sending military equipment, while Argentina, for its part, would undertake to continue its participation in the Allied war effort through food exports. The admiral now awaits a response to his "constructive attitude".

(1) Storni had lived in the United States for several years.

August 23, 1943
Turn of the screw (continued)
Buenos-Aires - The junta appoints a representative to head the Railways Union , to act as both supervisor and inspector. The country's second-largest union, after the CGT, is now under supervision.

 

[demolitiondan]

August 30, 1943
A failed diplomatic overture
Department of State, Washington D.C. - According to legend, Cordell Hull reread the letter several times before bursting out laughing. The Argentinians claim to be negotiating as equals, after so many years and when their regime shows no sign of opening up politically! Energetically applying the Monroe Doctrine, the Secretary of State made public not only the Admiral's letter, but also his own reply - which was of a brutality unheard of in the hushed circles of world diplomacy, even in these barbaric times. Here are a few extracts.
"However, it is with regret that my government and the people of the United States of America are led to the conclusion that the unmistakable sentiments of the Argentine people have not been reflected in the acts freely enacted by their government, as is the case with those of the twenty other republics of America.
(...)
With the exception of Argentina, all the countries of America have broken their ties with Japan and Germany - and of these twenty republics, thirteen are at war with the Axis powers.
(...)
The Argentine government has failed to break its financial and commercial ties with Germany as specified in Resolution N°5 [of the Rio de Janeiro conference].
(...)
It was common knowledge that Axis agents based in Argentina were engaged in systematic espionage, costing the United Nations men and ships. Perfidious propaganda directed against the United Nations appears in publications financed by Axis subsidies. These publications have benefited from a government decree which allows them to receive supplies of paper at favorable rates, thanks to the direct intervention of the Argentine Ministry of Agriculture.
(...)
Argentina is the only one of the twenty American republics to currently allow radiotelephonic and radiotelegraphic communications with Japan and Germany.
(...)
The above summary of certain agreements and arrangements freely entered into by Argentina, as well as by the twenty other republics of America, provides an illuminating insight into the reasons why these other countries have not understood the situation of neutrality to which Your Excellency indicates that Argentina has hitherto been compelled.
(...)
It is undoubtedly true, as Your Excellency has pointed out, that the agricultural and mining products of Argentina have been of the greatest value to the cause of the United Nations. These products, however, have been sold at fair market prices, due to the determination of the United Nations to refuse to take advantage of the fact that it is, thanks to the effectiveness of its military and naval operations, the only major market open to Argentina. A glance at Argentina's economic statistics will show that economic transactions between Argentina and the United Nations [have] been of the greatest benefit.
(...)
With the greatest respect for Your Excellency's judgment that Argentina is being denied materials to increase its contribution to the United Nations, I must remind her that she is obviously aware that the conditions of the conflict which has been imposed on the United States and the other members of the United Nations require them to carefully allocate the available resources, which are of both a critical and strategic nature, so that these resources can be used in the most useful way for the war effort.
(...)
With regard to arms and munitions, [...] I must also remind Your Excellency that it was frequently pointed out to representatives of your government, as well as to Argentine military and naval officers who visited Washington more than a year ago, that the supply of arms and munitions by the United States to the other Republics of the Americas was exclusively intended to contribute to the defense of this hemisphere against possible aggression.
(...)
Argentina having clearly indicated by its words and deeds that its forces cannot at present be used in a manner useful to the security of the world, and therefore to the vital interests of the war being waged by the United States, it is impossible for the President of the United States of America to enter into an agreement with Argentina to supply it with arms and ammunition under the Lend-Lease Act.
(...)
I am replying to Your Excellency in these details because I am convinced that, from the frank and friendly terms of her letter, she desires an equally frank and friendly exposition of my Government's views. I would fear, however, to be lacking in such frankness if I were to leave you with the impression that the Government and people of the United States of America have not observed with the deepest regret the course taken by the Argentine Government.
(...).

Despite the exasperation evident beneath the polite language, Cordell Hull is clearly hoping to put pressure on the Ramírez government to achieve his ends vis-à-vis the Axis countries, but also to demonstrate who's boss in Latin America - and it's certainly no longer the British. Or how to spit in an outstretched hand - at least as seen from Buenos Aires - because the hand in question is that of a small-time crook - at least as seen from Washington.

 

[demolitiondan]

September 9th, 1943
Anti-Allied stiffening
Buenos-Aires - Cordell Hull's open - even heartfelt - letter continues to make waves. However, these are clearly not bringing Argentina back to the American coast, but rather pushing it out to sea! Indeed, Cordell Hull's words have only served to exacerbate nationalist sentiment and mistrust of the gringos - entering the war on the side of the Allies under these conditions would undoubtedly be a real national humiliation. The Aliadófilos party was thus totally discredited.
The consequences of Storni's risky maneuver within the junta were immediate: the rear-admiral resigned, replaced by Colonel Alberto Gilbert, a prominent member of the neutralist party. The latter relinquished his post as Minister of the Interior to Colonel Luis César Perlinger, a member of the United Officers Group, but also and above all a militant Catholic and staunch reactionary.
Protesting against what was seen - rightly - as a further stiffening of the regime, ministers Jorge Santamarina (Economy and Finance), Elbio Anaya (Justice and Public Instruction) and Ismael Galindez (Public Works) resigned in their turn, to be replaced by César Ameghino, Hugo Wast and Ricardo A. Vago respectively. All three were hardliners who flirted dangerously with fascism. They soon found themselves in bed with Perlinger - who quickly became a real counterweight to Ramírez, who simply favored a muscular nationalism.
Obviously, the reshuffle did not help relations with the Allied Powers, who saw the choices as a sign of mistrust. The most problematic case is undoubtedly that of Hugo Wast. Born Gustavo Martínez Zuviría, he was a talented writer, but he was also violently anti-Semitic and associated with Action Française. His first decision was to re-establish religious education. Argentina seemed to be becoming increasingly isolated, and was even heading down a slippery slope.

 

[demolitiondan]

September 30, 1943
Two colonels well regarded by the workers
Buenos-Aires - Colonels Perón and Mercante continue their consultations and cultivate their increasingly close relations with Argentine labor movements. These relations were to serve them well - in fact, the first CGT announced a "general and unlimited revolutionary strike" for the whole month of October! Such a movement, apart from its disastrous economic consequences, was likely to end in bloodbath, as Colonel Perlinger was not a sentimentalist.
The image of a bloodbath is particularly appropriate given that, in addition to their social demands, the workers' representatives are demanding the immediate release of José Peter, General Secretary of the Butchers' Union. Peter has been imprisoned without trial since June 1943 for a strike in the slaughterhouses, a vital sector of the Buenos Aires economy.
Once again, certain members of the military - most notably Juan D. Perón - showed great understanding by releasing Peter on their own authority. They then took part personally in the negotiation meetings with the employers, where they exerted clear pressure in favor of the Butchers' Union and the brand-new Autonomous Butchers' Union (represented by Berisso and Ensenada) - leaving the Communist Federation of Meat Industry Workers on the sidelines.
Then, buoyed by this result, the military organized a public meeting in the evening at which they posed as the best defenders of the workers! Faced with this unprecedented configuration, the federations were divided over the posture to adopt towards the government. In the end, many unionists decided to collaborate with the military. At Perón's table were socialists representing all economic sectors: José Domenech (railroads), David Diskin (commerce), Alcides Montiel (breweries), Lucio Bonilla (textiles). But they were not alone! Among the "comprehensives", there are also revolutionaries from the Argentine union (Luis Gay and Modesto Orozo, telephony), communists (René Stordeur and Aurelio Hernandez, health) and even Trotskyists (Ángel Perelman, metallurgy)! Unexpectedly, all these people joined forces with the supposedly reactionary military against the Communist Party and the CGT - the strike fizzled out. And the two colonels will further strengthen their influence...

 

[demolitiondan]

October 14, 1943
There are none so deaf...
Buenos-Aires - The junta's new political line does not please all Argentines. As a result, a group of 150 political and cultural figures courageously publishes an opinion piece in the press, calling both for a renewal of democracy through immediate elections, and for Latin American solidarity in declaring war on the Axis. The group was led by Bernardo Houssay, an eminent scientist and staunch liberal (1). Under the influence of the reactionary-neutralist party, General Ramírez reacted to the appeal with contempt - and then dismissed all the civil servants who had signed the petition.

(1) He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Medicine in 1947 for his work on the endocrine glands.

 

[demolitiondan]

October 15, 1943
Ultras worthy of the name
Buenos-Aires - Since Jordán Bruno Genta was appointed head of the Université du Littoral on July 28, his relations with the student body have not eased. In fact, the opposite is true! Not a day goes by without strikes, demonstrations or incidents, often violent, between supporters of different persuasions. Genta was finally forced to resign, unable to lead the institution, let alone impose his views.
Still under the influence of Perdinger and Wast's neutralist-nationalist party, General Ramírez chose not to let this affront go unchallenged. He declared the Argentinean University Federation outlawed, and instituted direct military control of educational institutions. From then on, Tomás Casares (another disciple of Charles Maurras) was to head the lively university.
The ideology of Perdinger's group, as put down on paper by Wast, is now perfectly clear: it is ultracatholic, Hispanic, elitist, anti-democratic and anti-feminist. The Minister of Justice and Public Instruction puts it this way: "Sarmiento (1) brought three plagues to this country: the Italians, the sparrows and the teachers." And he continues: "Secular education is an invention of the devil. Finally, he concludes, "We must cultivate and affirm our differentiated personality, which is Creole, and therefore Hispanic, Catholic, Apostolic and Roman."
Today, however, the news is dominated by the death of Vice President Sabá Sueyro - one of the most fiercely anti-American members of Rawson's former "Jousten group". The government makes a big fuss about the death of this virtual unknown to the general public in order to divert attention from its policies, asking all radio stations to broadcast funeral programs appropriate to this "national calamity"! To replace Sueyro, Ramírez appointed his old accomplice General Edelmiro Julián Farrell as Vice-President. It was Farrell's job to resist the growing pressure from the United States and other Allies by defending the country's neutrality, no matter what.

(1) Seventh President of the Argentine Republic, from 1868 to 1874, he pursued a policy that could be described as liberal for the time.