For Want of A Sandwich - A Franz Ferdinand Lives Wikibox TL

Filip
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    Filip (born 15 April 1960) is the current King of Flanders, hailing from the House of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha and having succeeded his grandfather, Leopold III, on 25 September 1983.

    Born to Albert, Prince of Antwerp, the second son of King Leopold, it seemed, due to Boudewijn’s entering the priesthood, that Filip would only become King after his father. Yet, his uneasy divorce with Princess Désirée due to adultery in 1968 was vehemently criticized by the Church, then the government, and Albert had to renounce his rights to succession. Filip then became first in line, and he pursued a gallant career in the Flemish Air Force, studying at the German Military Academy, before acceeding to the throne at 23.

    Filip came to power in an era of troubles for Flanders : persecuted Francophones in Brussels had radicalized heavily and tensions with Wallonia were literally at the brink of war. The King pursued a constitutional approach, supporting the government during the 1985 coup attempt, escaping an assassination attempt the same year and holding back the bellicists after the 1988 border incident. Tensions came to a head in 1989, during the Three Days Crisis : King Filip and Minister-President Herman Van Rompuy were taken hostage by a rogue army officer, Filip Dewinter, on January, 12 1989, asking the King to assume direct control of the army and declare war over Wallonia. As Dewinter effectively held power during three days, the King finally took advantage of a secret televised address on the 14th to denounce the coup and ask the army to refuse all orders from the coupsters. Even as the King was hailed for his protection of democracy, the 1990 state of emergency in Brussels and the surprise invasion of Flanders by Wallonia in 1993 forced him to appoint General Van Daele as Minister-President and to fight the First Belgian War (1993-1996).

    King Filip fully accepted the terms of the Treaty of Aachen and the independence of the Free City of Brussels, leaving his former capital and taking residence in Antwerp. Nevertheless, his country, and even his family, didn’t follow : his younger brother, Prince Laurens, joined the Bruxellian Rattachists and precipitated the Brussels Crisis (2006-2007), and Bart De Wever’s nationalist Vlaams Blok came to power in 2010, forcing the King to accept a Second Belgian War (2014-2016). For the duration of the German occupation (2016-2020), King Filip continued to push for the interests of the Flemish Nation and hoped for better times for the three countries.
     
    Georges Remi
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    Georges Remi (22 May 1907 - 3 March 1983) was a Flemish-born American cartoonist. Born in Brussels in the last years of the Kingdom of Belgium, he was a noticed cartoonist in the time before the Syndicalist Invasion of Flanders, publishing “The Adventures of Totor” in newspapers. After the World War and the liberation of Flanders, plagued with depression and suffering from the repression of French-speakers by the Flemish government, he emigrated in America, where he took up American citizenship and worked alongside Walt Disney, noticeably working on “Destination Moon” and “Chanteclair”.

    In recent years, renewed interest in Flemish comic books have reignited interests over “The Adventure of Totor”, that only lasted three albums until Remi abandoned the series in 1933 with the Syndicalist take-over. Further research have emerged that Remi was a very active resistant in Syndicalist Flanders, under the war name of “Hergé” and actively pursued Belgian reunification.
     
    Country profile - Forbidden CIty
  • The Forbidden City is a country in East Asia, enclaved within Beijing, in China.

    History

    When the Xinhai Revolution occurred in 1911 and put an end to 2,000 years of monarchy in China, the Xuantong Emperor, also known as Puyi, was barely 5. When the abdication was formally signed by Puyi and the Empress Dowager Longyu on 12 February 1912, it was the result of a bargain between General Yuan Shikai and the Republicans : the Manchu dynast was allowed to retain his imperial title, to remain in the northern half of the Forbidden City as well as in the Summer Palace and to receive a hefty annual subsidy.

    While Puyi was growing up behind the walls of the Forbidden City, like the Popes who were secluded in the Vatican since 1870, he had little to no influence on the complicated politics of China, in spite of Yuan Shikai’s self-proclamation as Emperor (1915-1916) and Zhang Xun’s twelve-days quixotic Manchu restoration (1917), even if his very presence in the center of Beijing was horrific to most Chinese Republicans. When Manchu warlord Zhang Zuolin, supported by the Japanese, took Beijing in 1922 and proclaimed the restoration of the Empire of China, Puyi was barely a teenager looking for a bride, while his family and eunuchs bidded with the warlord to have their privileges and properties returned ; Beijing remained in Manchu hands when Zhang Zuolin was rolled back by Guominjun forces in 1924 and proclaimed the independence of Manchuria. In exchange from more funding from the court of the Forbidden City, Zhang Zuolin, even if he no longer claimed the rule of the whole China, allowed full property and sovereign authority to the Emperor of China over the 72 hectares of the Forbidden City, granting the palace complex a status of political extraterritoriality from the rest of China and allowing the Dragon Throne true temporal power. Thus was born the Forbidden City, the Residence of the Great Qing, the tiniest sovereign state in the world, on 4 October 1924, limiting the Mandate of Heaven to the walls of the Palace.

    When Beijing fell into Feng Yuxiang’s hands in 1929, he could only be confronted by the fait accompli : even if the Guominjun’s leader toyed with the idea of expelling the Manchus from the palace, his prestige as the unifier of China added to the task of building a modern state compelled him to acknowledge the extraterritoriality status with the Treaty of the Palace of Eternal Longevity on 6 June 1929 ; he hoped that by making Puyi the virtual prisoner of his sham empire, he would further discredit monarchism in China and the Xuantong Emperor’s figure as a political alternative. He would prove right, as Puyi was poisoned in 1930, during eunuch intrigues fueled by the Japanese. At 24, he had never left the palatial compound in 22 years. His successor, his brother Xiandai (Pujie), was happy to be protected from the political violence in China and organized the functioning of the Forbidden City during his 64-years-long “reign”.

    At the Xiandai Emperor’s death in 28 February 1994, the Forbidden City had endured for seventy years as a political abnormality in the center of the former capital of Beijing ; compared with the 1920s, the Chinese Republic was now one of the strongest and most stable states in the world and the danger of an Aisin-Goro restoration was dead. The Xiandai Emperor had died childless and his succession was split between his brother Puren and his cousin Yuyan, each candidate splitting the eunuchs of the Forbidden City ; in this context, President Wen Jiabao pondered over an absorption of the imperial remnant. But the claims over Taiwan soon became the pressing issue in China and the strange status of the Forbidden City continued after the succession issue was settled by 1995, lasting until this day.

    Political situation

    The Treaty of the Palace of Eternal Longevity grants “full ownership, exclusive dominion and sovereign authority and jurisdiction” to the Emperor over the 72 hectares delimited by the walls of the Forbidden City, hereby making it a sovereign, independent nation, the smallest and least-populated sovereign state in the world. A Governor-General (currently Air Force General Xu Qiliang), appointed by the Executive Yuan in Nanjing, oversees the connexion of the Forbidden City to the rest of China, as a protectorate, guaranteeing its military protection and transit of goods and people.

    From the Forbidden City’s point of view, the country is an absolute monarchy, the Residence of the Great Qing, under the authority of the Emperor (under the terms of the Treaty, he’s forbidden to claim the title of “Emperor of China”), namely the Jiande Emperor (known as Hengzhen) since 1997. As such, he is the political and spiritual monarch of the Forbidden City, sharing his executive powers with the Chief Councillor, heading his Privy Council.

    In reality, the Forbidden City, being populated with less than one thousand permanent residents (bodyguards are required to live outside), is filled with close and remote members of the Aisin-Goro clan along with courtesans (there is no more eunuchs within the Forbidden City, contrary to rumours of shady surgeries ; castration on minors is forbidden throughout China). In this small country, the power struggles around the Dragon Throne turn into lengthy intrigue, corruption and constant bickering for privileges and riches. The etiquette and bureaucracy remained the same since the golden days of the Qing dynasty, so camarillas and cliques are enticed into fighting for positions devoid of any real power but full of ceremonial prestige or of ridiculous administrative importance. The struggles tend to become murderous, as evidenced with the assassination of the Xuantong Emperor or the succession crisis in 1994, but as the Residence of the Great Qing is responsable for its own justice system, these deaths remain unprosecuted. The political system of the Forbidden City, with all its factions inside a small court, is considered among the most complex and circonvulated in the modern world, transparent to only a few insiders and for the partisans of Chinese republicanism and advocates for the Forbidden City’s return into China, a full evidence of the decadence of the Manchu court.

    Under the Treaty of 1929, the Resident of the Forbidden City is strictly prohibited from meddling, funding or endorsing any sort of political activity in China proper. The issue is no longer relevant in China: in the 2018 general elections, for example, the Royalist Party made a score of 0,3 % and only ran candidates in Manchuria.

    Military

    Under the terms of the Treaty of the Palace of Eternal Longevity, detention of weapons are forbidden to the residents of the Forbidden City, and Chinese military and police forces are not allowed to enter ; since 1970, the Beijing Municipal Police ensures security over the walls of the Palace Complex. Nevertheless, the Emperor maintains a small mercenary force to provide his personal security, as assassinations and poisonings are common in the backstabbing environment of the Forbidden City. Among these imperial bodyguards hails Ranulph Fiennes, a British adventurer and former mercenary in Africa, who was enjoyed so much by the Hengzhen Emperor that he had him appointed as his Chief Councillor; a Prime Minister on paper, but a favourite in fact, making the bodyguards another faction within the Forbidden City.

    Economy

    The only resources within the Forbidden City are its plentiful gardens ; even if since the 1960s, China has stopped providing an annual subsidy for the maintenance of the Forbidden City, the Emperor remains one of the wealthiest persons of the world, in spite of the repeated convictions of courtesans for corruption, theft and embezzlement ; if he is forbidden to meddle with politics, he enjoys a large army of lawyers and financial officers who managed to invest the treasure of the Qings into real estate, stocks, treasury bills and other parts of the economy. Enjoying every year more than 20 million visitors (a flow that was only stopped by the SARS and Wuchang pneumonia pandemics and the terrorist attacks in Beijing), thanks to the beauty of the Ming architecture and opulence along with its art collection, the Forbidden City enjoys a full income thanks to the fees for admission to museums, but also with the sale of postage stamps and souvenirs, coveted by aficionados internationally ; keeping it with this status of the world’s tiniest country, the Forbidden City to mint its own coins, a right that was denied by the Chinese Republic.
     
    List of heads of state of France
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    Jean III
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    Jean III (Paris, 4 September 1874-Algiers, 25 August 1940) was King of the French from 16 October 1925 to his death, hailing from the House of Orléans, and becoming the first reigning monarch of France since the abolition of the Second Empire in 1870. He was succeeded by his only son Henri VI.

    When he was born in 1874, the prospects of Jean to become King were dire to say the least : his great-grandfather, Louis-Philippe d’Orléans, had been deposed in 1848, he was the youngest son of Prince Robert, Duke of Chartres, and the conflict between the two pretending Houses of France, the Bourbons and the Orléans, had not been fixed : the Legitimist pretender, Henri, Count of Chambord, blew his chances at being offered the Crown by the nascent Third Republic, and the 1886 Law of Exile proscribed all other heirs to be ever present on French soil. To be true, Jean, known as the Duke of Guise, was considered such a cadet that he was authorized to reside on French soil. By his marriage to his cousin Isabelle, Jean was son-in-law to “Phillippe VII”, the Orléanist claimant from 1848 to 1894, and brother-in-law to “Philippe VIII”, the claimant from 1894 to 1925.

    After accomplishing his military service in Denmark (as he was prohibited to do so by the French government), the Duke of Guise wished to support his motherland’s colonial expansion by settling with his family in Larache, in Spanish Morocco, by 1909. In the same time, Jean’s prospects at becoming the Orléanist pretender accelerated, due to the early deaths of his brothers Robert and Henri in 1885 and 1901, of his father Robert in 1910 and of his cousin Ferdinand in 1924 ; as Philippe, the Duke of Orléans, was childless, making the Duke of Guise the heir apparent when France lost the Great European War, was shaken by the Syndicalist Revolution and his exiled government in Algiers was overthrown by a military coup in 1924.

    Even if the military junta chaired by Marshal Foch wasn’t composed at all of die-hard monarchists, the French exiled community and army in Algiers certainly were, as the Republic had been discredited and that the Algiers government needed a figure to rally under, as a modern age Joan of Arc ; as Foch, Lyautey, Franchet d’Espèrey and other military leaders were rather old, reliving the old days of the monarchy seemed like a great idea. The Spanish government-in-exile forbid the French junta to get in touch with Legitimist and Carlist claimant Jacques de Bourbon, and the Duke of Orléans Philippe knew that he could childless, was too happy with his life as an explorer and felt undermined as a rallying figure due to his estranged wife, Maria Dorothea of Austria, having sided with the Danubian Federation during the conflict. So he left his cousin, the Duke of Guise, accept the proposal of Marshal Foch to leave Morocco for Algiers and be proclaimed King of the French on 16 October 1925, bringing on the Third Restoration and taking the regnal name of “Jean III”. He would become head of the House of Orléans a year later with the passing of Philippe.

    Already aged 51 and unprepared to official functions, the Duke of Guise threw all his energy towards the education of his son, the Dauphin Henri, and assumed his role as a constitutional monarch for an exiled government, representing France abroad (even if he was seen as a puppet monarch worldwide) and letting politics first to the military and after their successful election in 1930, to the Action Française’s Integralist program, even if he had an unsteady relation with his President of Council, Charles Maurras, due to his unorthodox views on Catholicism. As a constitutional monarch, he refused to throw his support behind Eugène Deloncle’s Pyrist coup attempt in 1937, and later the Regency that was formed in his name in Dakar.

    The outbreak of the French Exile War, the First Algerian Uprising and the Tuareg Uprising threw the exiled Kingdom in disarray ; Jean left more and more of his official duties to his son and he died on 25 August 1940 in Algiers’ Summer Palace, broken and believing that the monarchy would never return to the homeland. He was proven wrong by the World War, and Jean’s coffin would be reinterred in a lavish ceremony in Saint-Denis Basilica, along with his royal predecessors, in 1950, after the Liberation of France.
     
    Henri VI
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    Henri VI (Nouvion-en-Thiérarche, Aisne, 5 July 1908 - Luxemburg, 19 June 1999) was King of the French from 25 August 1940 to 29 May 1968, succeeding his father Jean III of the House of Orléans and until he abandoned his throne during the Situationist Revolution.

    Henri, from his birth until the Third Restoration in 1925, went from fourth-in-line for the Orléanist claim to Dauphin of France, just aged 17. Even as he spent the Great European War and the Syndicalist War in his family’s compound in Morocco, Henri became convinced that the divine right of kings was made for him, as events had conspired to make France a kingdom again and for the House of Orléans to represent the hope of a humiliated nation against the Syndicalist Ogre. The Dauphin became very invested in politics, throwing his support behind Maurras’ Action Française, even if he finally decided against joining Deloncle’s Pyrist movement, knowing that he would only further distabilize the kingdom. The Dauphin also took notice of the disdain other nations showed to the French-government-in-exile : as his sister managed to marry the King of Montenegro, he himself had no suitable bride behind other European nations, having to marry his cousin Isabelle d’Orléans-Bragance, hailing from the deposed Brazilian Imperial House ; this marriage proved fruitful, as 11 children were born of the union.

    When Henri succeeded his father on 25 August 1940, mainland France was under the oppressive yoke of Syndicalist dictator Jacques Doriot ; the French government-in-exile in Algiers had no true army, was torn apart by a far-right uprising in Dakar, claiming to be the Regency for the Kingdom ; Tuaregs, Eburnians and soon the Muslim Brotherhood in Algeria were in open revolt towards the settlers. The situation looked dire, but Henri saw it as a heavenly call for greatness, to cement his role for restablishing the Kingdom of Saint Louis ; he took the regnal name of Henri VI, even as no King had never reigned over France as Henri V, as the number was claimed by the Count of Chambord, the Legitimist grandson of Charles X who refused to return to his throne, wishing for the white flag to fly over France. In placing itself in the continuity of this intransigeant claimant, the new King of the French proclaimed his resolve for his birthright.

    The discovery of oil in Sahara turned French treasury for the better and in giving the Presidency of Council to the military in 1942, Henri VI pushed towards a steady repression of independentist movements in exiled France : Algerians were crushed in 1944, Tuaregs in 1943. The outbreak of the World War also helped considerably, as the Algeirs government welcomed the retreating German armies in Africa, allowing for a greater foreign recognition. Under the patronage of the King, the Funchal Agreements in 1946 allowed to reconciliation between the Action Française and the Regency, under the one goal of reconquest of mainland France. The Battle of Morocco, the Allied landings in Andalucia and Pas-de-Calais turned the tables during the World War and on 11 September 1948, a military-civilian committee led by Edmond Michelet formally proclaimed the restablishment of the Kingdom of France in Compiègne, in Mainland France. On 19 September 1949, the Confederation of Workers’ Republic capitulated and self-dissolved ; the following day, as all Allied countries were celebrating Victory Day, King Henri VI landed in Marseille, and would enter Paris as the rightful monarch two days later.

    France was exhausted by two great wars, a decade of Doriotism, his population decimated by the concentrated fire of the entire world, the country being partially occupied by the Allies ; the restablishment of a monarchy, far entrenched in Integralism and coming from the other side of the Mediterrean, looked like an anachronism, a century after the fall of Louis-Philippe and after 80 years of republicanism, including 30 of Syndicalism. Nevertheless, under Edmond Michelet’s Restauration Nationale (stemming from the old Action Française and Deloncle’s Francistes), the White Terror made the monarchy stand in the French’s mind.

    Henri VI, now seating in the Elysée Palace in Paris, was not that happy. The 1950 Constitution defined his role as a constitutional monarch, even if he retained a right to veto and the power to dissolve both Houses of Parliament ; France was still deprived of Alsace and Lorraine, while the British annexed the Channel Islands and occupied Normandy, Flanders and Wallonia annexed parts of northern France, Italy annexed Corsica and Savoy, Catalonia annexed Roussillon, the Basque Country became independent, Germany occupied Burgundy, Britanny soon became independent in 1955 (even if Occitania and Normandy voted otherwise) and Paris was completely destroyed by the World War and being rebuilt according to Le Corbusier’s modernist plans.

    Henri VI was officially deprived of powers, but the King made very clear that he threw his supporter behind Restauration Nationale and even privately funded royalist paramilitary groups during the 1950s, in order to track down Syndicalist insurgents. He repeatedly threw his support behind military coups that reacted to leftist victories in elections, such as Philippe de Hautecloque’s (1955) and Honoré d’Estienne d’Orves’ (1958), the latter of which he particulary approved of, throwing his support behind the Moral Order policies, and threw his support behind the military during the Second Algerian Uprising (even as his second son, Prince François, died in Kabylia in 1960). The soft power of the King was also seen in finding royal matches for his offspring : his son the Dauphin would marry into the Royal House of Württemberg, while his daughters married the heirs of England, Bulgaria, Finland and even the German Kronprinz. Henri VI also encouraged French participation to the European Community and the Reichspakt ; the King was popular abroad, but he was not much seen during the 1954 and 1956 hungers and during the massive race riots against Algerian immigrants in France. As President of Council François Miterrand, who ruled from 1963 to 1968 as a member of the Restauration Nationale, summarized it: “We used to say in France that you don’t need to be more royalist than the King ; with Henri, it has become logically impossible”. On 7 May 1964, evidences of tax evasion by the King were published by L’Express magazine, further breaking the image of Henri VI, who was seen as a distant despot ; the rift was furthered when in response to a general strike in March 1966, the King personally asked the German government to reinforce its military presence in Burgundy.

    Henri VI saw the 1968 legislative elections as a mere formality : the war had been won since almost twenty years, Mitterrand had had managed to rule a stable right-wing government for five consecutive years, the regime was blessed by the victory in Algeria, he had established himself as a true leader of the new Europe… The future looked bright. He was blind to the fact that the French Left had managed to find rebuild itself under Marseille’s deputy Gaston Defferre, who had managed to keep in check the most radical elements. The Réconciliation Socialiste Party won the 1968 elections in a landslide on March 12 and according to the Constitution, Henri VI had to form a government under Defferre. On April 27, the King violated the Constitution by dismissing Defferre and appointing Mitterrand in his stead, ordering the military to block all access to the Chamber of Deputies. All political parties condemned the King’s actions and demonstrations were soon taken over by Situationists and Neo-Syndicalist, resulting in massive urban riots and a full-scale civil war.

    On the night of 28 to 29 May 1968, King Henri VI and the Royal Family fled incognito to Württemberg, fearing for their lives, without giving notice to the Mitterrand government. What was called the “Second Flight of Varennes” was seen as King Henri VI as a diplomatic voyage, in order to secure German support if the civil conflict escalated, thinking that his absence would convince the political class to call for his return. The King was always blind : the Germans had their own issues to deal with, and the absence of the King was seen as an abdication, resulting in a power vaccum that convinced Christian-Democrat President of the Senate Antoine Pinay to proclaim a Republic on 12 June.

    After the French Civil War was over and the Fifth Republic became official, King Henri VI was in Stuttgart, expecting to return and wanted by no one.

    The former King, who first tried to no avail to form his own government-in-exile, like in the days in Algiers, was soon given a small palace in Luxemburg, as the government of Württemberg wanted to spend no money for an exiled monarch, despised by all. Henri was extremely wealthy but he dilapitated his fortune in lavish banquets for his few supporters and in funding the Fidélité Royale party, formed to reunite monarchists during the French Fifth Republic. Separating from his wife in 1976, the former King also enacted terrible control over his family, disowning his sons Michel and Thibaut, the former for his poor marriage and the latter for his support for Neo-Syndicalist causes and his association with the Milieu ; he also impeded his heir, the Dauphin Henri, from trying to restore the monarchy as a political candidate, forbidding him to run in a Republic that had overthrown him.

    Henri VI was persuaded that he was the providential man for France, that he would one day return from his exile to return her once more to grandeur ; he died after 31 years of exile, his wealth gone, forgotten by all, the day of the wedding of his grandson Eudes, on 19 June 1999, in a German Grand-Duchy. As a courtesy to the former Kings of France, Flanders authorized the burial of the King in Rijsel, the former French city of Lille, so that the former King would close to his homeland.
     
    Dauphin Henri (Henri VII)
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    Henri d’Orléans (Algiers, 14 June 1933-Stuttgart, 21 January 2019) was the Dauphin of France from 25 August 1940 to 19 June 1999, being expected to succeed his father Henri VI as King of the French until the end of the monarchy on 12 June 1968. He was then the Orléanist claimant to the French throne until his death, claiming the regnal name of “Henri VII”.

    If his father had been convinced that it was a heavenly design that he had become King of the French, his son the Dauphin was educated in this idea ; his birth, under the reign of King Jean III, in Algiers, giving a heir to the newly restored Kingdom of France, was seen as an evidence of God’s Blessing. Henri VI had become Dauphin at 17 ; the future Henri VII was 16 when the homeland was liberated from the Syndicalist yoke.
    Serving in the French Army and seeing combat during the Second Algerian Uprising, the Dauphin was educated in the same belief of divine birthright than his father, even he proved more pragmatic and democratically inclined than the ruling King, who wanted to build his heir in the same mold as him. As such, the Dauphin took place in the “diplomacy by marriage” plan fostered by his father ; he married Marie Thereze, daughter of King Albrecht II of Württemberg, in 1957, the same day than his sister Claude married German Kronprinz Friedrich Wilhelm. The marriage proved very unhappy, and even if he produced five children, two of them, including the future “Dauphin” François, his eldest son, were terribly disabled by toxoplasmosis. Henri VI resented his son for “this undignified offspring”, as he put it in public. This threw the Dauphin further under the influence of his father, and he followed him in his absurd journey to Germany in May 1968, that precipated the end of the monarchy.

    Residing in Stuttgart, in the court of his father-in-law Albrecht II, and later of his brother-in-law Albrecht III, the Dauphin proved to be a more sympathetic face than the former King, being seen as more articulate than his intransigeant father, and also devoid of all his poor misgivings. His presence in the French political debate was much more quiet than his father’s, as he issued from Württemberg a monthly bulletin commenting French actuality, letting the leaders of the Fidélité Royale party working in the homeland, as the whole former French Royal Family were forbidden by law to cross the border.

    In the French presidential election of 1992, the victory of Fidélité Royale’s candidate, Vendée’s Philippe de Villiers, was seen as a divine surprise for the Orléans ; after the failure of the Rocard and Séguin presidencies, along with the riots that marred the Bicentenary of the French Revolution, the French people looked like they were ready to return to the better days of the monarchy. Villiers reined in a Moral Order policy and took the road to negotiation with Algerian insurgents ; on 3 February 1993, the Dauphin Henri was authorized to return to French soil, taking residence in Paris, as the Law of Exile had been recalled. A referendum on monarchy was announced by President de Villiers on his New Year’s Eve Speech for 1994 : it seemed that Henri VII would maybe rule after all.

    Nevertheless, even it seemed that France had been ready, the announcement of the referendum created large urban riots throughout the country, with even Republican forces within the Army threatening the government with a coup ; the Dauphin was himself victim of an assassination attempt on 25 February, and the idea of a referendum was soon forgotten, as the political debate was soon overtaken by the issues in Algeria. In spite of this setback, Villiers, the Dauphin and like-minded political leaders looked forward to the presidential election scheduled for 1997 ; the Dauphin would be inaugurated as a presidential candidate and assured to restore monarchy thanks to the ballots. The Dauphin fostered his image in France, supporting the policies of the Villiers presidency ; he even proposed to negotiate during the Notre-Dame hostage crisis, and his speech after its terrible conclusion was applauded worldwide.

    Came 1997, Villiers announced that he would not run for re-election, and the Dauphin prepared to be designated as presidential candidate by the Fidélité Royale party. Nevertheless, on 21 April, the former King Henri VI unexpectedly issued a formal declaration that forbid his son to run as a political candidate, claiming that doing so would contribute to acknowledge the institutions of the Republic, and forfeit all his rights to the Orléanist succession along to his father’s fortune. Even so close to power, the Dauphin was still in his father’s control, and he formally announced on 25 May that he would not run, throwing down all monarchist hopes. Bernard Tapie’s Liberals won the election ; after the death of his father in 1999, being forbidden to remain on French soil as the official claimant, the Dauphin returned to his exile in Württemberg.

    Even as the official pretender, “Henri VII” kept his distance with French politics, knowing that his hour had passed and that he couldn’t endeavour in a political career at 66. As the House of Orléans had lost his wealth, he fostered further trouble inside the monarchists by restablishing his disabled son François as Dauphin, in spite of his unfitness to rule. The early death of François on 1 January 2017 would put an end to the quarrel and “Henri VII” himself died on 21 January 2019 ; in an irony of history, he died on the anniversary of the beheading of Louis XVI. Buried in Rysel alongside his father, he couldn’t know that events would turn in favor of his heir Jean less than a year later...
     
    Jean IV
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    Jean IV (born in Paris, 19 May 1965) is the reigning King of the French, after an official proclaimation by the National Assembly on 21 January 2022; he had been the Orléanist claimant since 21 January 2019. He had previously served, from 16 May 2021 to 21 January 2022, President of the French Republic under his civilian name of Jean d'Orléans, having succeeded Hervé Mariton on 16 May 2021 after being elected as the candidate of the ruling Régénération (Regeneration) Party

    Born under the rule of his grandfather Henri VI, Jean d’Orléans was only 3 when the throne was lost ; serving in the Württemberg military, pursuing a career in banking, he followed closely his father’s endeavours during the Villiers presidency, when the chance of a monarchic restoration was at sight. After his father became claimant, he was relegated, as Duke of Vendôme, to be regent to his disabled older brother François, before becoming Dauphin himself in 2017, and then Head of the House of Orléans in 2019. Marrying a lesser member of the House of Oldenbourg, Tatjana, Jean never expected to be King, understanding that the fortune had passed over his family.

    It could have been, without Pierre de Villiers’ military coup in 2018. Brother to the former President, a devout monarchist himself, the General wished to foster a Fourth Restoration as his predecessor, Marshal Ferdinand Foch, had did in Algiers in 1925. After the Prime Minister had reinforced his power through repression and taken contact with the Duke of Vendôme, he invited the claimant to return to France, after the rump Parliament controlled by the military had voted the definitive repeal of the Law of Exile. Returning to a homeland he had not seen in 23 years, not having to deal with an intransigeant Henri VI like his father had, Jean was able to run for Deputy of the National Assembly for Dreux in the 2020 legislative elections, a seat that had been left by incumbent Gérard Hamel. Elected with 82 %, “Jean IV” became a Deputy of the French Sixth Republic, a very special one, who was acclaimed by his fellow assemblymen when he entered the Palais Bourbon, taking the steps of his ancestor Philippe Egalité who had seated there during the French Revolution.

    The record for Deputy Jean d’Orléans was not at all impressive, but the royal deputy was acclaimed as the candidate of Régénération, the conservative big-tent party founded to serve the interests of De Villiers, during the Reims Congress on 22 February 2021 ; the same city where the Kings of France had been crowned. A largely ceremonial role, the French president is, since 2003, elected by the Parliament, which is filled with monarchist deputies since the 2020 elections. As a foregone conclusion, Jean d’Orléans was elected President on the first round on 1 May 2021, with a resounding 84,89 %, having been faced by token opposition and some abstentions. The Royal President, who achieved what his father had dreamed of, took his functions at the Presidential Palace (former Ecole Militaire) in Paris.

    Having an Orléans as head of state was the first step towards an eventual restoration as intended by Prime Minister Pierre de Villiers : the President of the Republic was formally acclaimed as monarch in front of the National Assembly on 21 January 2022, 229 years after the beheading of Louis XVI and three years after the passing of the Dauphin Henri.
     
    Pierre de Villiers
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    Pierre Le Jolis de Villiers de Saintignon (born in Boulogne, France on 26 July 1956) is a French general officer and politician, having served as Prime Minister of France since 23 March 2018, for the Kingdom of France since 21 January 2022, having overthrown his predecessor François Ruffin in a military coup. Since 2020, he is registered as a member of the conservative party Regeneration, of which he is a founder.

    Hailing from the House Le Jolis de Villiers, ennobled in 1595 in Normandy, Pierre de Villiers in the second son of industrialist and mayor of Boulogne (Vendée) Jacques de Villiers (1913-2000) ; his older brother, Philippe, served as President of the French Republic from 1992 to 1997, as member of the monarchist Royal Fidelity, and has remained active in politics to this day. Like his brother Bertrand, Pierre chose to serve his country not in politics but in the military.
    Graduating from the Ecole militaire interarmes of Cherchell (Algeria), De Villiers joined the Armoured Cavalry Arm of the Self-Defense Forces in 1975, serving with distinction throughout the country, seeing combat in the Sands War against Morocco, in the 1980s Kabylian Insurgency and in the Reichspakt-sponsored peacekeeping forces of the First Belgium War. Serving in the General Staff following France’s withdrawal from the Reichspakt and the European Community after the Vesoul Incident, Pierre de Villiers had a prestigious military career with his skill in management and logistics saluted, independently from his brother’s political influence, becoming Chief of Staff in 2014 as a five-star general.

    A conservative and a monarchist at heart, De Villiers refused to dabble in politics, owing to the non-ingerency policy of the Self-Defense Forces since the Civil War. He would nevertheless be drawn to it on 6 August 2002, accepting the orders from Chief of Staff, General Jean-Louis Georgelin, to secure with his landships the vicinity of the Presidential Palace while Georgelin was out to deliver his ultimatum to the increasingly dictatorial and unstable pyrist President Jean-Pierre Stirbois, a move that would end in the President’s suicide. For De Villiers, the feat of arms was the evidence that, however diminished, the French Army was still able to be the last resort for the Nation.

    While serving as Chief of Staff, Pierre de Villiers was in the front seat to witness the increasingly erratic and unpopular policies of the Delapierre, Autain and Ruffin administrations ; for the General himself, the People Arise Parliament was a return to the days of Syndicalism and Doriot. Due to his connexion to the 2002 military ultimatum, his family connections and his status as Chief of Staff, De Villiers was quickly drawn into the conservative camarilla that had already tried a military coup in 2015 under General Christian Piquemal, as the increasing violence between far left and far right militias, along with islamic terrorism in Algeria, were threatening to spiral out of control ; they hoped that De Villiers’s charisma and renown would give absolute legitimacy to the coup. De Villiers reluctantly accepted, under the conditions that he would be given free reins as Prime Minister, recall the House of Orléans from exile and have the approbation from President Hervé Mariton. As the latter gave his assent, General Pierre de Villiers ordered full mobilization of the military garrisons surrounding Paris and imposed a military curfew on 23 March 2018. At 21:00 the same day, as Paris was under control, he personally entered the Hôtel de Marigny and ordered the arrest of Prime Minister François Ruffin under grounds of high treason and sedition ; he was appointed Prime Minister one hour later by the President.


    Putting in place a mixed conservative-integralist-military reduced government, Pierre de Villiers presided on a Moral Order government in the mold of Edmond Michelet after the World War, withdrawing all reforms enacted since 2013 and presided over a massive wave of arrests over the French left and far left, pushing many into exile. Quickly acknowledged by foreign governments, even if he made no such decision to rejoin the European Community or the Reichspakt, supported by far right militias, he had to deal with a renewal of leftist activity, culminating with massive and deadly riots over the Champs-Elysées in November 2018, increased far left terrorist activity during Winter 2019, a general strike thoroughly repressed in mid-April 2019, along with Islamist activities in Algeria, culminating in a series of car bomb attacks in Algiers on 3 October 2019 and increased military concentration on the other side of the Mediterrenean. Even if the massive repression caused Germany to mobilize his forces in Alsace-Lorraine, de Villiers ended 2019 with a total control over France.
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    In 2020, founding the party Régénération, a big-tent reuniting monarchists, conservatives, anti-Syndicalists, reactionaries and integralists who supported his rule, General de Villiers was able to concentrate his rule ; as the National Assembly had been dissolved since 2018, a new Parliament was elected in May 2020, giving the newly founded party an almost complete majority, with only a figurative opposition, as most members of the left and far left had been dissuaded from running, forced into exile or into detention. 2020 also saw the questionable management of the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic, with the General along with his minister of Health Laurent Alexandre publicly questioning the very existence of the coronavirus, refusing to put in place any restriction or even vaccination, allowing the coronavirus to flow into France and to create a much more contagious and deadly “French variant”. Now legitimate, Pierre de Villiers then allowed his tantamount goal to come into fruition : persuading the Orléanist claimant, Jean d’Orléans, to run for Deputy and for President in the largely ceremonial 2021 presidential election. The General, who now controls France, has had his Minister of Justice, Jean Castex, draft the future Constitution of the restored Kingdom of France and had President Jean d'Orléans proclaimed King of the French in a ceremony in the National Assembly on 21 January 2022, fixing the wrongs of 1968.

    Victim of an assassination attempt on 8 June 2021, that saw Jérôme Rodrigues try to shoot at him before being taken down by security, General Pierre de Villiers is confident for the future. He has put an end to the Neo-Syndicalist rabble that had taken France down the drain, he is the saviour of the House of Orléans, he went further than his brother in restoring France to his grandeur. He is only 65. Why shouldn’t stay in place for 20 more years ?
     
    French presidential election, 2021
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    The 2021 French presidential election was held on 1 May 2021 to elect the 25th President of France, its fourth under the Constitution of the Sixth French Republic, adopted on 2003. Incumbent President Hervé Mariton was un-eligible to run for a second six-year term. The President is elected by the 500 deputies of the French Parliament : Jean d’Orléans, Deputy for Dreux and Orléanist claimant to the throne of France, standing as the candidate of the ruling Régénération Party (Conservative-Integralist) was elected on the first ballot and took office on 16 May 2021.

    As the Fifth French Republic had been criticized for the concentration of executive powers in the Presidency, the Sixth Republic had opted for a parliamentary republic, with the Prime Minister holding executive power and the President having only a ceremonial role, like in the Third Republic ; as previously and to stress the importance of the Parliament, the President of the Republic is now elected by the National Assembly, the unicameral chamber that forms the French Parliament. The election in 2015 of Conservative candidate Hervé Mariton had already been seen in the leftist Sixth Republic as a first alarm, the 2018 military coup ended all expectations. After two years without a parliament, the Prime Minister closely monitored the 2020 parliamentary elections, winning in a landslide with the Conservative-Integralist Regeneration Party, leaving only a few seats for a token opposition President Mariton had been compliant with the military takeover and a monarchic restoration was the final goal for Pierre de Villiers, determined in becoming the new French-style General Monk.

    Jean d’Orléans, the claimant to the Orléanist throne and grandson to the last King, Henri VI, was nominated as Regeneration’s presidential candidate; his election by a fully-controlled Parliament and his eventual accession as King made the election look like a mere formality. The presidential office in France was totally devoid of power and all opposition figures were either detained or in exile ; as a token candidate for the left, former Education Minister Vincent Peillon, an uncharismatic career politician, was chosen by a destroyed French Social Movement ; Deputy Jean Lassalle from Béarn, an independent and regionalist deputy, much more known for his eccentricities than for his values, was also allowed to run for President.

    On the first ballot, Jean d’Orléans obtained more than an absolute majority, obtaining 84,89 % of all votes, with Peillon only winning 8,56 % and Jean Lassalle 1,51 % ; with a 420 seats-majority in the National Assembly, Regeneration was certain that its candidate would be elected, even if having other candidates running prevented De Villiers from being considered a dictator. More noticeable was the importance of abstention, with more than 120 deputies choosing not to vote ; if some belonged to the so-called opposition and didn’t recognize themselves in either candidates, others expected the election to be already decided and didn’t bother to vote. But some observers thought that some members of Regeneration decided to mark their opposition to a phony election, that should be the very last presidential election ever held in France…
     
    Wilhelm V
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    Wilhelm V (Friedrich Wilhelm Ferdinand, born in Potsdam, Prussia, Germany, 14 May 1995) is the reigning German Kaiser and King of Prussia, hailing from the House of Hohenzollern, having succeeded his grandfather Friedrich Wilhelm V on 29 September 2015.

    Born to Kronprinz Friedrich and Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna, Wilhelm was born too late to meet his great-grandfather, Kaiser Louis Ferdinand, but late enough to be born into a Germany that had successfully evolved from the legacy of its colonial empire and the World War, ready to enter the third millenium as one of the greatest nations in the world ; along with the popularity of his father, his birth ensured the future of the Hohenzollerns and he would become, one day, a Prussian monarch of a new era. Nevertheless, tragedy struck when he was only one-year-old, when his father was killed in a car accident in Rome, making a toddler the next in line for the thrones of Germany and Prussia.

    Raised in Potsdam by her grieving mother, along with his sister and younger brother, Wilhelm kept his distances from his unpopular grandfather, taking the duties of a Prussian prince and being prepared to the duties of a future emperor and king, but also cultivating his Russian side from his mother, who has seen her father and brother killed in the Vladivostok tragedy, knowing that royals had to adapt to their times and being doomed to the dustbin of history. Graduating from a private high school (a first for a German heir), Wilhelm was a cadet at the Prussian War College when Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm V died and the young man became Kaiser and King Wilhelm V, one of the most powerful and prestigious monarchs of Europe.

    Having a 20-years-old monarch wasn’t an oddity in Europe, as it had already been the case in Bulgaria, Russia, Greece, Hungary, Scotland and Spain ; nevertheless, journalists throughout the world were in awe of “the Millenial Kaiser”, proving a fresh change after the bumbling years of reign of Friedrich Wilhelm V and shaking the idea of conservatism and traditionalism of the German Empire. Remaining very secretive on his private life, the new Kaiser would be Germany’s main ambassador throughout the world, having successful state visits in Russia, China or the United States ; having to deal with an integralist Chancellor with Markus Söder, Wilhelm V would some time come out of his imperial reserve to dissent with his head of government, like throwing a plentiful banquet in honor of US President Russ Feingold during his visit of Germany, when the day before he had been booed as a Jewish stooge by DVP deputies, encourage the dissolution of paramilitary militias in 2017 or throwing his support with the Chinese German community after race riots during the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic. The Kaiser would be present on the site of the numerous terrorist attacks endured by Germany in recent years, visit troops during the Second Belgium War, interventions in Kamerun, Mozambique, Kalahari, Kasai and Madagascar, and campaign for Comoros staying in the German Empire during the 2018 referendum. The Kaiser, during the Wuchang Pneumonia pandemic, would give huge donations on his personal fortune to German retirement homes.

    Kaiser Wilhelm V married Archduchess Eleonore von Habsburg, daughter of Grand Archduke Karl II, on 20 July 2020 in a ceremony that Chancellor Söder wanted to have expansive and lavish but that the Kaiser insisted on keeping private and small in respect of the victims of the pandemic. The Kaiser is also said to have good relations to Söder’s new successor, Reichskanzlerin Manuel Schwesig, hailing from the SPD...
     
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