Part 4: Chapter XII - Page 78 - 1906 Election Results
1906 Congressional Elections
Senate
Republican: 43 (-4)
Democratic: 40 (-2)
Progressive: 7 (+6)
House
Democratic: 165 (+13)
Republican: 153 (-29)
Progressive: 70 (+21)
Socialist: 2 (+1)
Independent: 1 (+1)
House of Representatives Leadership
Speaker Thomas S. Butler (R-PA)
Minority Leader Champ Clark (D-MO)
Minority Leader Wesley L. Jones (P-CA)
Minority Leader John C. Chase (S-NY)
Senate
Republican: 43 (-4)
Democratic: 40 (-2)
Progressive: 7 (+6)
House
Democratic: 165 (+13)
Republican: 153 (-29)
Progressive: 70 (+21)
Socialist: 2 (+1)
Independent: 1 (+1)
House of Representatives Leadership
Speaker Thomas S. Butler (R-PA)
Minority Leader Champ Clark (D-MO)
Minority Leader Wesley L. Jones (P-CA)
Minority Leader John C. Chase (S-NY)
Leading into the congressional elections for the 60th Congress, President Roosevelt actively campaigned for those politicians he found most likely to support his agenda for the remainder of his presidential term. The Progressive Party's notoriety was indeed substantially bolstered from the presidential election, but its role in defenestrating Joseph Cannon from the speakership demonstrated the seriousness to which the new party planned to meet the public's demand. To those incumbent congressmen who disliked the prospect of switching parties mid-session, the legislative elections in 1906 granted them their first opportunity to voluntarily affiliate with and win re-election as a Columbian representative. The bulk of Democratic officeholders, predominantly from the South, preferred to retain their traditional banners, but for those Republicans who otherwise would face arduous re-election challenges, switching over seemed a more favorable option.
Others in the GOP, mainly conservatives and strict party loyalists, allowed fate to take the wheel. Two years prior, 219 Republicans were elected to the 59th House of Representatives. In 1906, only 153 Republicans won on that label. Democrats raked in on Republican losses in most districts, increasing their House delegation to 165. Progressives fared marvelously, compiling onto their existing 49 seats with an additional 21; chiefly in Wisconsin, Illinois, and along the West Coast. The Socialist Party also won their second federal representative in California's 8th district, when a contentious four-way race concluded with labor activist Noble A. Richardson (S-CA) defeating his nearest opponent by about 102 votes. No one party possessed a 196-seat majority in the 60th Congress, yet enough Progressives cast their vote for Butler that he remained Speaker of the House.
Unlike their counterparts in the House, Senate Republicans overall proved far less willing to abandon ship. Only Senator Robert M. La Follette officially brandished the Progressive mantle over the course of the expired Congress. As Roosevelt's closest senatorial ally and an organizer within the party itself, La Follette reasoned that he could better assist the administration and entice more to their side by tossing away GOP affiliation. In a Milwaukee speech, the senator declared, "Our government was designed to be representative of the will of the people. Have we such a government today? Or is this country fast coming to be dominated by forces that threaten the true principle of representative government? The infectious and nefarious force of corporate consolidation has hollowed out the Party of Lincoln and sentenced its politicians to plutocratic servitude. The restoration of representative government, once given to this people by the God of Nations, cannot occur unless guided by a political faction untainted by outside influence. It is for that reason I call upon my fellow Americans dedicate yourselves to winning back the independence of this country, to emancipate this generation and throwing off from the neck of the freemen of America, the yoke of the political machine."
Republicans, especially as compared with the prior elections, significantly underperformed. The GOP Old Guard anticipated a move against them as a rippling effect of alleged Treason, but reactions differed immensely, senator to senator. Some failed to recognize the scope of the extraordinarily disadvantageous wave and suffered as a result, while others bailed out to avoid tarnishing their political reputations. Aside from Senator Shelby Cullom (R-IL), who outwardly expressed an alliance with the Progressives at the onset of his re-election bid, all other incumbent Republicans who managed to hang on in 1906 did so with less than a majority vote. The retirements of Senators Russell Alger (R-MI), George Wetmore (R-RI), Henry Burnham (R-NH), and John F. Dryden (R-NJ) served to fuel the fire as Democratic and Progressive challengers sensed blood in the water.
Senator Henry A. du Pont (R-DE), a typified pro-business and anti-Rooseveltian Republican, would have likely remained untouched in any other congressional year. He won over 60% of the electorate in the 1902 special election for that seat, exemplifying Delawarean support for the prominent public official. Few reasonably expected a genuine contest, and fewer still envisioned the senator's downfall. The Middletown DE Transcript even went as far as to exclaim, "For Senator Du Pont, it is clear that his tenure shall only end when he wills it." Reality, however, was not so rosy for the wealthy incumbent. Former Governor Ebe W. Tunnell (D-DE), who bombarded Du Pont with a steady stream of effective campaign assaults, was victorious in that Senate election. Tunnell captured 46% of the vote, compared with Du Pont's 30% and lesser-known Progressive John M. Mendinhall's 21%.
A three-way senatorial race in Idaho also ended rather fascinatingly. Incumbent Senator Fred Dubois (D-ID), a former Silver Republican and moderate Bryan Democrat, ran once more for re-election in 1906. He had been in office for sixteen years at that point, and was eyed curiously by the electorate due to his ever-shifting policy views. Dubois was extensively criticized for backing the Olney Campaign in 1904 instead of supporting Roosevelt, and for that he failed to garner support by the Progressives moving forward. The Republicans nominated Philippine-American War veteran Thomas Ray Hamer (R-ID), a member of the Idaho House of Representatives, to challenge Dubois for the seat. Hamer, in the end, was unable to sufficiently establish himself as an agreeable alternative to the incumbent, allowing for the ascension of attorney William E. Borah (P-ID). Endorsed and financially boosted by the Progressive committee, Borah characterized himself as the only reliable Roosevelt ally in the running, and, primarily for this, won that election.
In New Jersey, the nominee of the Republican Party for Senate, Representative Henry C. Loudenslager (R-NJ), was (like Du Pont) initially thought to easily exceed 60% of the vote and come out victorious. The chief opposition compromised of Democratic real estate businessman James Edgar Martine (D-NJ), who bankrolled his own campaign yet found difficulty culminating a sufficient base of support. About one month prior to the election, former Governor Franklin Murphy, a reform-minded Republican, decided to make a last-minute announcement at a small venue in Trenton. He announced his own candidacy as an independent Progressive for the Senate race, claiming that neither Standpatter Republican Loudenslager nor wealthy businessman Martine adequately represented the people of New Jersey. He promptly received an avid endorsement from President Roosevelt, and went on to win that race by a slim margin over Loudenslager.
In the Gilded Age period, the state of Maine was perhaps the most ardently Republican state. Both of its senators were members the Republican Party, and all four of its House representatives were as well. William Pierce Frye (R-ME) was the incumbent Pine Tree State Class 2 senator since 1881, when James G. Blaine vacated that seat to serve as President's Garfield's Secretary of state. Exceptionally conservative, expansionist, and a proponent of protectionism, Frye had been the epitome of a late-19th century Old Guard Republican. Unfortunately for this legacy, Frye was ruthlessly depicted as a shipping industry stooge in a Phillips article, and for that lost a great deal of public adoration. Disregarding the potential of a serious Democratic challenger, the incumbent refused to actively campaign. Maine State Senator Oakley C. Curtis (P-ME) and law official William Pennell (D-ME) put up a tough contest, but Frye narrowly escaped a humiliating loss. With a mere 44% of the vote, Frye was re-elected. Although Frye was never toppled, the closeness of this race demonstrated how precarious a position the Old Guard was in.
Taking place alongside the congressional races, New York State residents voted for their preferred candidate for the governorship. Incumbent Governor Frank W. Higgins opted against running for re-election due to an escalating illness. Not wishing to provoke a Progressive insurgency in the Empire State, Governor Higgins eventually convinced GOP Boss and former Governor Benjamin Odell (R-NY) to allow President Roosevelt an opportunity to select a fusion candidate. Roosevelt selected public utility investigator and Cornell Law School professor Charles Evans Hughes (R-NY). A picturesque critic of corporate corruption, Hughes was described by the president as, "a sane and sincere reformer, who [...] is free from any taint of demagogy." Progressives united around him, as did the Republicans, and Hughes became an early frontrunner in the gubernatorial election that year.
Defeating fellow contenders John Alden Dix (D-NY) and Representative William Sulzer, notorious agitator and celebrated yellow journalist William R. Hearst won the Democratic nomination for governor in 1906. Hearst, having served as a congressman from New York since 1902, constantly and viciously objected to conservative governing at the federal level. He most recently had led a short-lived filibuster against a House version of the American Safeguards repeal bill (which was rescinded in March of 1905) and helped to engineer the anti-Cannon Revolt in Congress. Now, as a gubernatorial candidate, Hearst pledged to institute a state-wide 8-hour working day, recognize and arbitrate with labor unions, and abolish child labor in totality. He worked to display himself as a "bonafide progressive" challenging the "machinist" Republican establishment which stood against regulation of the financial sector. Hughes, who was a rather poor public speaker, had trouble articulating a rebuttal to Hearst's charges.
The race shifted in late-October when, in the aftermath of the bankruptcy crisis, Hughes was discovered to have accepted a hefty campaign donation from banker James Stillman. Democrats seized on the news, reciting the slogan "Hughes is for Wall Street, Hearst is for Main Street". Hearst professionally sensationalized the controversy by his own framing in the New York Journal, popularizing the transaction enough to garner the attention of Former President Bryan. The Nebraskan formally endorsed Hearst for Governor on October 30th, stressing the rare opportunity for New Yorkers to be represented by an individual who "knew all the names, and all the faces, of all the men who wronged working people in New York." Pundits forecasted a close race, and neither side took a moment to subside activity until the last minutes of the campaign. Hughes benefited enormously from Roosevelt's backing, but it seemed the Wall Street and GOP support harmed the candidate more than it assisted him. Boosted by depressed Progressive turnout and an energized contingent of New York City Democrats, William Randolph Hearst defeated Charles Evans Hughes: 737,046 votes (or 49.7%) to 724,812 (48.9%). A new era was dawning for the Northern Democratic Party, and Hearst's victory proved the first true defeat for Roosevelt since 1900.
Senators Elected in 1906 (Class 2)
John Tyler Morgan (D-AL): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Jeff Davis (D-AK): Democratic Hold, 80%
John F. Shafroth (D-CO): Democratic Hold, 48%
Ebe W. Tunnell (D-DE): Democratic Gain, 46%
Augustus Bacon (D-GA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
William E. Borah (P-ID): Progressive Gain, 43%
Shelby M. Cullom (R-IL): Republican Hold, 51%
William P. Hepburn (P-IA): Progressive Gain, 49%
Charles Curtis (P-KS): Progressive Gain, 46%
Thomas H. Paynter (D-KY): Democratic Hold, 66%
Murphy J. Foster (D-LA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
William P. Frye (R-ME): Republican Hold, 44%
*Charles J. Bonaparte (P-MD): Progressive Gain, 37%
Winthrop M. Crane (R-MA): Republican Gain, 47%
William A. Smith (R-MI): Republican Hold, 45%
Knute Nelson (R-MN): Republican Hold, 44%
Anselm J. McLaurin (D-MS): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Joseph K. Toole (D-MT): Democratic Hold, 48%
William A. Poynter (D-NE): Democratic Hold, 51%
Cyrus A. Sulloway (R-NH): Republican Hold, 46%
Franklin Murphy (P-NJ): Progressive Gain, 40%
Furnifold Simmons (D-NC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Jonathan Bourne Jr. (P-OR): Progressive Gain, 40%
Samuel P. Colt (R-RI): Republican Hold, 45%
Benjamin Tillman (D-SC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Andrew E. Lee (D-SD): Democratic Gain, 44%
Robert L. Taylor (D-TN): Democratic Hold, 64%
Joseph W. Bailey (D-TX): Democratic Hold, 70%
Thomas S. Martin (D-VA): Democratic Hold, 68%
Stephen B. Elkins (R-WV): Republican Hold, 41%
C.H. Parmelee (D-WY): Democratic Hold, 45%
*Special Election
John Tyler Morgan (D-AL): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Jeff Davis (D-AK): Democratic Hold, 80%
John F. Shafroth (D-CO): Democratic Hold, 48%
Ebe W. Tunnell (D-DE): Democratic Gain, 46%
Augustus Bacon (D-GA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
William E. Borah (P-ID): Progressive Gain, 43%
Shelby M. Cullom (R-IL): Republican Hold, 51%
William P. Hepburn (P-IA): Progressive Gain, 49%
Charles Curtis (P-KS): Progressive Gain, 46%
Thomas H. Paynter (D-KY): Democratic Hold, 66%
Murphy J. Foster (D-LA): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
William P. Frye (R-ME): Republican Hold, 44%
*Charles J. Bonaparte (P-MD): Progressive Gain, 37%
Winthrop M. Crane (R-MA): Republican Gain, 47%
William A. Smith (R-MI): Republican Hold, 45%
Knute Nelson (R-MN): Republican Hold, 44%
Anselm J. McLaurin (D-MS): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Joseph K. Toole (D-MT): Democratic Hold, 48%
William A. Poynter (D-NE): Democratic Hold, 51%
Cyrus A. Sulloway (R-NH): Republican Hold, 46%
Franklin Murphy (P-NJ): Progressive Gain, 40%
Furnifold Simmons (D-NC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Jonathan Bourne Jr. (P-OR): Progressive Gain, 40%
Samuel P. Colt (R-RI): Republican Hold, 45%
Benjamin Tillman (D-SC): Democratic Hold, Unopposed
Andrew E. Lee (D-SD): Democratic Gain, 44%
Robert L. Taylor (D-TN): Democratic Hold, 64%
Joseph W. Bailey (D-TX): Democratic Hold, 70%
Thomas S. Martin (D-VA): Democratic Hold, 68%
Stephen B. Elkins (R-WV): Republican Hold, 41%
C.H. Parmelee (D-WY): Democratic Hold, 45%
*Special Election
Last edited: