Sea Express Lane Policy: A Story of LKY's Change to Society
Effectively after the inauguration, LKY pushed for his preferable government campaign, ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika'. This campaign was throughout famous all across Indonesia and was received well in affected areas. He planned on busting the old system that corrupts the previous presidency. Javacentrism and Javanization of Outer-Java places were denied for existence. Nevertheless, Nasution's crucial error already caused an inevitable disintegration in some parts. So, LKY decided to do something about it.
Price-inequality was a huge problem for Indonesia at that time. Scarce logistics route towards any other places than Java, Malaya and Sumatra produced a massive gap in society. Papua can have plentiful money can gain from mines and boomtowns, but food prices and personal care soared quite high. The more serious case can be found in Madagascar, that even everything was costly. A gallon of milk in the island was five times a gallon of milk in Malaya. It was exceedingly crazy. LKY thankfully resolved this problem with quite a simple solution: An Expressway on the Sea.
Jalan Tol Laut, by Pelni Logistics (2004)
In Indonesia, the term
Jalan Tol Laut was more common. It was a program to boost national logistics all across Indonesia to decrease price-disparity between islands. It was done with funding extra money to designate ports that would be involved as part of
Jalan Tol Laut. He proposed main lanes as follows.
- Banda Aceh-Belawan-Dumai-Sungsang-Jakarta-Surabaya-Lombok-Kupang-Merauke-Port Moresby as the Southern Inner Route
- Penang-Malacca-Pontianak-Banjarmasin-Makassar-Ambon-Biak-Jayapura-Honiara as the Northern Inner Route
- Pahang-Kuching-Brunei-Manado-Ternate-Ambon as the Northern Alternative
- Padang-Bengkulu-Lampung-Pelabuhan Ratu-Cilacap-Bali as the Southern Alternative
- Andevoranto-Jakarta as a direct route for Madagascar
Other bustling ports, like Singapore and Merak, would be used as international transit ports in those strategic straits. Foreign vessels would be majorly directed towards a single or some ports, therefore reduce the tangled mess of foreign and domestic cargos. These ports would be prioritized for domestic shipment, and dissuade foreign entrance.
Jalan Tol Laut’s Plan was simple. The domestic shipping company, and later official government ones, would be reinforced in having a shipping line in those routes. Those enterprises, already realized how profitable it would be, just immediately clustered and compete in those routes to transport goods, effectively reducing the price gap.
These were a nation-changer for Indonesia as not only the plan was successful, the effects were extensive. Price in underdeveloped regions plummeted into the original value, and there was little to none price difference nearly in every place of Indonesia. Moreover, Nasution's Infrastructure Program in Papua also caused a wonderful effect, giving Papua the first-ever uncrowded region outside of Indonesia's popularize centres that have an amazing development. Madagascar, the runner-up, would be underway until 1982.
Yet, as all things had consequences, the program may provoke old wounds.
Jalan Tol Laut, once again, indirectly promote Transmigration, because the system had done it so. Instead of relying on native receivers in ports to distribute, most organizations would just send a delegate from Java to live there. One went there, then came the another. In the end, those cities were occupied by temporary Javanese settlements, mostly worked as regional distributors. Despite the issue it could muster, most locals didn't bat an eye and embrace this new order. Well, except for two regions.
The first serious engagement between bellicose tribes was Aceh. Almost been subdues by the Nasution government for decades, Aceh was noted by the government as a highly potential secessionist. As former military, any separatism movements were treated with an iron fist and gave absolutely no political rights for them. Furthermore, Acehnese people still dwelled on lose territories, which was gained by Batak State. Regencies, like Aceh Singkil, was transferred now as Bataknese sovereignty.
As the Indonesian president was Bataknese, Batak people during Nasution’s era was highly superior and conceited. Especially with Aceh as their neighbour, they would treat them as inferior beings. Meanwhile, Aceh would not want any trouble with Batak because of Nasution as president, even though how humiliating one’s insult may seem. In addition to it, several Bataknese sailors felt antipathetic towards shipping towards Aceh, which was part of the
Jalan Tol Laut policy. As a result, many destined Aceh goods were stopped at Medan, and that caused more Acehnese to swarm at the city for taking the goods by trucks, or even bikes. As Subandrio rose, this trend stayed while Acehnese started to fight back. In no time, the discrimination grew into an open riot.
On 13 May 1979, few Bataknese burnt Acehnese house in Singkil. Nearly 52 houses were burnt, while 21 injured. The background for this is that a few days ago, 5 Acehnese were alleged or arson on the streets of Medan. Acehnese, completely bewildered by this, retaliate by mobbing towards Medan, and started burning places. Three days later, this so-called Singkil Massacre has become a Medan Riot. The Riot opened almost as a state of regional-warfare, as Aceh State was willing to battle with Batak State. The federal government immediately intervened with calling both governors into Jakarta. Both of them initially rejected backing down in this clash, claiming each other as the culprit. For 12 days, LKY could not make two states come to an understanding. With the crisis kept growing, LKY finally inflamed with fury.
1st of June was the final ultimatum for LKY given to the two states. He declared that both civilians must come to terms before the 4th, or the federal government will establish a military occupation on both states. Additionally, LKY fired the governors, as for now they were still appointed by the central government. The Air General Marah Halim Harahap was appointed as the new Batak governor while Abdul Madjid Ibrahim as Aceh’s. LKY forced reconciliation with both parties with police enforcement and civilian oversight in those regions.
Outside of the island, a new but same crisis was brewing, this time between Batak and Banjar.
Jalan Tol Laut policy was a welcoming opportunity for each state to improve its income from a backwater society. While in Java the policy could become peripheral, other regions considered this as gold. Dayak and Banjar State was one of them. Their feud from Sultan Abdul Hamid II’s plea for Sultanate of Pontianak had ingrained in the conflicting tribes, and that climax on 21 January 1982.
Just a few months before 21st of January, Sultan Yusuf I, the son of Sultan Hamid II, petitioned the government once again for an individual Sultanate of Pontianak to be administered as a new state outside of Dayak State’s Jurisdiction. Dayak State was commanded by ardent republicans, therefore rejecting any Sultan’s plea for making Dayak a part-monarchy, part-republic state. Subandrio and LKY, also declined because they were not proposing for more monarchial control. So, they rejected the offer politely. Dayak’s responded with grunted expressions, feeling unnerving and discourage. They later determined to not vote for PPP in the upcoming election, but all their opposition stayed on the reasonable side.
With dissatisfied Monarchial-Dayak supporters, they became more irritated when there was upsetting news from their Eastern neighbour. Banjar requested the government that if Dayak had become too nagging, the government should just use Belitung Island as the Northern Inner Route replacing Pontianak. Although it was a proposal, Dayak assessed this as blatant provocation from their rival neighbour. Dayak’s republicans also convey grave anger towards Banjars.
Deserted Pontianak Streets, with Police Reinforcements (1982)
In 21st January, a small Banjar neighbourhood in Pontianak was threatened with Mandau, a traditional Dayak sword. The Banjar there retaliate with fierce resistance, only fruiting with 30 men killed and 78 other fled towards Banjar State. As counter-action, Banjar did the same thing to Dayak neighbourhood in Palangkaraya, terrorize with Parang Nabau, a traditional sword from Banjar.
The second time happening, LKY just immediately instructed a police force to settle the region. Those two governors were also ordered for quelling their people, although on this occasion those governors agree on a compromise.
Naturally, LKY tried to sidestep these clashes with police reinforcement, as involving the military would significantly boost their power. The military must be weakened so PNI-R’s Pro-Suharto wing would not rise. Consequently, it would increase police’s power in the PNI, therefore rising Police General Hoegeng into power in PNI. LKY prefer Hoegeng’s clan rather than Suharto’s because Hoegeng was famous for anti-corruption, merit-idealism and trustworthy politician. Those traits were amazing, and maybe LKY would ally with Hoegeng someday.
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OTL,
Jalan Tol Laut only emerges since Jokowi's administration when the government
finally notices the price-gap outside of Java. ITTL, this realization happened far, far sooner.
I am considering going back to Europe for the next post. However, I really want to ask you all about how will the conditions in Latin America be. Seeing the circumstances that:
- America is doing two-faced diplomacy (pro-democracy while still supporting a number of juntas in America)
- Carter's foreign policy (not weak like OTL, but actually they also were part-jingoism, meaning they still stationed troops and intervened for American allies)
- Death of Cuba's Socialism (pro-Soviet); and
- Rise of Nicaragua's Socialism (pro-France)