For Want of A Sandwich - A Franz Ferdinand Lives Wikibox TL

Newsweek (United States) - 28 November 2021
  • The Extraordinary Journey of the Scot who became Prince Consort of Romania
    By William Lowden

    To the average American, having an audience with the Prince Consort of Romania would be a foregone conclusion, should he be able to situate Romania on a map. He would be prepared to meet another Mitteleuropean royal, with striking blue eyes and a thick accent. And now, entering a room in the Royal Palace in Bucharest, enters a tall, dark-haired man, not looking German at all, who shakes your hand and asks you “how do you do” in a perfect English. Not in the received pronunciation, more like Southern England, with traces of a Glaswegian accent. That is Prince Iacov, husband to Queen Margareta of Romania, born James Gordon Brown near Glasgow. Not only a commoner, but a Scotsman.

    With his wife reigning since December 2017, Prince Iacov (“please, call me Gordon”) knew that the challenge of being a foreigner on the side of a monarch would be harsh : his adopted country, Romania, had had one of the most troubled histories during the Twentieth Century : thirty years under the Iron Guard, one of the most nightmarish regimes in the history of Europe, then almost twenty-five years split between German-backed Vallachia and Russian-backed Moldavia ; even succeeding the deeply popular King Mihai, who had escaped as a child from the massacre of his whole family at the hands of Codreanu’s Legionaires, then came back to reclaim his birthright as ruler of the Romanians, meant that Margareta wouldn’t have an easy task, more over in a deeply chauvinistic Romanian society, still defined by machismo and deep-rooted tradition. Internationally, the old royal families that have ruled Europe for centuries had little regards for this Scottish commoner, who happened to marry into a second-rank royal family, the Romanian Hohenzollerns.

    But Prince Iacov has endeared himself to his new people, who look gladly to the royal family, by pride in the late King but also in opposition to the harsh military regime of General Mircea Chelaru : even if they laugh as the accent the Prince of Iasi hasn’t managed to shake off, they appreciate his support and presence behind his family and the Queen, and his personal commitments as Prince Consort for royally endorsed programs against poverty and for education, in one of the poorest countries of Europe. For the Prince, being a commoner was a help : “Even my father-in-law knew, in regards with his personal history, that nothing was granted in this life. So that makes me deeply different from the other scions of the ruling families of Europe. But growing up in the United Kingdom, where constitutional monarchy has been founded and made for the better, also prepared me for the role I had to take”.

    Born to a minister of the Church of Scotland, a “son of a manse” as Scots call it, James Gordon Brown never thought of entering the small elite of royalty. He saw himself “making a career as a history teacher, or maybe dabbling a bit in politics after a while”. His early life was marked by an injury shortly after entering the University of Edinburgh, at the early age of 16 : after a kick to the head during a rugby union match, he suffered a retinal detachment and left him blind in his left eye, forcing him to wear a glass eye. In spite of this handicap, the future Prince Consort of Romania would graduate with an undegraduate MA degree with First-Class Honours in history in 1972, and was looking forward to obtain a PhD degree, maybe around the influence of the Labour Party in Scotland. But as in a fairy tale, his life would change when he met Margareta de Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, the woman that would one day become Queen of Romania.

    A friend of those years recalled : “She was sweet and gentle and obviously cut out to make somebody a very good wife. She was bright, too, though not like him, but they seemed made for each other.” The two students, as she was studying in sociology, political science and public international law, talked all the time about politics. But when he came to understand who his girlfriend was, he also knew that his future father-in-law had inherited a country in ruins, broken in two after a horrific civil war. King Mihai, who had five daughters, still hoped to have a male heir, but the future of Wallachia, upon which he had managed to take hold, looked dire, becoming nothing less than a German puppet. The couple even parted ways at some time.

    “I felt that it was not my destiny to become a powerless figurehead, I wanted to go into politics or at least teach history. But, through love, I came to understand and love the Romanian people”. Even conservative King Mihai, who had married into the prestigious Bourbon-Parma family in spite of his exile, came to regard this Scottish commoner as a deeply intelligent man, and would write in his diary: “To survive into the next millenium, Romania has to embrace modernity, after having suffered too much under the foolish vision of a false past. And thus the Crown has to modernize”. He would nevertheless only modify the law of succession to allow his eldest daughter to succeed him in 1987, ten years after the beautiful wedding of Prince Iacov and Princess Margareta at Curtea de Arges, then in Wallachia. The foreigner would make many efforts to acclimate into his new country and didn’t felt there was too many obstacles. “I still speak Romanian with an accent, but once you’ve known French, or Italian, it’s quite an easy language. The worst was when I had to tell my father, a minister in the Church of Scotland, that I had to convert to Romanian Orthodoxy”, he laughs.

    Iacov (“My father-in-law told me that there was no equivalent for Gordon in Romanian”) would take up his energy to “serve the Queen, raise our children to become one day the monarchs of Romania and to be a servant of his new country”, using his natural charisma to serve as an ambassador extraordinaire to the cause of Romania, meeting with foreign investors and diplomats. “When I came to Bucharest, the city was left in ruins after the civil war and the earthquake, the people suffered under the yoke of Pacepa’s dictatorship and tried everything to flee. Nowadays, Romania has been reunified at last, it’s one of the most rapidly growing economies in the European community and its automaton industry is thriving, hand in hand with Bulgaria”. The Prince Consort, committed to parliamentary democracy, liberalism and European construction, would at times suffer the critics of the ultranationalistic governments that succeeded themselves at the helm of Wallachia and Romania: his relations with longtime Prime Minister Corneliu Tudor were said to be frosty, and the late strongman would criticize “the Celtic dynast”, pointing out that the Prince Consort didn’t support Romanian failed military and diplomatic endeavours against Hungary. Due to his royal reserve, Prince Iacov can’t voice his well-known distrust for the ruling military regime. But in spite of Romanian chauvinism, he would also quickly endear itself to the eyes of his people, due to another tragedy in his life as a father : the first son he had with the Queen, Prince Mihai, died two weeks after his birth of a brain hemorrhage. “I am an intimate man but I knew that as a public figure, my life would be well publicized.” In a country where infantile mortality is still a thing, many Romanians felt with the Royal couple : along with Princess Elena, the couple’s other son also bears the name Mihai, both in homage to his grandfather and his deceased brother ; the Prince of Alba Iulia would one day become the next King of Romania, under the unheard of dynastic name of “Hohenzollern-Brown”.

    The royal reserve of Prince Iacov doesn’t extend to his birth country, the British Isles. “I must admit that I didn’t recognize myself in the country Enoch Powell made, it also laid much into my decision”. Known for his sympathies for the Labour Party in his youth, he however refuses to define his line. Is he on the right wing, incarnated by Oswald Mosley and Peter Shore, or more on the left wing, defined by Shirley Williams or Rushanara Ali ? “Let’s just say that I wish the best for Prime Minister Buttigieg, who I met and appreciate”. The Prince Consort is also quite reluctant to share his view about Scotland, who gained its independence since he went to Romania. “I was born a British, my father served in the Church of Scotland. I’m proud to be a Scotsman, I’m proud that my birth country became free but still, I saw in Romania what were the consequences of division. I felt that independence was maybe not the best for Scotland. But still, I didn’t vote in the referendum and I’m a Romanian foremost now. So my voice doesn’t count, it was the decision of the Scottish people and I’m proud of them”.

    Leaving us for a new meeting, centered in fighting poverty in Moldavia, the Prince Consort is interrogated about whether, in another life, he would have remained in Scotland, maybe becoming a MP. He laughs out loud and says “Why not ? I never ran for office in fact, maybe I would have still immigrated to Romania to campaign !”

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    Gazeta Polska (Poland) - 15 January 2022
  • Poland Is Not Yet Lost : Meeting the Poles of Kanaky
    By Kamila Kaczyńska

    Daniel Kolek to show his visitors the stern-looking, black and white photographic portrait on the wall of his living room. “This is my grandfather Grzegorz” says the 55-year-old travel agent, very proud. “He had served in the Russian Imperial Army before he defected to join the Austro-Hungarian Army, having heard of the Polish Legions led by Jozef Pilsudski. He became aide de camp to the Komendant, fighting with him to the bitter end during the Oath War. He would follow Pilsudski even in exile, ending up here.”
    This scene would be expected in the Polish countryside, but the twist is that Daniel Kolek lives in the outskirts of Noumea, the capital of Kanaky. Kolek is one of the prominent members of the 3,000-something Polish community of Kanaky, more than 15000 kilometers away from Warsaw.

    “Poland is Not Yet Lost”

    If one would be amazed to meet a Pole in the antipodes, one should remember the history of Kanaky, or New Caledonia as it was known during most of the XXth Century. Formerly French, the archipelago became German following the 1920 Treaty of Amiens : in order to take advantage of the mining riches and having such a remote yet inhospitable addition to its empire, Germany decided to “encourage” settlement by turning New Caledonia into a penal colony, sending the many rebels of Mitteleuropa, including Grzegorz Kolek along with the leaders of the Oath War, to purge their sentence working in the nickel mines.

