Part 3: Chapter X - Page 64
(Left to Right) Richard Olney, Chauncey Depew, and Theodore Roosevelt - Sources: (1)(2)(3) Wiki Commons and LoC
At long last, Election Day arrived and it was time to test Isaac Funk's theory. Judging by the similar conclusions reached by The Literary Digest and The New York Tribune, this election would prove to be one unlike any other in American history. Not since James B. Weaver's candidacy in 1892 had a prominent third party bid so overshadowed the two-party duopoly in the United States. Former Secretary Theodore Roosevelt ably organized campaign events across the nation, delivering hundreds upon hundreds of speeches in a relatively short span. In terms of mileage, he surpassed his previous record during the 1900 campaign, and easily eclipsed Bryan's 1896 figures. With Senator Richard Olney and President Chauncey Depew both running sedentary, front-porch campaigns, this electoral venture looked to conclusively address the hypothesis regarding the acute effectiveness of whistle-stop campaigning. Was 1896 sincerely a fluke as suspected by some party officials, or did Bryan pioneer the future of modern campaigning?
Knowing the embedded drawbacks of a third party bid for office, Roosevelt allies in two crucial states tweaked voting mechanisms to better suit their favored candidate (certainly risking their reputations in the process). Governor Richard Yates (R-IL), a reformer not seeking re-election, backed Roosevelt and ensured he would have a distinct advantage in the Prairie State. With enough arm twisting in the state GOP, Yates managed to modify the state-wide ballot to place Roosevelt's name on the Republican line. Likewise, California Governor George Pardee (R-CA), an opponent of consolidation and a staunch ally of Roosevelt, placed the Progressive nominee on the state ballot as "Republican-Progressive." "Roosevelt ought to be the incumbent," Lieutenant Governor Alden Anderson (R-CA) reportedly claimed, "Beveridge chose him, not the Eastern Establishment. Depew [was given] the vice presidency to satisfy Platt." In both of these states, as well as in Wisconsin where La Follette aggressively championed the Progressive nominee, an increasingly inflamed RNC vehemently encouraged Republicans to vote Depew whether or not his name appeared on the ballot.
Although he did not go as far as to resort to ballot tinkering, Governor Samuel Pennypacker (R-PA) enthusiastically endorsed President Depew at a notable public event, calling upon "all patriotic Americans, from sea to shining sea, cast your ballot in favor of a full dinner pail and continuing prosperity." In some ways, considering Pennypacker's role in terminating the Anthracite Strike by preserving Governor Stone's order to station the National Guard and private police forces at the coal mines, this pushed Republican-affiliated miners further away from supporting the president. Reliving Depew's noncompliance to engage in arbitration, coal mine workers were the least likely demographic to support Depew's re-election despite pleas from their elected officials to do so.
Once all ballots were cast and the counting commenced, state-appointed tellers immediately identified the validity of Funk's discovery. Roosevelt and Olney, as far as the Popular Vote was concerned, were neck-and-neck, while President Depew often sank to a distant third. The only exceptions to this rule were in select states in New England (namely: New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut) and Utah. Depew held his own in the Beehive State, where an alliance forged with local boss Senator Reed Smoot (R-UT) produced an extreme advantage for the incumbent president. Combined with an affinity for high tariffs, the people of Utah narrowly voted their preference for Depew above the other contenders, thereby awarding him their three Electoral Votes. These five states, and their 22 total Electoral Votes, would be all that Depew would win in his re-election campaign. Constant mud-slinging from the Democrats, the Roosevelt-ists, the Socialists, the union organizers, and the anti-corruption advocates were insurmountable. Depew's performance would go down as the worst in history for an incumbent president seeking re-election.
Where Depew suffered, Olney and Roosevelt thrived. A coalition of Bryan Democrats and progressive Republicans fueled the former New York governor's rocket to the top, providing the Progressive nominee a sufficient base to combat the strength of his opponents. Olney, on the other hand, mostly retained the allegiance of solidly Democratic voters whilst benefiting extensively from a split Republican electorate. The latter phenomenon led to Olney nearly succeeding in taking New England for himself, contesting in a region typically locked-out for Democratic candidates. He managed a strong second place finish in Massachusetts, defeating the Republican presidential candidate for the first time in history. Apparently due to a public refusal of Senator Lodge to declare himself for Depew (neither did he endorse Roosevelt, perhaps not wishing to break with the Republican Party), Roosevelt captured a commanding lead in Greater Boston which could not be stunted by rural conservatives in the western part of the state. With about 36% of the vote, Roosevelt narrowly won Olney's home state of Massachusetts.
Despite the perceived advantage of a split Republican vote, a considerable contingent of the Bryan Democrats split the Democratic vote by supporting Roosevelt. Therefore, the circumstances that had played out in Massachusetts were repeated in dozens of other states, including in New Jersey. Roosevelt shrunk Olney's expected lead in traditional Garden State Democratic strongholds like Jersey City while seizing expansive plurality wins in Essex and Ocean counties. The Progressive nominee defeated his Democratic contendor: 39% to 36%. Delaware and Maryland proved to have the opposite effect, however. An abundance of conservative voters in both parties, as well as an outnumbered ratio of Democrats to Republicans, pummeled Roosevelt down to a third place finish and conclusively granted Olney a relatively confident victory.
New York was a bit more complex. Considering Roosevelt and Depew each possessed strong ties to the state, New Yorkers could have advanced in any one direction. Traditionally, the Republican machine, headed by Senator Platt and former Governor Morton, dominated national and state elections in the Empire State. Platt personally supported Depew at the Republican Convention and incessantly spoke in favor of his re-election leading up to the opening of the polls. With voters divided between the two Republican candidates, Olney successfully captured a plurality vote despite being the only one of the three main contenders not a current or former representative of that state. A majority of counties sided with Depew, but Olney ended up on top with 39% of the vote.
Last edited: