Facing 1983: The Left Situation
Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, or PPP, was the ruling party which advocated the perks of democratic socialism, along with other left-wing rhetoric. Although currently owning the largest share of the Parliament, it’s leaders came from mostly two regions, Malaya and Madagascar. After the rise of LKY and the stagnating influence of Subandrio, the PPP was turning the party into more Malacca-ism than it used to be. Here’s how.
For most of the populous in Java, nationalism spirit from both 45 and 65 were extremely high. Therefore, the populous remained loyal to PNI-R for those who do. In some parts of Java, mostly metropolis areas, where the people were diverse, PPP owns them because of their pro-diversity and pro-social welfare status, which was ultimately million times better than what PNI-R offers. Still, in just tens of miles beyond the city limits, Indonesians there were outright PNI-R voters. The 1978 election was an exception because, in some parts of Java, the PPP campaign was extensively programmed to influence the people. With also LKY charisma, most targeted campaigns, like the kingdoms of Jogjakarta and Surakarta, along with metropolia like Semarang, Surabaya and Jakarta, were all PPP-dominated regions. Moreover, PKI’s influence in Central Java was still extremely high, therefore marginalizing Java’s voters away from PNI-R. In the upcoming 1983, since the party became more fractured than ever, Subandrio had no doubts about winning the second term. The problem was not the old rivalry, but the new contender from their coalition.
After the split of PKI between following the changes of the People’s Republic of China or retaining their Third Way policy. PRD,
Partai Rakyat Demokratik, was the one successor of PKI which still coalesce with the ruling PPP Coalition. Despite a young party’s hope, nearly everyone knew that if Untung decided to retire, then the party would cease its meaning of existing. Budi Harjono was his apparent successor, becoming the Vice Chairman of the Party since 1982, despite his young age. Still, Untung manages to grasp a portion of Communist supporters from Semarang City and its surroundings. Yet, one that PPP feared the most was the rise of
Partai Pekerja Indonesia or PPI.
Isnaeni became the ruling power of PPI and immediately noticed PPI’s lack of powerful leadership. When PPP has LKY, PRD has Untung, Isnaeni was neither of those great leaders. He instead tried to resurge the Sukarno’s dynasty back to PKI. after Sukarno’s resignation, most members of the family left for their accords, leaving the party void for any presence of the
proclamator. In December 1981, he invited Guntur Soekarnoputra, who was Sukarno’s first child, into the party. Guntur initially declined because of his fond of American music and pro-Western attitudes. But, in Isnaeni second attempt, Guntur seemed very intrigued and decided to immediately be the fore-runner of the party.
Guntur was not alone in entering the party, all children of Sukarno which gained interests in politics, such as Megawati, Sukmawati and even Guruh, all joined in the party. The party’s aim was on workers individually, not on unions or communities. That purpose made the PPI became a more successful party in campaigning, because while the leader’s urge the members to vote PRD. PPI already convinced the proletariat to vote otherwise. In the campaign, this was not noticed by the opposing party of PPI but became a bomb for the PRD.
On 13 September 1982, Guntur decided that he would become the candidate of the PPI. Although alone in government and politics, Guntur’s weapon was inherited – his father oratory skills. His bloodline with the first president also alleviates him into not such minor foe for the others. He, however, lacked strength in anti-American policies, which he intended to side as long as he could, and instead promote more pro-worker laws and regulations.
In the giant PPP, this minor party was not detected because of PPP’s factionalism from the current leadership. Subandrio was still holding the chair, but LKY was the
de facto leader. Because of that, the Malacca Faction dominated PPP’s agenda. Hatta’s Faction, currently led by Adam Malik, suffered a political reduction in left-politics. Involved in international relations for nearly ten years, Adam Malik completely unaware of the political drama when he returned to PPP. His idea was about becoming the neutral nation against the three superpowers, with his speech called ‘
Mendayung diantara 3 Karang’, which gained poorly with the already pro-American Indonesians.
Because of that, most PPP voters aligned with the Malaccan Faction. However, LKY is fighting his former ally Musa Hitam, which in 1982 contested him on ruling the Malaccan Faction. Musa Hitam was a Johor citizen. After LKY’s success and Musa Hitam’s negligence from the Singaporean, Musa Hitam intended to grow big, this time without LKY. He would fight against LKY for Malaccan leadership.
In 1981, Musa Hitam unilaterally declared that he would contest LKY in leading the Malaccan Faction. Being a Malayan ethnicity and held Islamic faith, his status alleviates him far better than LKY did before. His Johor citizenship also gained more attention towards royal families. He adopted pro-monarchist policies, involving more autonomy towards unique regional governments and issuing a monarchial symbol for Indonesia. It was initially planned for improving relations with Middle East nations, which was predominantly monarchist. Then it is redefined to improve relations with Japan and the emerging monarchist bloc in Europe. He gained more voters from formerly British Malaya, which royal influence is high, also with Javanese sultanates like Jogjakarta and Surakarta.
The rise of Musa Hitam is predicted by everyone except LKY, who still trusted him as his ally in Malaya. Despite this sudden manoeuvre, LKY grows no more ambition in ruling the Malaccan faction, and instead focus on the more important task; ruling the nation as Premier of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. He allowed Musa Hitam’s candidacy and even his ascension as the leader of Malaccan Faction from 4th September 1982. His problem was not from inside the party, but from outside, precisely on PPP’s arch party, PNI-R.
For some time, the leader of the Purple Faction, Suryadino, with chairman Habibie, negotiated with Subandrio for a potential PNI-R and PPP Coalition once again. PNI-R returned as companions of the government would also mean that LKY’s ministerial position would be endangered, so do several key positions in the minister. Currently, LKY’s control within the PPP also helped him organizing various domestic issues. With added new parties involved, LKY must not only deal with the PRD alone, which caused problems already but also the large nationalist PNI-R.
Without Subandrio’s consent, LKY conversed with Trihandoko about this matter. Trihandoko also agreed on not sharing the cabinet with PNI-R politicians. The current system allows both people to manage the government with fast-paced movements. In general progress, Madagascar had become countless times better than it used to be. It has become New Papua in terms of development in the area. As for Papua, the perpetual influx of foreign and national immigrants boosted the development there, also profiting more from the island’s national resources.
PPP met with the party’s greatest troubles when January of 1983 arrived, just months before the election happens. Madagascar locals fought with Islamic Sundanese, with the latter exclaiming that the people living there were animist believers, ‘satanic’ for Abrahamic religions. Christians and Catholics also agreed, therefore bringing the entire island of Madagascar to the Supreme Court in Jakarta.
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Nothing lasts perfectly, not even Subandrio's presidency and LKY's premiership. Entering the second term, we would see some neglected policies which start to backfire to LKY and Subandrio. Also, fate has stated otherwise for Indonesia, and fate should give Indonesia rough times to survive. What do you think would happen? (Hint:
Uncle Sam went blue)