    “When my grandfather completed his sentence, he didn’t think about returning to Poland. The motherland was so far away and he knew that most of the Polish intelligentsia laid dead or exiled like him. So he made a point about settling in his new land and proving to the Germans that Poland would endure and, as the warcry says, that the motherland is not yet lost” says Daniel is his stitled Polish, mixed some time with French words. The Poles, along with Ruthenians, Russians, Lithuanians, Estonians, Livonians and Ukrainians sent in Kanaky by the Germans participate to the unique mix of Kanaky, one of the most multicultural countries of the world.

    The Poles of Kanaky however stay among themselves. “We made a point of honour not to collaborate with the Germans, as the Caldoches (settlers of French origin) did, nor with the Syndicalists, the Jews or the browns”. The browns are the Kanaks, the indigenes of Kanaky, in power since independence : Anatole Niemczyk lives farther than Daniel Kolek, in an impoverished farm and his family had to leave the Polish community. Niemczyk speaks a Polish of lesser quality, the so-called “Polish Kanak pidgin” because his ancestor decided to marry with a Kanak woman and was ostracized as such. “The prejudices followed the Polish nationalists in their exile, and preserving the race was among their tenets. Other Poles married with Caldoches, Russians or even Germans, but they never dared to mix with the indigenes”.

    Due to hatred towards the Germans, the Polish community of Kanaky sided nevertheless with the rebels during the war of independence but they form a strong conservative and Catholic bloc inside the settler community, protesting Kanak nationalism from the government ; Kolek was a leader of the “Poles for Poadja” movement that supported current President Gérard Poadja, opposed to Marxhaist nationalists. “We, Polish Kanakians, fought as much as everyone on this island to earn our right to live. Why should be ashamed and being accused of colonialism by the browns?” says he, sitting under a huge cross.

    Now living on Kanaky for a hundred years, neither Kolek or Niemczyk thought about returning to Poland : some of their neighbours did, they now consider Kanaky as their home. “We are not the first Poles to have emigrated. Anyway, we saw the news from the motherland. It’s as dire as it was during the Oath War. We don’t want to return to an irradiated and impoverished country” explains Niemczyk, even if a visit by President Gagor, graciously invited by Roch Wamytan in 2018, was cheered upon by the Polish community. “Poland is where the heart is” concludes Niemczyk, knowing that there is no palm trees in Lesser Poland, where his great-grandfather came from.
     
    IAROS News Agency - 21 January 2022
  • France restores its monarchy with no pomp but with circumstances
    By Maksim Salguov (IAROS news agency)

    Paris, 21 January 2022

    Jean d’Orléans entered the National Assembly a President ; he exited a king. This morning, the streets of Paris were unusually quiet, given France has suffered no such thing as a lockdown or a curfew since the Wuchang Pneumonia began : the French people, who had been bestowed a free holiday due to the extraordinary events of the day, stayed at home to enjoy their Friday. Some monarchist groups had assembled on the major cities’ main squares, but the crowd that had greeted the President-King on Place de la Concorde, next to the Palais Bourbon, were only in the thousands, leaving the huge square virtually empty. As if the French were silently protesting.

    How a President became King

    Under the Constitution of the Sixth French Republic, the President of the Republic was unable to enter the National Assembly unless he was invited to : it was the case this day, with full attendance of the government of Prime Minister, General Pierre de Villiers, who had returned to his full uniform of General, along with a former President, his very own brother, Philippe de Villiers, also a monarchist. All deputies from the Regeneration Party, the political vehicle of General de Villiers, were attending. As of foreign delegations, only were present foreign ambassadors, as no crowned head of Europe obliged to make the trip to Paris, citing sanitary measures, with only King Christoph of Württemberg, cousin to the President, making the travel. Even if the hemicycle, the atmosphere was grim when the President-King, Jean d’Orléans, elected six months before by the same assembly but also claimant to the Orleanist claim, entered to be officially proclaimed King of the French, a throne left vacant since his grandfather fled France in 1968.

    His great-grandfather and grandfather were, like him, restored by a putchist government, in Algiers this time : the Action Française government had two grandiose ceremonies in the Cathedral of Algiers, being unable to do so in Reims like Saint Louis or Louis XIV, complete with brand new regalia and anointment, with monarchies sympathetic to Exiled France in attendance. In 2022, in these times of pandemic, such a ceremony was dismissed as ridiculous, citing the example of Scotland in recent times, the restoration being reduced to a mere proclamation in front of the Parliament, regalia just out of museums posing on cushions. The ceremony lasted from 12 PM to 1 PM; in a hour, France ceased to be a republic and became a monarchy again.

    “This day marks the heinous day a France turned upside down by bloodthirsty revolutionaries dared to behead their beloved King”, said Jean d’Orléans, who just three years ago ago had returned from his exile in Germany to be elected a mere deputy on an offer from convicted monarchist General de Villiers, a way to preserve the appearances of democracy until the Republic would be effectively cleared out, electing as its head of state the heir to Louis-Philippe and Henri VI. He was speaking of his cousin Louis XVI, guilltoned in 1793; but he could have also thought of his grandfather Henri VI, who fled France in the first days of the Situationist Revolution, or even his father, the Dauphin Henri, who had hoped to be elected President in the coattails of Philippe de Villiers before political manoeuvring impeded his efforts “Now, France has returned to his rightful nature as a monarchy ! Now our beloved fatherland can look forward to his new millenium, once again under the Capetians”. The crowd of deputies erupted in applause and shouted “Long live the King” before the Marseillaise was played; only musically, as the lyrics were now removed, even if the anthem now symbolizes France without its revolutionary lyrics ! And just like that, Jean d’Orléans became Jean IV, King of the French. Outside, the little crowd broke in cheers while a 101-gun salute was observed at the nearby Invalides.

    An unexpected turn of events

    No one could have thought that possible, to see an Orléans proclaimed King inside the Palais Bourbon. Destroyed by scandals and protests, the monarchy had collapsed in a whimper in 1968 ; less than twenty years ago, France was even enjoying its Sixth Republican Constitution, trying to scuttle the problems of a presidency too far stronger with a parliamentary republic modeled on Catalonia and Netherlands, a system that would only allow the return of Neo-Syndicalism in the form of François Delapierre’s democratic marxism.

    The turn of events is well known : after Delapierre’s death, the leftist government lost itself in poor insight and popular riots, prompting General de Villiers to seize power in a coup. Repression is still running strong, but the appearences of democracy are still preserved : wasn’t the National Assembly rightfully elected in 2020, the same one that elected Jean IV as president then proclaimed him as king ? What the official discourse forgets is that the 2020 election saw unprecedented abstention and that political parties strongly opposed to Villiers were all forbidden and unable to file candidates. French prisons are now full of political prisoners, the most prominent being former Prime Minister François Ruffin and would-be Villiers assassin Jérôme Rodriguez, and the police is now a force feared throughout the country.
    So many can believe that in spite of this official proclaimation, republican sentiment is at best still strong in France and that, at least, the French population had resigned to this new state of events, having to endure a new military dictatorship. It has to remain silent, and it’s not Arnaud Montebourg’s quixotic government-in-exile, acknowledged by no one, that will come “save” France since Barcelona.
     
    Times Magazine - 18 March 2022
  • Alexandra, a Tsarina under siege
    By Marleen Brown

    The circumstances of the recent military coup attempt in Russia are getting better known, and the evidences of a planned assassination of the Tsarina are compelling. It only stresses the paradox of Alexandra, one of the most powerful monarchs in Europe, yet targeted by the far right.


    In the night from 21 to 22 February 2022, as rogue military units were attempting to seize the government buildings in Moscow and Petrograd, along with military bases and communication networks across Russia, a small putschist commando entered the parks of Tsarskoye Selo, in the outskirts of Petrograd, where Tsarina Alexandra had decided to recover from Wuchang Pneumonia. A first wave of special forces broke into the Alexander Palace, as other soldiers waited outside in case of emergency.

    Their mission ? The assassination of the Tsarina, in order to bring on the accession of her uncle and the putschists’ favourite, Grand Duke Andrei Alexandrovich.

    The Empress was sleeping in her bedroom when she woke up, hearing gunfire in the palace hall : her Imperial Guard, put in high alert due to rumours of an ongoing coup, was fighting the 12 commandos who had entered the palace premises. As she approached the heavy noise in her nightgown, she was quickly seized by her bodyguards and taken to an underground bunker ; the Imperial Guard, in spite of heavy losses, managed to shoot the attackers down.

    One of the guards most certainly saved the Tsarina’s life when he heard one of the commando’s radios sizzle, as the other assassins, standing by the gardens, asked if they needed backup. The guard quickly seized the radio and shouted “Retreat, mission accomplished, the dyke is dead !” The commando then withdrew, believing that the coup had been a success.

    This anecdote was revealed last week on news netzsite Gazeta.rus, among stories that began to be revealed in the aftermath of General (ret.) Leonid Ivashov’s coup attempt, that took three days to be defeated, from 21 to 24 February. The news of an assassination attempt on the Tsarina herself is already chilling, given its symbolism, and only taking precedent in the assassination of Tsar Paul during the Napoleonic Wars, yet it only emphasizes the conflicted sentiment towards Alexandra.

    Reviled by the far right

    On one hand, you have the Sovereign of All the Russias, an almost sacred position reflected in the Constitution, that makes the Empress one of the most powerful constitutional monarchs, holding power to appoint the government, dissolve Parliament, command the armies and nuclear weaponry and veto laws. Alexandra was able to showcase her skills during the crisis, appearing the day following the assassination attempt in full military dress, taking precedence after Prime Minister Vladimir Milov had been taken hostage, and calling all loyalists “to stand against false patriots” and “fight to get Russia back”. The counter-coup, led by provincial military units, was ultimately successful, and Tsarina Alexandra instructed the government to postpone the elections, scheduled initially for March, 20, to initiate negociations with moderate Ukrainian, Kazakh and Ruthenian nationalists and to launch a wide wave of arrests against pyrist-minded military officers and officials, such as Okhrana Director Vladimir Putin or intellectual Alexandr Dugin.

    On the other hand, you also have old Russian machismo : even if the country rose to greatness thanks to female monarchs, such as Catherine the Great or Olga, many see a young woman, barely 28, as a liability for Russia that has still not recovered from the Vladivostok Incident, the very same that propelled Alexandra’s father to the throne, its empire humiliated by Iran, Japan and Germany and regularly shaken by terrorist attacks, independantist activity and riots for stronger democracy. The monarch’s youth is not an issue in strong constitutional monarchies such as Germany, nationalists would have preferred the Tsarina’s uncle, Grand Duke Andrei, an old-style aristocrat and first in the succession line, or former Prime Minister (and coupster), Grand Duke Mikhail, to have ascended.

    From autocrat to GRSM icon

    What became an issue was the disclosure of Alexandra’s homosexuality on 23 January 2021 by an anonymous Netzdiarist (rumoured to be artist and activist Pyotr Pavlensky), after her engagement to her cousin, Grand Duke Valentin Konstantinovich, had been unexpectedly cancelled after a very concise press communiqué. Even if the Imperial Household vehemently disputed the claims, the general public, weary of Wuchang Pneumonia, went wild over the private issue, with interviews of past lovers of the Sovereign of All the Russias being traded by tabloids at premium prices. The outed autocrat became overnight a GRSM cause célèbre but for the Russian ultranationalists, who view homosexuality as a Western degeneracy discordant with Slavic values, it was an outright evidence that something was rotten in the state of Russia.

    What does the Tsarina think of all that ? Even if she knew how to deal with the challenge of a military coup, with plotters inside her own close circle, she is reportedly shy and secretive. It is said that she thought many times to abdicate since she began her reign in 2008, the closest having been after her outing. What’s not to blame her ? She became heir apparent when she was a few months old, with her cousins being wiped out in the nuclear fire of Vladivostok and the country in shambles. The sheer pressure of the throne threw her unprepared father to an early grave ; the Dowager Empress, worried herself, waited until the Tsarina’s 25th birthday to declare her of age. Many think she would have preferred to live a hidden life : even if insiders noticed a young woman by her side during the coup, the identity of her current companion is still the subject of rumors.

    It is too early to make an assessment on Alexandra’s reign. Should she not have the same strength of Olga, also a young woman first ridiculed by her seniors before restoring Russia to greatness, she at least feels the duty to do so, as her behavior during the crisis showed. Yet, as she is close to the tenth anniversary of her accession, the overview remains dire : every year, Russia has her share of terrorist attacks, riots, dissent and inflation. After the coup attempt, it is the second time in less than six years that a general election is delayed and political repression remains high : that is certainly not the image of a modern monarch. But to the nationalists, Alexandra sent the message that she didn’t recognize herself in ultranationalism and that Russian generals wouldn’t have the luck of a Villiers in France. “Let them hate as long as they fear”.
     
    Forbes - 2 July 2023
  • Who is Nayib Bukele ?
    By Wilhelm Zahn

    Netzcash, knitbit, e-chip… These words were barbarisms for the common man a decade ago but now, they are in every mouth, for better and for worse, either as a tool that will replace banking as we know it and a cornucopia for well-advised investors, or as an economic bubble and a scam. Still, Netzcash is a force to be taken into consideration and the incredible rise of Internetz entrepreneur Nayib Bukele is a good indicator.
    When Forbes published his yearly list of the top billionaires of the world, Bukele has tripled his fortune in 2022, skyrocketing from the 150th to the 15th place, becoming the only Latin American of the top 20, the second wealthiest Muslim of the world, thanks to a fortune estimated to 65 billion dollars, thanks to the unprecedented booming of his company, NIS (for New Ideas & Solutions), the most valued Netzcash trading company in the world.

    Nayib Bukele has also a biography that would make biographers drool. Born in El Salvador to parents whose roots came from Palestine, his parents fled the military dictatorship and settled in California in the 1980s. As his father, a convert to Islam and an imam, managed to perpetuate his fortune in the textile industry in the context of the 1983 krach, young Bukele graduated from Tufts University and dropped out from Stanford before beginning a career in finance trading in New York City, before working in software engineering in California and Cuba. Discovering the nascent industry of Netzcash in a random conversation with Chinese enthusiasts, he started NIS almost from scratch in 2012, designed as a trading platform made as simple as possible for curious investors, usable from a comphone. Ten years later, NIS is the fastest-growing company on Earth, millions of users throughout the world have installed it and paid billions to acquire any of the 30,000 Netzcash currencies it has to offer and Bukele has become the hero of billions of libertarians, objectivists and small investors, even becoming the hero of a most-watched Korean TV show.

    “It’s strange they took a Muslim Latino to be a star in Korea, but I appreciate the attention” laughs Bukele, with his bright smile, seated on his office on top of the highest office tower in Havana. Wearing a t-shirt, he tries to remain simple to explain the success of Netzcash : “After the Wuchang pneumonia shook the economy to its core and resulted in millions losing their jobs and hopes throughout the world, Netzcash became the promise of a better future, without regulations, banking or control. It is the new gold, the new oil, the new Helium-3. And as in all rushes, everyone wants his part, and it’s only three clicks away. Since 2020, the majority of our new users came from China and the growth of the three most valued Netzcash currencies (Nakamoto, Eridium, Primecoin) has been inversely proportional to the yuan or the piaster, allowing hundreds of thousands to keep, or even increase their capital when banks are bankrupting all over Asia !”

    When inflation is skyrocketing all over the world and stimulus packages weren’t enough to deal with the aftermath of the pandemic, Netzcash can be a valuable investment. The currencies Bukele quotes have seen their value increase by four digits since 2020 and almost all companies in the US now accept Netzcash for payment. Borealia is even considering to adopt Nakamoto as legal tender. Ads for Netzcash currencies are now everywhere to be seen and in a world where most young adults can’t acquire their own apartment and constitute their own capital, Netzcash appears as a high-stakes market where one can win big… or nothing at all.

    “Netzcash is close to a scam : it’s all about confidence and speculation… It was the same for all economic kraches, starting with the tulips in the Dutch provinces” sighs Elena Terzian, economist for the World Council. “The rush that made Bukele’s fortune could even be worse in the long term : on a whim of, let’s say, a bank run, the millions of subscribers are on the brink of losing everything, with no way to be able to recover from it. And that’s more, these dormant sums are making no difference on the real economy, something that will definitely not help the stagnant economies throughout the world.”

    “That’s what they always said to the pioneers” replies Samuel Bankman-Fried, chief financial officer to NIS. “With this way of thinking, we would have still thought the plane was a toy, Konrad Zuse was wasting his time and that permanent moon bases would never be of any use.” Nayib Bukele, his boss, has the same opinion. “The banking system and the whole financial sphere know they are losing their grip on our civilization and it’s easier to call us scammers as such. But we aren’t evil. I don’t spend my fortune in orgies in Costa Rica or in bunkers in the Pacific Ocean. I remain an investor first and it’s my duty to serve my customers” he adds, taking a jab at other objectivist businessmen. Like them, Bukele is however much present on network media, with a record amount of followers appreciating his jokes and comments.

    But the politics of Bukele aren’t the ones of John McAfee and Peter Thiel. If Bukele has made huge donations to the Republican Party for the 2022 midterms, he has also sponsored Conservative candidates that had made law and order and government oversight their main platforms, such as Senator Elise Stefanik in New York or Kimberly Yee in Arizona, positions that might be the opposite of your average pro-deregulation businessman. “I might be cool, but I’m also in favor of the rule of law. I come from a country where the government was tough but didn’t do enough to quell down dissent. If you have to make strong steps against drugs and street gangs, so be it.” In his native country, Bukele has established good relations with the current ruler, Vice Admiral Monroy, who took power in a military coup in 2021 ; investing in education, infrastructure and health, some think he might one day run for President of El Salvador. His faith would be an issue : even if he has followed his late father’s step in favor of the Muslim American community, funding and building mosques throughout the country, he claims to be a believer in God first and has stressed the “Jewish-Sphardic blood” of his wife, Gabriela, a fellow Salvadoran psychologist and educator.

    In the same time, Nayib Bukele is still confident in his rise. “I might be far from Jack Ma, but the sky is not the limit for Netzcash : it’s space.” And he has three simple advices for anyone who might be interested in Netzcash : understand the technology behind ; never invest more than you can afford to lose ; never forget your passwords. “Some journalist asked me if I would be furious if one of my customers became wealthier than me, and I lost my entire fortune overnight. On the contrary : helping people is my pride.”

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    The Washington Post - 14 February 2024
  • The fragile legacy of Russ Feingold
    By Julian Dodd

    As the Feingold Administration is coming to a close, the time has come to assess its results. And the sheet might be a little void.

    President Russ Feingold was somber during the funeral mass of his predecessor, Pat Robertson, last year. Not that the incumbent President was particularly mourning : he is the perfect opposite to the Conservative President, a known antisemite who even managed to offend Heinz Kissinger and didn’t spare his harsh comments when Feingold was elected. Maybe his thoughts were turned to the row behind him : the former Presidents of the United States. Here were the other successors of Robertson : Al Gore, the healer of the nation and the father of environmentalism ; William Weld, a political footnote ; Frank Keating, a missed opportunity ; John Edwards, a reviled lothario ; Robert Reich, a lame duck ; and Sam Brownback, who everyone seems to forget he was President. Knowing the reputation of his predecessors, Russ Feingold, who will leave the White House of January, 20 2025, after eight long years, knows he will also be judged before God and, most importantly, the American people.

    Russ Feingold is assured to be mentioned in future history books : a two-term President, his major achievements being the 34th Amendment, limiting corporate funding, the extension of the CRSM CIvil Rights Act, the abolition of the death penalty, the Police Reform Act, the antitrust breaking of the Internetz Bigs, the Future Energy Act, the Green Society Acts, three appointments to the Supreme Court and, most of all, his handling of the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic, that was hailed throughout the world for its effectiveness and severity. Conservatives threatened him with impeachment and pundits claimed that American people and businesses would never forgive him, but his reelection in 2020 along with his strong recovery plan silenced critics.

    Tina Martinez, a media expert for the Progressive Party, is however more nuanced regarding the Feingold Presidency. “Feingold has been the average Progressive President : dismantling the previous Conservative laws, enacting a progressive legislation and dealing with your occassional Three Mile Island. The Wuchang Pneumonia was such a moment, but even he can’t take credit, because the plan had been fully prepared under Keating.”

    Charles Bruce, a historian specialized in presidential history, is even harsher : “what strikes me with Feingold is that he has been an isolationist president, even more than Brownback. He supported the Havana Treaty Organization but failed to intervene in Hispaniola and Bolivia, maybe fearing the discontent of Congress : he intervened in Venezuela with visible reluctance. Now, he is forced to intervene in the Ecuador War, there is a huge Doriotist empire in the Andes and the number of military dictatorships throughout Latin America has never been higher. America first indeed, but only the USA.” So the Feingold administration could be interpreted as an era of setbacks in the wider picture, and not as a time of recovery as the official line stresses it. And Feingold looks like a man who never managed to gain traction, with approval ratings not high but not terrible.

    Not a true first

    “One point might be that the United States is a beacon of progressivism and equality” thinks Bruce, “but has yet to have his first female, African American, Latin American or Asian American President.” Would it be forgetting that Feingold is and will remain the first Jewish American President ? “La Guardia was half-Jewish. And not only Feingold never put forward his religion, but antisemitism is a taboo in America. When the DVP deputies in the Reichstag turned their backs to Feingold during his state visit, it was such a scandal mostly because the Americans were flabbergasted by such a scandalous display of bigotry. Feingold being the first official Jew in the Oval Office was more of a subject abroad ; in America, he is more of another “old white male”.”

    But the prospect of a true “first” in the White House could arise in 2024, with, in the Progressive batch, such candidates as Vice President Julian Castro, Governor Anthony Brown or Senator Lisa Madigan. “Yes, but the Conservatives also have their own strong minorities candidates, such as Sarah Steelman” answers Martinez. “Artur Davis in 2020 gained momentum from being the first African American presidential nominee and would certainly have convinced voters if the spoiler vote of Kanye West and the Wuchang Pneumonia hadn’t been there.”

    “Plus, Castro is far from being a shoe-in. Searching for a perfect government, Feingold put up a government of rivals, and now Attorney General Amy Klobuchar and former Secretary of Defense Tulsi Gabbard could also claim to be the continuation of the Feingold Administration ; although in Gabbard’s case less so, I must admit.” points Martinez. “Julian Castro might be our first Mexican American President, but he has a very long way to November. And he will be forced, unlike Feingold, to deal with a Conservative-led Congress from Day One and insurgents from his own party. That is the most dire legacy of Feingold : a dark horse candidate, who won against Johnson thanks from dissatisfaction towards Brownback, he was never truly accepted by the Progressives. And he failed at making an imprint on the party.”

    What could remain for Feingold during his last year in the White House ? “Maybe the Ecuador War will force him to shed his isolationist views and turn him into a hawk at once” thinks Bruce. “But at 70, I don’t see him turning into an avid commentator of his successor’s policies. I see him returning to Wisconsin, opening his presidential library and making a living with speeches and public engagements. Maybe accepting to be a herald for international conferences.” Martinez concurs : “He has already chosen to be an elder statesman, refusing, like Alexander, to endorse a candidate for the Progressive nomination. But Feingold isn’t finished. He has always defied predictions and I gather he will know how to manage a good exit.”

    The legacy will officially begin on January, 20 2025, after noon, after Feingold’s successor had been sworn into office. And then, another challenge will fall upon the 52nd President.
     
    Lyrics of "We didn't start the fire" by Billy Joel (1989)
  • Bob Taft, Victory Day, White Terror, Reds are away
    John Wayne, Death of a Salesman, Puerto Rico
    World Council, Greenland, atom bombs on Poland
    Constantinople, India, Italo Balbo

    Japs in China, Strijdom, I Love Lucy, Bobby Thomson
    Poole, metric system, and here's a new Wilhelm
    Now it's Louis Ferdinand, Vaccine, pogroms in Palestine
    Kolchak, Charlton Heston, Driscoll's now at the helm

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it

    Mossadegh, Superman, Norihito and Yan Xishan
    Kolchak, Jomo Kenyatta, Obregon
    Reval, color broadcasting, Hungary, here's a new swing
    A Star Is Born, the Greater Game is on

    Einstein, Princess Jackie, H-Bomb in Germany
    Anschluss, Juan Peron, Hautecloque, Robeson
    Henri Curiel, Yemenis, Tunis, Valkyrie
    The royal plane falls, Manouchian is mauled

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it

    Morocco, Paris stands back, Civil Rights, Amtrak
    Tibet, Ho Chi Minh, no more Brahmins
    Majali, meetings in Rome, Alisa Rosenbaum
    Canal in Nicaragua, "Order restored in Algeria"

    Commonwealth, Hispaniola, Miles Davis, Venezuela
    Bilderberg, decolonization and Lebanon
    Hartmann, Barzani, Wayne Morse and Podgorny
    Sultan Ahmed, Sun Fo, Germans in the Kongo

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it

    East Side Story, new pagans, Saipan
    Judy Garland, Heydrich, La Dolce Vita
    All hail Lumumba and Mandela
    Enoch Powell, can you say Bharatavarsha ?
    Viet Nam, Havana Treaty, Terracotta Army
    Montgomery - well, how could things go badly?

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it

    Bharatavarsha, Indonesia, revolutions back again
    Moonshots, Bob Marley, Moon bases, Poland's now so far away
    McGovern, cocaine, everywhere the famine
    Three Mile Island, big trouble in Ireland

    Pat Robertson, mass homicides, Philippine wild ride
    South Africa, vets cancer, Japan and there's Kissinger
    Pyramids in ruins, the economy's in the bin
    Human clones galore, I can't take it anymore

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    But when we are gone

    It will still burn on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on
    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire

    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it

    We didn't start the fire
    It was always burning, since the world's been turning
    We didn't start the fire
    No, we didn't light it, but we tried to fight it
     
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