Theodore Roosevelt, 28th and 30th President of the United States - Source: Wiki Commons
Part 7: Come Rally
Chapter XXIII: Strengthened Resolve: C'mon Johnny Get Your Gun, the War Has Only Just Begun
President Theodore Roosevelt's November triumph categorically ended any leftover rumination on the subject of the United States' role in the war. American intervention was now a static fixture of the national consciousness, at least under its present governance. Roosevelt's vision for America's foreign policy, one centered on the protection of commerce, the freedom of the seas, and an active presence on the world stage, was fully legitimized as the law of the land. Once the president met and exceeded the vote threshold required for re-election, all mainstream publications ceased speculation of alternate military tactics and furthermore forbade the printing of war-skeptic editorials. These papers flatly deemed it inappropriate to comment negatively on the president's plan of attack with the election ended, thenceforth leaving Socialist newsletters like Appeal to Reason and American Socialist as the only nationally circulated publications wholly opposed to the global conflict.
The Democratic Party and former President Bryan admitted immense sorrow at the election results. Bryan typed up a short concession which briefly relayed his domestic concerns. Aside from a generic prayer for U.S. soldiers at the front, the Nebraskan keenly submitted no mention of foreign policy. Party leaders presumed that 1916 would turn on the page on a nearly two-decade march to empire and promptly usher in a new period of American politics, but alas that had not come to pass. Unlike in the aftermath of the 1900 presidential race, Democratic officeholders did not blame Bryan for the loss, frankly recognizing the fruitlessness of asserting any other candidate could have outperformed their nominee. There was no major conservative overreaction to Bryan's defeat and no signature move to reevaluate national marketing and outreach tactics. Even Southern Democrats who voraciously opposed the Great Commoner's nomination commended their colleague for a well-run campaign, offering commiserations for the loss whilst highlighting the success of Senate Democrats in regaining control of the legislature. That sentiment notwithstanding, the Democratic National Committee was now forced to reckon with a continuation of the Roosevelt presidency. Committee members quietly contemplated their next steps and, noting how Bryan represented the purest of the Old Guard, started searching out new blood to inject some adrenaline into the party.
Below the obvious "Roosevelt Re-Elected" headlines, dozens of newsprints remarked on the curious nature of the ascent of Socialist Party politicians. Polls predicted as much, but observing the vote play out was another experience entirely. Emil Seidel overtaking John Weeks in the Popular Vote was not thought as a reasonable outcome some months beforehand, yet with every vote counted that indeed turned out to be the case. Seidel's exceptional nationwide performance juxtaposed with down-ballot Socialist gains obligated impartial journalists to ponder the effectiveness of left-wing policy proposals and coordination with the IWW in driving voters to the polls. The SP, after all, owed tremendous thanks to the assistance offered by the radical labor union. Some articles also thoughtfully mentioned the historical nature of Socialist Representatives-elect Rose Schneiderman and Pauline Newman in becoming the first women to hold federal office in the United States and state office in New York, respectively. Both were active feminists, union organizers, surrogates for the Seidel Campaign, and well-known faces in their respective communities. Newman won a seat in the New York State Assembly and Schneiderman was elected to Congress from the Empire State's 14th District.
Just South of Newman's Manhattan-based district, an incumbent Progressive state senator succeeded in overtaking a Socialist challenger to assume his third term. That officeholder was none other than 34 year-old Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Not entirely dissimilar to his distant relative in the White House, the younger Roosevelt believed wholeheartedly in progressive politics. He thoroughly championed the ABCs of Progressivism during his service in the New York State Senate, including instituting an active government that fought on behalf of the public and sought to serve working people above corporate interests. The state senator was strongly influenced by his political cousin, so much so that he rejected a recruitment opportunity by the New York Democratic Party in favor of remaining in the same lineage as his respected hero. That decision initially placed Franklin Roosevelt in a minority faction of the state government, but following the statewide Progressive upsurge in 1912, the Columbians nabbed a slim majority. President Roosevelt, in a show of appreciation for his cousin's promising career, made it a point to invite him to the official inaugural in March. The two Roosevelts appeared together at that event on March 5th, 1917.
The Inaugural itself was less of a spectacle than either of the president's first two wins. Theodore Roosevelt himself was indeed personally less animated by the festivities and opted to restrain the more flamboyant aspects of the commencement ceremony, thus reserving time and money better spent on the war. He celebrated with the crowd, nonetheless, yet mostly wished for the pomp and circumstance to be over and done with to proceed with governing. Looking a tad grayer and walking a bit slower than four years prior, Roosevelt took the Oath of Office and delivered to the crowd a characteristically forceful address.
An intense Americanism is the prerequisite to good citizenship in this country; and when I speak of the work of citizenship, I mean not only doing one's political and public duty, but also every form of activity which is predominately for the public good, from writing a book or painting a picture to building a railway station or founding a museum. The only way to be a really useful citizen of the world is first to be a good citizen of your own country. I care not a rap where a man was born or where his parents were born so long as he is a good American; but if he tries to be half American and half something else, he isn't an American at all. At this moment, the great majority of the Americans of Saxon stock offer the finest example of straightout Americanism whereas the citizens of this country who have been the most insidious foes of true Americanism and the most efficient allies of Great Britain are the men who have followed or have worked with and under such native Americans as Hearst or expunge citizenship altogether as is with Debs.
We are at war with the greatest militaristic and capitalistic nations on the earth. Over a year has passed since we were brought into the war and, thanks to our program of Preparedness, we were equipped with the trained soldiers and artillery and other instruments of war necessary in order to face any hostile army. Thanks to the efficiency of Preparedness, the production of these instruments are months ahead of schedule. Yet we owe our safely to the American soldier, the American sailor, and the American pilot. These men understand Americanism, and they know that if we don't insist upon thoroughgoing Americanism we won't be a nation. The next stage of Preparedness must proceed, based on universal obligatory military training, else we won't remain a nation. If we are not utterly blinded by folly the events of the last two and half years must teach us that the professional pacifists and all who follow them and pander to them are mischievous foes not only of this nation but of all liberty loving mankind. Above all they are the foes of every well-behaved nation and the allies and tools of every brutal and remorseless big colonial despotism.
Foolish or disloyal creatures tell us not to agitate at this time the question of permanent preparedness, because even the sane pacifists are now backing the war, we ought to think of nothing but winning it. I not merely agree but insist, and have always insisted, that our first object should be at all costs to win the war and that it would be infamous to accept any peace except the peace of overwhelming victory. But to introduce universal military training for our young men under twenty-one and service for all men above eighteen now and will be a most efficient step for winning the war; and if we wait until peace comes all the professional pacifists, being gentry of inconceivably short memories, will at once raise their old-time shrill clamor against Preparedness. In the end pacifists generally fight, but as they never begin to prepare until the end has come, they never fight effectively. Pacifists don't avert war. They merely avert preparedness for war - or rather preparedness against war, for while Preparedness does not make peace certain it is the one method of making it probable.
Woe to those who invite a sterile death; a death not for them only, but for the race; the death which is ensured by a life of sterile selfishness. But honor, highest honor, to those who fearlessly face death for a good cause; no life is so honorable or so fruitful as such a death. Unless men are willing to fight and die for great ideals, including love of country, ideals will vanish, and the world will become one huge sty of materialism. In America to-day all our people are summoned to service and sacrifice. Pride is the portion only of those who know bitter sorrow or the foreboding of bitter sorrow. But all of us who give service, and stand ready for sacrifice, are the torchbearers. We run with the torches until we fall, content if we can then pass them to the hands of other runners. The torches whose flame is brightest are borne by the gallant men at the front, and by the gallant women whose husbands and lovers, whose sons and brothers, are at the front. These are the torchbearers; these are they who have dared the Great Adventure.
Theodore Roosevelt, Inaugural Address Excerpt, March 5th, 1917