For Want of A Sandwich - A Franz Ferdinand Lives Wikibox TL

List of Presidents of Ecuador
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    … After the 1938 coup, Ecuador would be dominated by the Conservative Party from 1939 to 1984, ending the Radical Liberal oligarchy’s domination, and moreover by the “perfect dictatorship” of José Maria Velasco Ibarra, who held the presidency four times, for a total of twenty years, from 1939 to 1974, being replaced between each mandate by a political crony and dying shortly before trying to win the presidency a fifth time in 1979. During the Velasco Ibarra era, Ecuador experienced a long period of stability, countering marxist influence with proto-populist and conservative policies, strengthening the links with the United States, while experiecing an economic boom thanks to the exploitation of oil.
    The alternance happened in 1984, with the victory of Jaime Roldos Aguilera for the neo-pyrist Concentration of People’s Forces. Inheriting the integralist and religious streak of the Conservative Party, Roldos also relied heavily on the people, redistributing the wealth of the oil economy and announcing a large agrarian reform, while exhalting the “purity of the Ecuadorian Race”. Nevertheless, the effect of the 1987 Latin American crisis hit deeply Ecuador, and the announcement of a corporatist remodeling of the economy in 1987 only lead to a military coup in Christmas 1987 led by socialist-leaning General, Frank “El Loco” Vargas. Vargas would later claim victory in the 1989 presidential election, effectively enacting corporatism as Ecuador’s economic policy, that would only result in a Social Christian victory in 1994 (the heir to the Conservative Party), more chaos with a new krach for the Ecuadorian sucre in 1997 and a new military coup in 1998. Roldos came back to victory in 1999, reforming the country, getting re-elected to an unpredecented second consecutive term in 2004 after having a new Constitution adopted, before killing himself in the face of a military coup in 2005. His successor, Vice President Rafael Correa, was overthrown in a coup in 2008. In 2014, the candidate for the Concentration, Adbala “El Loco” Bucaram, the former Mayor of Guayaquil, won the presidency, and has since been re-elected in 2019 ; although world-renowned for his eccentric behaviour (offering US President Brownback a remix of his best songs during an official summit), Bucaram has yet to cure the heavily damanged Ecuadorian economy, heavily suffering from a poor management of oil revenues and widespread corruption.
     
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    Loreto War
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    The Loreto War, also known as the War of ‘38, was a military conflict between Ecuador and Peru, that lasted from 31 January to 3 August 1938.
    Ecuador had maintained a claim over the Regions of Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas from the days of independence, all that had been gained by Peru on the Pacific Coast or in the Amazon. President Neptali Bonifaz, from the Conservative Party, had won a highly contested election in 1931, maintaining himself in power thanks to the help of the military, and was desperate for a military victory that would allow his dictatorship to hold against their oligarchic rival. Peru, by comparison, was in disarray following the Civil War and had no way to oppose an effective resistance to Ecuador, as the United States were also experiecing instability at that time.
    The Loreto War saw a quick victory from the Ecuadorian Army led by General Alberto Enriquez Gallo, confirmed by the Treaty of Lima on August, 3 1938, that allowed Ecuador to increase its area by a half, with a new port in Tumbes and the rubber-rich region of Maynas and Iquitos, allowing itself a relative prosperity for most of the Twentieth Century. Peru, that was just recovering from the Civil War, was in no position to fight back. Incidents on the border would occur in 1981 and 1995 between the two countries, never evolving into a war thanks to the arbitration of the Havana Organization.
    The consequences were far reaching for Ecuador, as war hero, General Enriquez Gallo, would seize power in a coup a week after peace, dislodging the waning Bonifaz dictatorship that was already in disarray but had asked for a war. An avowed reformist, Enriquez Gallo, as Jefe Supremo, would organize free elections, that would result in forty-five years of Conservative domination over Ecuador, incarnated by four-term President José Maria Velasco Ibarra.
     
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    Muhammad Abdel Moneim
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    Muhammad Abdul Moneim (Alexandria, Egypt (now Delta) 20 February 1899 - London, Great Britain 1 December 1979) was an Egyptian prince, hailing from the Muhammad Ali dynasty, who ruled Egypt, first as Khedive from 25 July 1914 to 11 June 1920, succeeding his father Abbas II, then as King, until his abdication on 4 February 1942, when he was succeeded by his son Abbas III.

    The son of Khedive Abbas II, Muhammad Abdul Moneim unexpectedly succeeded his father when he was 15, after his assassination in Constantinople on 25 July 1914. Egypt was still nominally part of the Ottoman Empire as a tributary state but had been under control and occupation of the British Empire since 1882 ; Abbas II had been at odds with the occupiers but the British took advantage of the Regency, insured by Muhammad Abdul Moneim’s uncle, Prince Muhammad Ali Tewfik, to better placate the young monarch.

    As the United Kingdom remained neutral during the Great European War, the Russian invasion of the Ottoman Empire sent shockwaves throughout the Arab World, encouraging Prime Minister Saad Zaghloul to proclaim independence on 13 November 1918 from the Ottoman Empire, with a mob slaughtering the entire British delegation in Cairo ; the Regency supported Zaghloul’s move and after the First Egyptian War of Independence (1918-1920), the landing of the British Army and the fall of Cairo, the Wafd Party and the position of Prime Minister were abolished by the victors, with Egypt becoming a British protectorate as a kingdom, with Muhammad Abdul Moneim, the new King, being proclaimed of age.

    A shy young man, withdrawn and virtually isolated by the British within his Cairo palace, King Muhammad Abdel Moneim had no role but as a figurehead and a fuse for the protectorate. As such, he had no roles in the growing instability in Egypt, with the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood above all independantist groups. After Cairo was rocked by islamist riots during Spring 1942, the king served as a scapegoat and was forced to abdicate by the British Governor-General, being deemed too unreliable by the occupiers. His son from his marriage with Ottoman princess Dirrishevar Sultan, Abbas III, succeeded him, while he was still a baby. The former King retained residence in Cairo, in a separate palace, before going into exile after the abolition of the monarchy in 1965. Muhammad Abdel Moneim, forgotten by all, would die in exile in 1979, aged 80.
     
    Country profile - Estonia
  • Estonia is a country in Eastern Europe, bordered to the north by the Gulf of Finland, to the west by the Baltic Sea, to the south by Livonia and the east by Russia.

    History
    As the German Army entered present-day Estonia and Livonia in 1920, in the last days of the Great European War, the Treaty of Kiev the following year ended two centuries of Russian domination to have the Baltics joining the new Mitteleuropa : but instead of becoming a puppet kingdom, it would become the Grand Duchy of Livonia, becoming a constituent state of the German Empire. Put under the reign of Duke Adolf Friedrich zu Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the new German territory relied on seven centuries of continued German presence, dating back to the Crusades of the Sword Brethren and the Teutonic Knights, to justify the annexation.

    With the government seating in Riga, Estonia was seen as the lesser partner of the German Grand Duchy : present-day Estonia (then known as Estland) had always been predominantly Estonian (save for major cities such as Reval) and out of scope of the Baltic German implementation and later, from German settlers. The 1924 Reval uprising, led by nationalist student Artur Sirk, reflected the Estonians’ ambivalence towards German rule. The Germans, as compared to Livonia, restricted the influx of Pan-German settlers to the major cities and allowed for the rise of a Germanized Estonian elite, their domination being relied on political decisions from Riga and investments, such as the port and shipyards of Reval, whose importance became prevalent during the 1937-1939 Finland crisis.

    As the German Empire was totally occupied by the Syndicalists in 1944 during the World War, the question of the evacuation of the German Army to continue the fight became tantamount, even more as the Russian armies swept over Mitteleuropa. The Third Army, led by Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt, swept across East Prussia and Livonia to reach Reval, hoping to embark to Finland before it was caught between the Reds and the Russians. The Finnish government, led by Carl Mannerheim, decided to come to the rescue and landed massively in Estonia starting from 26 July 1944, securing a massive bridgehead to save Estonia from sharing the same fate as Livonia, which was being invaded by Russia. The Mannerheim Line (going east as far as Narva and south to the Dorpat-Pernau line) held on, Rundstedt’s troops were able to transit to Finland to continue fighting the Syndicalists in Scandinavia, and the Grand Duchy of Livonia ended in a whimper, reduced to a mere Estonia under Finnish military occupation, welcoming German, Baltic German and Latvian refugees.

    Even after Mannerheim was compelled to resign to secure a Russian-German alliance against the Reds in 1947, Finland showed no design to cave in to Russian claims over Estonia and the Conference of Philadelphia, concluding the World War, allowed Finland, in good graces from Germany, to keep all their conquests from the World War, including Estonia, as long as the Baltic Germans were protected and not expropriated. Nationalists, who had always considered Estonia as rightful Finnish territory as the Estonians were a Finnic people, rejoiced in Helsinki. Nevertheless, Estonia was now a territory under heavy military occupation, overwhelmed by refugees and surrounded by Russia, that still considered the Baltics as their rightful lands.

    Enticed by her strategic success in Vilnius and Poland, and the development of her own nuclear weapons, Tsarina Olga decided to test Finnish resolve on 26 June 1954. That day, Russian armies entered Finnish Estonia and Karelia. The Estonia War (1954-1956) was one of the hottest points of the Greater Game : Germany, worried of starting a new large-scale war against Russia, limited their help to Finland on equipment and financing, leaving the Finns to defend themselves. Estonia was quickly overwhelmed , but Reval managed to defend against the Russian siege, supplied by air and sea, with Estonians, Baltic Germans, Latvians and Finns fighting shoulder to shoulder against the besiegers, forming the bond of which the Germans had dreamt of during the days of the Grand Duchy. The Treaty of Petrograd, on 22 October 1956, ended the war : as of Estonia, the integration to Finland was acknowledged, with Narva being annexed and the border following the Mannerheim Line down to Dorpat and Pernau. The Finnish enclave was to be totally demilitarized.

    The ordeal of the Siege of Reval led to a complete reconstruction of the old Hanseatic city, benefiting from its status of a neutral country just next to Russia and the booming of Finnish economy. In this context, even as Baltic Germans occupied most of the cultural and economic scene, an Estonian middle class began to emerge, fueled by the Scandinavian-style welfare state, becoming richer and able to speak for itself politically. To the dismay of Finnish irredentists, Estonians never considered themselves as true Finns but as an equal partner ; the ethnic makeup of the small province became more and more complex with time, Estonians and Germans judging and avoiding each other, with both scorning Livonian refugees. On 18 January 1973, a referendum on independence was held in Estonia, as promised by the Kekkonen administration : the “yes” vote won an overwhelming 74 %, with almost all the ethnic Estonians voting in favor and Baltic Germans abstaining.

    On 1 January 1975, Estonia finally became independent, proclaiming its neutrality to avoid angering the Russians, its economy being as strong as the Scandinavian ones there, and even choosing as its king Prince Alexander of Hesse, cousin to the King of Finland and brother to the Grand Duke of Hesse, in order to underline its integration to modern Europe and its connections to Germany and Finland. Under the reign of Aleksander I, Estonian and German were both the official languages of Estonia. Nevertheless, the 1983 economic crisis put an end to this situation. After years of upheavals, Baltic German corporations bankrupted one after another in 1988, forcing the military to take control of the government, tanking the Estonian economy, sending dozens of thousands of Estonians into unemployment and triggering large-scale riots in the cities, targeted at Baltic German homes and business.

    The pyrist Freedom Fighters Union, or Vaps Movement, won the 1989 elections, led by Enn Tarto and Ülo Nugis, and enacted an ultranationalist agenda, ending recognition of German as an official language, adopting an irredentist policy and officially supporting neo-pagan revivals : a red line was drawn when Estonia renounced its neutral stance in 1991, rearming massively and drawing official protests from Germany, Russia and Finland. In 1994, taking advantage of the chaos in Russia following the Vladivostok terrorist attack, Estonia sent its army to conquer Narva. It was the final draw for Finland, that sent a military expedition to occupy Estonia, ending control of the Vaps Movement and disarming the Estonian Army, before leaving in 1998. Since, Estonia continued its course as a strong economic partner, bestowing citizenship on descendants of Livonian refugees in 2003 and joining the European Community in 2007.

    Political situation
    Estonia, since independence in 1975, has been an unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy. The executive is split between the king, who has only ceremonial powers, and the Prime Minister, designated by both houses of Parliament. Legislative power in vested in the Riigikokgu, the bicameral Parliament composed of the National Council, a consultative chamber designated by the king, the Prime Minister, members of Parliament, mayors, region governors and other great electors, and the Chamber of Deputies, democratically elected every five years. The judiciary is independent from the other powers and is inspired by the Finnish system, split into two systems of regular courts and administrative courts.

    The reigning monarch is Aleksander II, who succeeded his father Aleksander I upon his death on 30 April 2011. Hailing from the House of Hesse, he is thus directly related to both the reigning monarchs of Hesse and Finland. The young king remains popular but is nevertheless deeply opposed, as his father was, by the ultranationalists, resenting him as a symbol of German and Finnish domination.

    The current Prime Minister is, since 3 March 2019, Indrek Saar, leader of the Social Democratic Party (SDE, centre-left, social-democratic). A former actor, Saar has entered politics in 2007 and is considered as part of the European New Left ; even if he doesn’t condone Neo-Syndicalism at all, he has supported the maintenance of a welfare state along with closer cooperation with the European Community. Prime Minister during the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic, he has taken advantage of the crisis to relaunch nationalizations along with new laws on reducing weekly work hours and implementing remote work.

    Social situation, population
    Closely aligned on Scandinavia, Estonia has an aging, urban and reducing population, rejuvenated by migration from China and the Middle East, with natalist policies being encouraged by the government to avoid any papy boom anytime soon. As in the rest of Scandinavia, Estonia enjoys a very strong social system, with most civil rights being guaranteed by the law and Constitution and almost free access to health care and higher education, the Estonian system being regularly quoted as a prime example of a healthy welfare state, as was evidenced by the successful handling of the Wuchang Pneumonia and the successes of same-sex marriages.

    The most unusual feature of Estonia is its multiethnic makeup : the prime example being the name given to the capital ; any foreigner will use the name “Reval” as it has been for centuries, but should he use “Tallinn”, you know you’re speaking to a devout Estonian nationalist. Ethnic Estonians form the overwhelming majority of the country’s population, with historically large proportion having gone employed in Finland : as of now, many Estonians have double nationality, Finnish or Estonian : all in all, Estonians consider themselves as a Nordic people and have been well aware of their cultural uniqueness. The Germans form now roughly 5 % of the country’s population, formed the economic and cultural elite during the Russian and German eras and are still overrepresented in economic, intellectual and landowning circles. Yet again, within the German population, there is a gap between the urban Baltic Germans, who self-identify as a totally distinct Germanic identity, coming from the days of the Teutonic Knights, and rural Germans who settled in the Grand Duchy in Livonia in the interwar era, who were mostly ardent and antisemitic Pan-Germanists who dreamt of a true German country in Mitteleuropa. According to a popular joke, it’s a gap “between the castle-dwelling monocled aristocrat and the cabin-dwelling crazy racist farmer”. A big concern was also the fate of Livonians, who had taken shelter in Estonia after the Russian invasion : if many emigrated in other countries after the World War, many remained in Estonia and were in legal limbo, in complete statelessness and confined to labor : it was only in 2003 that ethnic Livonians were able to apply for Estonian citizenship and statelessness was made illegal. Since independence and the Vaps rule from 1989 to 1994, resentment and xenophobia is running high, mostly in Estonian nationalist circles, but all communities to live separately, in relatively good intelligence.

    Economy
    Estonia’s GDP is closely aligned on Finland’s and, as such, is considered as one of the strongest economies in Europe, having updated its economy following the 1980s economic crisis and enjoying the confidence of foreign investors, looking for better opportunities than in Scandinavia. Reval, even since Hanseatic times, is a massive hub for trade in the Baltic Sea, joining Petrograd, Stockholm, Dantzig, Helsinki or Hamburg. Very much dependent on foreign trade, mostly from Russia, for its supplying in energy, Estonia’s economy is focused on services, mostly manufacturing, computer software and hardware, electronics, shipbuilding, chemical products, fishing, high technology and finance ; Estonia is also quoted as one of the leaders in sustainable house building, having turned its large forests into construction material, ready for exportation throughout Europe and the world. Due to the vigor of its economy, Estonia has been a major destination for migrants from Russia, the Middle East and China.

    Since the days of German colonization, the economy of Estonia had mostly relied on the Baltic German community, putting in place massive corporations, led by the landowners and the local barons, that lasted until the 1980s and the massive bankruptcy of 1988. Even if the remodeling of the economy in the 21st century, Baltic Germans tend to be overrepresented in the high circles of the economy, due to their past cultural hegemony.

    Military
    Save from 1991 to 1994, Estonia has no army and maintains a neutral policy, maintaining a small Self-Defense Force, protecting its borders and maritime areas in the case of foreign aggression. Even if the country relies on German equipment, Estonia is not a member of the Reichspakt. Neverthless, even under supervision from Finland during the 1994-1998 occupation, disarmament of the former Estonian Army is considered to have had limitations, and it’s suspected that many far-right and irrendentist militias still have military-grade weapons in caches, still ready to commit ethnic cleansing on Germans or Russians, as was evidenced by the far-right terrorist attacks in Reval, in 2004.

    Culture

    The cultural life of Estonia has spread far beyond its borders, upholding its reputation as the “seventh Scandinavian nation” : not only is Reval renowned for its nightlife, in a cityscape rebuilt extensively after the Estonia War, but its artists are renowned throughout Europe, such as Jaan Kroos, Robert Kurvitz, Arvo Pärt, Vanilla Ninja, Priit Paam and Lennart Meri. The Estonia telegame industry is also booming, as was 2019’s multi-awarded No Truce With the Furies, soon to be adapted for a TV series.

    Owing to its very fragmented history, religion is mostly Lutheran Protestant, along with a small Eastern Orthodox fraction. Neo-Paganism, be it Tarraism among Estonians, Dietuviriba among Livonians or Asatru among Germans, has been on the rise : among the German community, it’s more spread among the descendants of Pan-Germanic settlers in the early 20th Century than among the Baltic Germans, while Tarraism was officially supported during the Vaps rule in the early 90s. It is more associated to the far right and anti-Germanism than any other.
     
    Country profile - Faroe Islands
  • Faroe Islands are a North Atlantic archipelago, located north-northwest of Scotland and about halfway between Norway and Iceland.

    History
    A constituent country of Denmark since the 1814 Treaty of Kiel, the Faroe Islands began the XXth century by fostering their national awakening, first as a struggle to maintain the Faroese language and then politically with the foundation of political parties in the archipelago in 1906. Rather isolated from the affairs in Europe, the World War and the total destruction of Copenhagen by retreating Syndicalist troops, along with the independence of Iceland, were all elements that convinced the Danish government to grant self-government in 1950 : on 14 September 1950, Faroe Islands became an independent country, in personal union with the Kingdom of Denmark, a few months after Danish Greenland had been sold to the United States.

    A member of the Nordic Pact then of the European Community, the Faroe Islands developed themselves as a modern country, claiming their neutrality in refusing the installation of a German military base in 1955, then with a 1972 referendum that put an end to the personal union, making the Faroe Islands a Republic on 1 January 1973. The biggest crisis came in 1992 with the government filing for bankruptcy after the collapse of all fishing activities, triggering massive riots and forcing the government to put themselves under massive aid from the international community and accepting the installation of a Reichspakt military base the following year.

    Political situation
    According to its Constitution, the Faroe Islands are an unitary parliamentary republic. Heavily inspired by the Danish political system, the Faroese one concentrates both executive and legislative powers into its unicameral Parliament, the Løgting, elected every four years by universal suffrage. The President of the Republic only have ceremonial powers and is elected by the Løgting every five years, while the Prime Minister is designated among the majority within Parliament. The judicial system is also heavily inspired by Denmark.

    The current President of the Republic is Aksel V. Johannesen, a lawyer and former footballer, who previously served as Minister of Finance from 2011 to 2015 : a member of the majority Social-Democratic Party (center-left, social democrat), he was elected by Parliament on 12 September 2021 for a five-year term, renewable once.

    The current Prime Minister is Høgni Hoydal, a journalist, who served as Leader of the Social Democratic Party since 1998 and as Prime Minister of the Faroe Islands since 8 September 2001, being re-elected in 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017 and most recently on the 29 August 2021 elections. A member of the left wing of the Social Democratic Party, Hoydal was able to win five consecutive elections thanks to the quasi-hegemonic position of the party but also his promises for a truly regenerated welfare state, after the years of austerity that followed the 1992 economic collapse ; in spite of voter fatigue, the very effective and restrictive policies against the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic allowed Hoydal to win a fifth term in 2021.

    Social situation, population

    A first world country, even if they are the poorest in Scandinavia as compared to the very high standards of the European region, the Faroe Islands enjoy the same standards of a highly developed welfare state, as evidenced by the strong governmental response during the pandemic and the qualities of its university, the hospitals and citizens’ care. However, the main issue that the Faroe Islands face are, as all European countries, the status of its population, even amplified by its small size. The aging and homogenous population makes the risk of a heavy shock from retirement pensions over the welfare state, but also an actual shrinking of its population, as the Faroese population suffers from a gender gap, having more and more male inhabitants being single and childless. Due to its recovering economy, the Faroe Islands fail to attract immigration, remaining the issue of the shrinking population even hotter.

    Economy
    Essentially based on fishing, the Faroese economy crashed dramatically in 1992, after a decade of decreased production and rarefaction, that wasn’t helped due to tensions with Iceland and Newfoundland over fishing areas, along with a lack of investment due to the global crisis. Under massive dependence on international funding and relief, that forced the Faroe Islands to a whole decade of austerity measures, the Hoydal government launched massive efforts towards development of tourism, now the country’s main resource, methods of fishing respectful of the environment (even if whale hunting continue) and very attractive tax deductions for high tech companies settling in the Faroe Islands, even if the latter failed to gain traction.

    Military
    An officially neutral country, the Faroe Islands are nonetheless hosting since 1993 the Mjørkadalur Military Base, one of the most prominent positions of the Kaiserliche Marine and the Reichspakt Naval Forces in the North Atlantic ; a first project during the early Greater Game had been rejected by the Faroese government in 1955. Due to its small size and neutrality, the Faroe Islands has no military forces but has not abolished its army altogether.

    Culture
    Since independence from Denmark, the Faroe Islands has made efforts to preserve its culture, mainly separated from other cultures due to the archipelagos relative isolation, with Faroese becoming the main language, even if Danish is the second most used, due to the high percentage of inhabitants holding dual citizenship. Literature, music, cuisine, folk clothing and cinema are distinct, as with the tradition of whaling in the archipelago, still enforced in spite of environmental concern, and the poor performances of the Faroese national football team, becoming something of a meme in international competitions. The Church of the Faroe Islands became independent from the Church of Denmark in 1953, while Asatru (Germanic neopaganism) is recognized as an official religion. The gorgeous landscapes of the archipelago are the main resource for tourism.
     
    Country profile - Fiji
  • Fiji is an island country in Oceania, located about 1,100 nautical miles north-northeast of New Zealand.

    History
    Colonized by the British in 1874, Fiji were of relative importance for the British Empire, maintaining the native Melanesian population and society while bringing indentured labourers from India to exploit the sugarcane fields. Starting after the World War, Fiji began to make its first moves towards self-governance but the new context of the Greater Game meant that the archipelago took a new strategic importance to Great Britain, standing in the Pacific against the Sphere of Co-Prosperity. Even if Indo-Fijians had not contact with their homeland since the 19th Century and outnumbered native Fijians, the British, during a constitutional conference in London in 1965, began to tilt the balance towards ethnic Fijians, who feared for their lands and resources and were okay for continuing with British presence. The Indo-Fijians, who were pushing for immediate self-governance, were left frustrated and felt as victims of racism, being pointed by the British as a “Bharatavarshan fifth column”.

    The situation was further exacerbated by two factors : radical Indo-Fijians started a guerilla, being funded by Bharatavarshans and Japanese, in 1970, that remained of low intensity but still led to the assassination of moderate leader Kamisese Mara in 1977. On the other hand, American objectivist-minded millionaires began to see Fiji’s isolation and prosperity as the perfect site to implement an objectivist utopia : starting in 1972, the Minerva Initiative led to massive investments in the archipelago, funding services, housing and purchasing private islands to implement their agenda. The massive influx of money benefitted primarily to the Natives while the uncontrolled rise of the cost of living impacted the urban Indo-Fijians, further causing a rift between the two communities. After a bloody hostage situation in 1982, as millionaires were beginning to move their residence to Fiji, the British, under high pressure, forced the two communities to an agreement over independence for 1990 and a guarantee of equality inscribed in the Constitution, with each inhabitant of Fiji being granted a right to vote, leading to a guerilla ceasefire. To placate the most radical elements, in 1987, a law offering subsidies for the Indo-Fijians that wished to return to their homeland was adopted, but it had only a limited impact, due to their lack of connection to India, the chronic instability of Bharatavarsha during these years resulting in the program’s abolition in 1992.

    When Fiji became independent on 1 January 1990, the Japanese Empire had crumbled, erasing all strategic importance for the British but the Minerva Initiative had secured the economic future of the new country, allowing them to be prosperous, but the natives and Indo-Fijians were now irreconcilable communities, leading to massive race riots during the 1995 and 1996 general elections, leading Australia to send a peacekeeping force in 1997.

    In 2000, ultranationalist ethnic Fijian businessman George Speight led a military coup. Supported by the objectivist millionaires and the military, the Speight regime persecuted perceived “Indo-Fijian infiltration”, enforcing segregation, forbidding Indo-Fijians to hold certain jobs or to attend their cults. Taking advantage of a minor crime committed by an Indo-Fijian youth gang, the Speight government launched a full-scale ethnic cleansing of the community : the Australian peacekeeping force was slaughetered in a surprise assault by the Fijian military, which then concentrated its efforts against the Indo-Fijian community, along with ethnic Fijian paramilitary groups ; the amounts of killings, rapes and looting against Indo-Fijians was overwhelming, wiping out half of the community, up to 220,000 people ; Australia finally got the approval from the World Council to send an intervention force that managed to overthrow Speight by August, but the damage had been already done. The 2005 Fijian massacres are now branded as a genocide by the Australian government.

    After an Australian-led military administration that lasted for a year, a new Constitution was adopted in 2006, guaranteeing freedom of cult and forbidding discrimination based on race. The aftershock left the wounded country in tatters, allowing the Objectivists to push further their agenda in Fiji : after a failed nationalist coup in 2009, an Objectivist government was elected in 2014, leading to further reforms and, eventually, to the proclamation of a Fijian Republic on 8 October 2019, leaving the Commonwealth altogether.

    Political situation
    Since the adoption of its Constitution in 2019, Fiji is an unitary libertarian parliamentary republic, having abandoned the status of dominion inside the Commonwealth. Nevertheless inspired by the Westminster System, Fijian politics are focused on the unicameral Parliament, with the government being responsible towards it and the president occupying a ceremonial role. The Constitution guarantees “the equality of everyone regarding the state” and guarantees all freedoms; in a sidenote to try to heal the rift of the 2005 massacres, it is forbidden to discriminate anyone based on his ethnic origin, to launch parties representing only an ethnic group but also to refer to the massacres as a genocide.

    The current President, having succeeded the Governor-General as head of state, is Biman Prasad, who was Prime Minister from his election on 17 September 2014 to the proclamation of the republic on 8 October 2019. An Indo-Fijian economist and former college professor, Prasad returned from his work in Australia to pursue a political career in order to “further heal the nation”, forming a large coalition under the Fijian Objectivist League, an objectivist movement heavily funded by the Minerva Initiative. For Prasad, the proclamation of the republic was needed to help rebuild the country. He was succeeded as Prime Minister by Tupou Draunidalo, an ethnic Fijian lawyer, who was serving as Minister of the Interior un the Prasad administration ; she has served as Prime Minister ever since and also comes for the Fijian Objectivist League.

    Social situation, population
    British colonial policy and ethnic cleansing define the Fijian population to this day. The indigenous population, mostly of Melanesian origin, forms now the majority and owns most of the land, business and political ownership, becoming quite wealthy in an ever densely populated 300-island archipelago, with 87% living in the two major islands, Viti Levu and Vanua Levu. On the contrary, the Indo-Fijian community was denied the opportunity to ride upon the Minerva Initiative’s cornucopia, fell below thé poverty line and was reduced by half by the Massacres and has to choose between poverty and emigration. Fiji also counts a growing Chinese population, devoted to labor and a very small percentage of objectivist millionaires, mostly American, who decided to take Fijian citizenship.

    Fiji, in spite of its small population, enjoys one of the highest standards of living in Oceania, besides Australia and Aotearoa, with guaranteed personal freedoms and access to infrastructure, education, médical care and housing : but with an ever-inflating currency, these resources are getting more and more expansive, corruption is everywhere and the inequality gap widens even more.

    Economy
    Mostly focused on sugarcane exploitation during the early 20th century, Fiji nowadays is among the most developed economies among the Pacific Islands, relying on importation for its subsistence and benefitting from gold, silver, copper and petroleum deposits. A tax haven since its independence in 1990, with its currency, the Fijian dollar, being indexed on the American one, Fiji successfully transitioned to a service economy, offering large tax loopholes to companies that would accept to install offices in Fiji. To this day, the capital of Fiji, Suva, holds the record for the number of businesses domiciled there, mostly in finance and Internetz, is among the most expansive (in terms of housing and food prizes) in the world.

    The reason for this prosperity in the Minerva Initiative, an Objectivist project created in 1972 by American businessmen in response to the McGovern administration to enforce an objectivist independent area in the Pacific : first considered for the Minerva Reefs in the Tonga Islands, the Minerva Initiative saw billions invested in the Fiji archipelago, encouraging the emergence of a strong service economy and petitioned the British authorities for the abolition of taxes, so as to attract more investors. After the upheavals of the Speight regime, the businessmen already settled in Fiji managed to influence local politics, resulting in the election of Biman Prasad and the implementation of a far-reaching objectivist agenda, resulting in the decriminalization of abortion, drugs, gun control and prostitution and providing huge blank checks for entrepreneurs who would settle in the archipelago. Nevertheless, members of the Minerva Initiative do not mingle with the Fijian population, having purchased various islands, all heavily guarded, to host their villas : according to rumour, recluse and very discreet inhabitants of the Fiji count Jeff Yass, Jeffrey Epstein and Jimmy Wales.

    Military
    The Fijian Army, that was one of the smallest in the world, was officially abolished after the Australian intervention in 2005, as one of the main perpetrators of the Indo-Fijian Massacres ; since, a small Australian force assures the territorial defense of the archipelago while law enforcement is assured by the Fijian police. Nevertheless, gun control is now non existent and various private militias exist, either maintained by business, wealthy Fijians and recluse millionaires.

    Culture

    Thanks to its gorgeous landscapes and amenable climate (but also its absence of taxes), Fiji gets most of its revenue from tourism, even more as China and Australia became wealthier. Yet the conscious tourist will see that Fiji hasn’t healed yet from the 2005 massacres : if peaceful today, the native and Indian communities are remaining separate, not mixing in any way, the Indo-Fijians being deprived of any recognition of a genocide and electing to migrate to Australia or Britain. Rugby, the national sport, is the only thing giving unity to the archipelago. The tourist would also see heavily guarded private islands and villas, inhabited by wealthy and objectivist foreigners, and fellow visitors being drawn to Fiji’s very lax laws on drugs and prostitution.
     
    Indo-Fijian conflict
  • During the late XIXth Century, in order to give settlers and planters in Fiji a source of labor, thousands of Indians went to the Fiji Islands under the indenture system and chose to stay in the archipelago, resulting in the Fijians of Indian descent constituting a majority of the islands’ population as of the 1950s. If tensions were already high with ethnic Fijians, it was all the more heightened by the Greater Game between Great Britain and Japan and by the independence of their homeland, India.

    Even if administrating Fiji became more of a burden for Great Britain, the strategic value of maintaining a presence in the Pacific was tantamount ; due to the bias against Bose’s pirist agenda, the British relied more on the ethnic Fijians for the day-to-day administration, increasing the rift between them and the Indo-Fijians. As Bose put in place his Bharatavarsha policies and implemented his laws of return for ethnic Indians, Bharatavarsha along with Japan began to support an Indo-Fijian independentist movement ; if the guerilla never had the same scope that in New Zealand and New Caledonia, it proved very active, resulting in the assassination of prominent Indo Fijian politician Kamisese Mara in 1977 and a hostage crisis in 1982, that resulted in an agreement about independence and an guarantee of equality inscribed in the Constitution, resulting in the guerilla giving up arms. To placate the most radical elements, in 1987, a law offering subsidies for the Indo-Fijians that wished to return to their homeland was adopted, but it had only a limited impact, due to the chronic instability of Bharatavarsha during these years resulting in the program’s abolition in 1992.

    When Fiji became independent in 1990, as part of the Commonwealth, the ethnic Fijians and the Indo-Fijians were two irreconcilable communities, full of hatred against each other. Prime Minister Epeli Ganilau had to deal with an uneasy coalition, resulting in race riots during the 1995 and 1996 general elections, convincing the Australian government to send a peacekeeping force in Fiji. But tensions came to a high when ethnic Fijian businessman George Speight, an ultranationalist, led a military coup in 2000. The Speight regime, with support from the Fijian paramilitaries, enforced segregation against Indians, forbidding them to hold certain jobs or to attend their cults, to which the international community failed to respond.

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    On 4 May 2005, the Speight government ordered a full-scale ethnic cleansing of the Indo-Fijian community : the small Australian peacekeeping force was slaughetered in a surprise assault by the Fijian military, which then concentrated its efforts against the Indo-Fijian community, along with ethnic Fijian paramilitary groups ; the amounts of killings, rapes and looting against Indo-Fijians was overwhelming, wiping out half of the community ; Australia finally got the approval from the World Council to send an intervention force that managed to overthrow Speight by August, but the damage had been already done. The 2005 Fijian massacres were labeled as a genocide in 2014 by the Fijian government along with Australia, a denomination that is not shared by the international community.

    Fiji was under Australian military administration for a year, before a new Constitution was adopted in 2006, guaranteeing freedom of cult and forbidding discrimination based on race. A new military coup from Fijian ultranationalists was avoided in 2009 and the resent against British administration, that had failed to tackle the issue, resulted much in the instauration of the Fijian Republic in 2019. Nowadays, the rift remains, but the two communities don’t communicate much.
     
    Leopold III
  • LeopoldIII.jpg


    Leopold III (3 November 1901 - 25 September 1983) has been the first King of Flanders, reigning from the foundation of the country on 10 September 1920 to his death. The former Crown Prince of Belgium, he hails from the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. His reign was interrupted from 1934 to 1948 due to Syndicalist annexation.

    Leopold was born a Belgian prince, under the reign of Leopold II and before his father became King of the Belgians in 1909. He was called to succeed his father one day as King of an united Belgium, but the Great European War and the Treaty of Amiens decided otherwise. As the Germans decided to split the Kingdom of Belgium and his father’s refused to do so, going into exile in England, he was designated by the Germans and Flemish Minister-President August Borms as the King of Flanders, at only 18. In spite of his young age, Leopold understood that accepting would be the only way part of Belgium would remain independent and not be annexed into the German Empire.

    During his 63 years of reign (one of the longest of the Twentieth Century), he oversaw the development of the newly independant Kingdom of Flanders into a major industrial power in Europe ; he undertook his role of monarch as a representant for the Flemish nation and as a Catholic monarch. The first part of his reign was shaken first by the invasion of Wallonia by the Syndicalists in 1927, then by his father’s “Hundred Days” in 1933 as he invaded Flanders and reclaim his throne. As Leopold fled to Germany with his government, he was helpless to see his country invaded by the Germans then by the Syndicalists. He led the Flemish government in exile from Luxembourg, fleeing in Italy during the World War and entering Brussels triumphantly with the Allied Armies on September 8, 1948.

    The post-World War saw the new start for the reign of Leopold III, now that his father was dead, and although he was open to the idea of Belgian reunification, his fear of syndicalist resurgence and the need to build a true Flemish nation-state, now getting bigger thanks to the annexation of Lille and Dunkirk pushed him to fully endorse Flanderization and to persecute bilinguism in Flanders. When the Flemish-only policies were inscribed in the Constitution in 1960, the King renounced all use of French, even if it meant upsetting the French-speaking minority in his own capital of Brussels, and severing links with Wallonia, even if he had allowed his daughter to marry the King of Wallonia. The King could only support the government during the 1964 and 1968 French-speakers' riots and fully pushed for the building of the Wall of Belgium, separating Flanders from troubled Wallonia in 1970.
    Leopold III lived enough to see none of his sons succeed him as King : his eldest, Boudewijn, renounced his claims in 1959 to pursue priesthood, while Albert, his youngest, was forced by the Church and the government to renounce after his divorce for adultery in 1968. As such, he was succeeded by his grandson Filip in 1983, at his death.

    The Flemings’ feelings about Leopold III’s long reign are now mixed, as the King was very popular during his reign. If Flemish nationalists saw him as the true father of the nation, Belgian reunification supporters saw him as a German puppet, who sowed the causes of the two Belgian Wars and did nothing to protect his French-speaking subjects.
     
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