Chapter 51-Wings Shielding the Light
-XLI-
"Wings Shielding the Light"


Katlamat, December 846 [1189]​

Peqw'ali's nerves pounded at the scene before him in the fragment smoke and haze of his palace. Four emissaries from Wayam ornamented in identical uniforms of thick grey robes ornamented with feathers and copper chains of office stood at the door of his audience hall. The once warm light of the whale oil lamps of his hall suddenly seemed pale, cold, and ominous. The burning sweetflag suddenly lost all its scents but triteness. Soon the most powerful man in the world would appear before him.

Is this what my grandfather Pelpelikwoli felt when that emissary Plaashyaka arrived here over forty years ago? The world changed so much since those times. Katlamat and those Kigwilatksh who followed her seemed much more powerful then when the Coastmen threatened annihilation yet her enemies grew stronger as well. The city grew larger every year and order felt strained. And that powerful city of Wayam grew more powerful than he thought possible and ruled distant lands he held only the faintest conception of. No, the Wayam of his day seemed ruled by humans. At that time they merely boasted to rule the four corners of the world and now they truly do rule this world.

He looked toward his bodyguard, a young noble named Quinemliqamu, tall, muscular, and as always on edge, holding a hand beneath his thick goat-and-dog wool cloak. He knew the man had a strong guardian spirit and made sure he found service here, and his instincts seemed sharp as always. He is a fitting man to inherit the name of Quinemliqamu, the man who saved the lives of both my father and myself.

Suddenly Quinemliqamu stepped forward and approached the four Wayamese emissaries.

"Do tell, which grand dignitary of Wayam might we receive the pleasure of meeting in our humble palace?" he spoke in the Imaru Trade Language. The four men stood silent and suddenly stepped aside.

A solitary, tall man in a cedar bark cloak stepped out from between them, wearing a modestly decorated conical hat as a lesser Aipakhpam noble typical wore. He appeared like a typical shaman or man seeking guardian spirit power yet Peqw'ali immediately sensed this was no ordinary man or shaman. Although wrinkles gripped his face and handsomely bronzed skin, his dark eyes and confident posture radiated an agelessness unlike any Peqw'ali had ever seen. The man peered at Peqw'ali, Quinemliqamu, and the other guards in the room, and one glance at his deep brown eyes sent shivers down Peqw'ali's spine. It is power as that from the Time of the Transformer. Why is such terrible power appearing in this era, let alone my palace?

A second man walked into the room, dressed far more lavishly in thick black woolen robes woven with gold and silver threads outlining both solar symbolism and crows. If the first man radiated terrifying energy, this man seemed more typical of a powerful leader, his gaze hungry for power and prestige and confident he would soon have it.

"I, the humble King of the West," the man greeted in accented Gitlawalamt Namal [1], "Introduce unto the son of the Prince of Katlamat our master the Pillar King of Wayam Tsanahuutimna, successor of Q'mitlwaakutl. This meeting will be of service to all of us." The men in the room looked at each other with awe and fear, knowing the most powerful man in the world stood before them. Even the West King alone, whom Peqw'ali recognised as the one they called Ahawaptas, would be terrifying to have personally visit him. Why are both of them here?

"It's a show of force," Quinemliqamu whispered. "They are so confident in their spiritual power they act not as mortals but as gods. They wish to intimidate you."

Peqw'ali's chancellor reciprocated the greeting toward both Tsanahuutimna and the West King, yet in that entire time Peqw'ali could do nothing but keep himself from showing too much fear and unease.

"I believe you are the regent here for your father in his illness," Tsanahuutimna spoke, his words an icy sweetness that pierced through even his heavy accent typical of the Gitlawalamt cities.

"H-how do you know this?" Peqw'ali stuttered. It wasn't common knowledge after all.

"Merchants speak amongst each other about many things," Tsanahuutimna replied. "Such a concern spreads quickly and it is only natural those as far as Wayam have heard about it." Peqw'ali grit his teeth. Were the merchants spies? Or did Tsanahuutimna's guardian spirit let him discern this knowledge somehow? Men with such guardian spirit power were unnatural, perhaps this Pillar King even struck his father with his illness.

And perhaps he might take Father's illness away if I submit, Peqw'ali thought. Certainly the Pillar King must be a powerful healer.

As the thoughts swirled in his head, he suddenly heard a rushing from the curtains behind him and turned his head rapidly. Four men dressed in white carried out his elderly father on a litter [2], the man barely moving from age and infirmity. Wrinkles covered his face and hands and his eyes were a milky white. This must have woken Father. Or perhaps this man woke Father's spirit.

"Son, tell this great man before us who I am," he wheezed. The four attendants carefully carried Qwalis over to the vacant cedar throne, placing him in the seat. His weakness caused him to slump over against a blanket and cushions, yet despite this frailness he seemed acutely aware to what was going on before him.

"Y--yes," Peqw'ali said, standing up. "Before me is seated the great Prince of Katlamat, my honoured father Qwalis son of Pelpelikwali. And standing before you is the great Pillar King of Wayam. May this meeting be of use to us all."

"Please bring these men tobacco for their pipes," Qwalis motioned to one of his attendants.

"I am honoured to be in your presence," Qwalis spoke. "And I apologise for the rudeness of my regent and his aides for not supplying you with what you need."

"There is no need for concern," Tsanahuutimna said. "None have the experience a lifetime brings a man. I do hope you understand why I am here."

"I regretfully do not. I am amazed to see Wayam send their ruler and his foremost general, the King of the West, to this humble palace. So many years ago your grandfather, blessed he was in life, sent only a mere diplomat, even if that mere diplomat later proved himself as a brilliant administrator and philosopher."

Tsanahuutimna grinned. "Ah, that great man, he of pure white claws and teeth [3]. It is the greatest shame he has passed into the sunset, down the great Imaru River and into eternity." He glanced at Ahawaptas, seemingly prompting him.

"We come here because we acknowledge the Prince of Katlamat as an old friend of Wayam," Ahawaptas said. "As the ruler of the most ancient city of Namals and master of the Imaru River, the Pillar King wishes to lavish upon you many gifts acknowledging your status and relation to him," he suddenly paused, perhaps realising how direct he sounded with his potlatch invitation, "should you accept his generous offer that is."

Peqw'ali's brow twitched, and he glared at his father, his eyes and facial expression clear in telling him to reject this demand for submission. Yet his father seemed intrigued and stared calmly at the two powerful men before them.

"Katlamat's prestige as the spiritual mouth of the Imaru River shall be enhanced and spread through the entire world," Tsanahuutimna said. "I will ensure the city is well-known at the source of the Imaru, so far away from here, and from that distant source I will bring back the treasures of their people to Katlamat. So important is your city that both myself and the King of the West wished to visit your city in person and speak to you." Peqw'ali found himself both impressed and almost terrified with the Pilar King's boldness. He must not fear assassins sent against himself or his allies because he is nigh-immortal.

That interested Peqw'ali. The source of the Imaru? It remained a place spoken of only in legend, yet some well-traveled men claimed to have visited it and all told similar stories. There they found a city called Kuhtsutsinahn that seemed to float on a lake in a great valley, and claimed that every morning the rulers of the city poured out the waters themselves using only the most pure water collected from the snows of holy sites on nearby peaks. The shrine there attracted pilgrims from all over, pilgrims belonging to the popular cult which venerated the Imaru River as a master of spirits. He wondered if those men spoke of Katlamat in the same way their city was spoken of here.

"And there is one other great gift you shall receive," Tsanahuutimna added. "You will have power, the power to protect your people from the ravages of barbarism. No longer will your people be tormented by the Hillmen and whatever evils the Hillmen cause you shall be avenged in full. The avarice of the Hillmen has damaged your city over the many centuries, yet it will cease should you accept my offer. What's more, the Coastmen of Tlat'sap shall be at your mercy and the mouth of the Imaru shall belong to your clan." He tempts me so, yet I must not give into this bribery.

"You fascinate me, Pillar King of Wayam," Qwalis murmured. "Our interests and Wayam's interests align." He looked toward his son. "Will you not support the Wayamese cause for me? They seem truly blessed and spiritually destined. All men here should support their cause." I have lost this argument. Peqw'ali grit his teeth at his father's decision.

"Father, are you sure we must do this now?" Peqw'ali asked. He knew he was outmanuevered by his father and the two Wayamese rulers before him and sought any way to press his case without offending his soon-to-be master.

"I will not live forever," Qwalis said. "And I want to see the mouth of the Imaru in this lifetime before my spirit leaves me. Oh Wayamese Pillar King, I accept your offer on the condition that you make it your priority to scourge the land of the Coastmen and give their property toward the people of Katlamat whom they stole it from many years prior."

"It will be done," Tsanahuutimna said with a smile. "I am glad you share my wish that the light and harmony of civilisation is brought to every corner of this earth and that the coasts of the great ocean are made safe from the Hillmen. We shall soon welcome you to our fold and together make each other stronger in wealth and spirit alike."

---
Near Tlat'sap, March 847 [1190]​

Tsanahuutimna's heart pounded, his breath fast. Few days had felt more exhausting than this one, proof he was no longer a young man who could throw himself into any battle. His bloodstained dagger-axe felt heavy in his hand, and the sun shining threw after the drizzle seemed to only make the sweat drip harder from his brow.

"Are you okay, my lord?" a page asked, his body and armour covered in mud.

"I merely need rest," Tsanahuutimna answered. "Find my shaman, have him bring me herbs for sleep." He continued walking, examining the mud covered battlefield where a barbarian village once stood on a hillside overlooking the vast mouth of the Imaru River. The killing and pillaging ended hours ago (although no doubt it would resume tomorrow with these bloodthirsty allies of his) and now the revelry began as his soldiers consumed their stolen alcohol and celebrated surviving another day. The enemy's soldiers lacked such luck, as the amount of mangled corpses strewn throughout the area clearly showed. Funerary shamans and captured enemy slaves were gradually working to remove them from the battlefield and purge their negative spiritual influences, yet worked seemed slow. Perhaps they are angry at me for starting yet another war.

Inside his tent, exhaustion gripped Tsanahuutimna quickly and he drifted off to sleep. When he awoke, he was standing on a mountain overlooking a narrow valley where a lake sat. Tall trees surrounded him and seemed to grow higher than the sky. The lake seemed familiar to him, a source of great spiritual power. Is this the source of the Imaru River?

As he wandered forward down the mountain to discover more, a bright sun shone through the trees and scorched him and burned up his lungs, his stomach, and all his insides yet he felt no heat on his skin. As the pain intensified, Tsanahuutimna closed his eyes and said a prayer that he might survive.

Suddenly a shadow fell across the sun and the pain instantly ceased. Tsanahuutimna tried to look up at this sudden savior yet his neck fell heavy and he could not lift it. Yet in his heart he knew exactly what it was. My guardian spirit power. It reminded him almost of his time as a boy spent meditating in the forest, running around and swimming by himself in the high mountains near Wayam where he knew he saw a vision of a great bird unlike any other he ever saw before or since carrying the heart of some animal in its talons. There the spirit bestowed upon him the name "Tsanahuutimna" and permitted him to use this spirit name in any context he pleased as long as he proved worthy of it [4].

Yet the shadow grew larger and soon Tsanahuutimna could barely see the lake before him. His skin felt an intense chill from the lack of the sun. Tsanahuutimna prayed to his guardian spirit that it might find balance and cease blocking the sun yet the cold only grew more intense. As he shivered, he heard a cackle that somehow chilled him even more, a cackle that sounded not quite animal but not quite human.

"You are cold, are you not?" A voice said. Coyote must be speaking to me, Tsanahuutimna thought. "Do you wish to be warm again?" Of course I do. Coyote cackled again and the light returned, albeit weaker than before, yet Tsanahuutimna suddenly felt extremely weary.

"What is the meaning of all this?" Tsanahuutimna asked.

"I am sure you know if you think clearly on it." Tsanahuutimna thought for a moment and the meaning flashed in his head. The condor blocking the sun must be his guardian spirit while the sun itself was civilisation. Was he blocking civilisation with his actions? The stress he felt on his body must be the stress of balancing all of this. Even if if he wanted the stress to end, only greater harm would come of it.

"Perhaps you are. I granted your grandfather the glory of Wayam and not the rule of the world. As your father told you, I permitted your clan the continued fulfillment of this promise." Tsanahuutimna suddenly remembered a few occasions where his father spoke religious matters to him and the importance of Coyote's prophecy. "He must also have told you the condition I placed on it."

"Endless strife," Tsanahuutimna muttered.

"You know much about endless strife I am sure," Coyote said.

"I suppose there is no other way around it," Tsanahuutimna said. "It must all be done for the sake of Wayam. Although I may suffer for it, I will ensure balance by glorifying Wayam and not eclipsing the light of civilisation itself."

"I hope you will," Coyote said. "And I hope all who come after you will as well." Coyote laughed. "As long as Wayam seeks glory, the fighting will never stop and the King Atop the Pillar will know no peace." His cackle echoed throughout the mountainside as darkness swallowed Tsanahuutimna's vision.

Tsanahuutimna jolted awake in a dark tent, the rain pouring down outside. The dream seemed so vivid in his head that it must have been a vision sent from Coyote. What did it all mean, he wondered to himself. That I eclipse the sun of civilisation? Perhaps he did, for so many men died in these wars it could not have been doing anything good. Yet it all felt necessary--should he not do this, someone else would. The sun of civilisation would burn up everything lest it be balanced by something shading it.

Or perhaps the sun represents my grandfather. Q'mitlwaakutl only gained power when he saw that vision of a great sun at the place later called Q'inutash nearly a century ago. Was he doing the same to his legacy? Tsanahuutimna worried about what Coyote meant by those who might come after him. A few sons of Witkw'aawi seemed promising, especially Aanwaakutl who led soldiers admirably and spoke with such a silver tongue. As the law held, one of these princes would succeed him. Yet who would succeed that prince? Too many of his own sons perished in battle or accidents and of those who survived and their own sons he could not decide. Perhaps one of the younger ones may yet develop themselves into a great leader.

It was all too much for Tsanahuutimna to take in. Resolving to speak to a shaman on the matter, he lay back down on his mat of reeds and decided to go back to sleep so he might be fully rested to prepare himself for these concerns.

---
Southern Irame Valley, 850 [1193]​

The screams still haunted Lelisho, the sounds of that doomed battle, the sounds of the people who relied on him for protection being seized and butchered like animals by the invaders. He felt the pain of that city he grew up in set ablaze by flames that reeked of evil. Yet even so Lelisho refused to give in, lest he dishonor their memory, and that party of Wayamese soldiers approaching would soon learn his vehemence. As those soldiers passed an old atudship [5] overgrown with oaks, Lelisho prepared yet another strike of his vegeance.

He signalled to the men around him to notch their arrows and raise their javelins, saying a silent prayer that he would not be misguided in attacking at this moment. Around twenty Wayamese soldiers, probably skirmishers or scouts judging by their lack of copper armour, wandered around searching for food, animals, or most likely additional plunder. These men burnt a nearby village a night before and no doubt wanted to find the survivors.

Lelisho sweeped his hand and dozens of arrows flew forth. The Wayamese soldiers shouted and attempted to take cover to little avail as Lelisho's skirmishers rushed forward and flung their javelins, felling even more or them. Lelisho then shouted a war cry and raised his dagger, walking behind the younger warriors rushing forth.

Not a single enemy escaped this ambush, and his superiority in numbers ensured no casualties to his own men besides a few scratches and bruises. A few men he kept in reserve walked forward to join with the rest, including a shaman who began to pray the ritual in purifying the area and disposing of the corpses. Lelisho's men searched the bodies of the dead, attempting to find stolen plunder, but it seemed these Wayamese were keeping it elsewhere.

A few Wayamese groaned in agony, pierced by poisoned arrows and spears, but Lelisho's men quickly put them out of their misery with quick thrusts of their spears. One man Lelisho noticed seemed more adorned, with copper bracelets and bright feathers on his fallen copper helm. He seemed alive, and Lelisho grabbed the man to interrogate him.

"How many more soldiers are there?" He growled. The man's eyes were wide with fear and shock and he babbled something meaningless, perhaps trying to speak in his own language. Yet he soon passed out, and Lelisho threw him to the ground.

"Do you think we'll have enough men to drive them out of the village?" a subordinate asked, and Lelisho shrugged.

"Possibly. The men of Wayam divide their men in a predictable fashion and twenty are now dead. There will not be more than eighty in that village. Unless they have a smart leader, they will send out another party tomorrow and meet the same fate."

Lelisho walked back into the grove, flanked by a few men and sat on an old log. A cool breeze through the trees chilled him and he noticed clouds covering the sky. Soon it would be autumn once more in the Irame Valley. Yet in his heart winter already arrived, the winter of his own life and the winter of the Irame Valley for the Wayamese destroyed everything he and his people knew.

Tell me, oh great father-in-law Imolakte, did I make the right choice? He looked at the sun, feeling the rays of the god Ayutlmeyi invigorating his own spirit. Perhaps he should've died at the palace in Chantatawa that night. The Wayamese killed and destroyed everything in that moment and leveled the entire town. He remembered a captured Wayamese boasting of the foul deeds he committed then and worst of all, the reason why they all died.

"I thank you so much, old man Lelisho," the man sneered in his memory, that wicked face engraved forever. "Since you did not submit to the Pillar King, the Pillar King needed to make an example of your city and your people, and thanks to that my clan shall be wealthy even if you kill me here!" The man laughed and laughed in frenzy until Lelisho slit his throat.

Lelisho killed that man over two years ago yet those moments remained so fresh in his memory. In those two years he fought and fought with his loyal warriors yet they dwindled away over time. Two or three fierce battles the previous year killed many of them and drove off the survivors. Had the Amim cities stayed loyal to him, perhaps he'd have more men yet Chifin and Tk'ubih, and other southerly cities defected toward the Wayamese while the Wayamese sacked and destroyed Milpu [6]. Traitors even opened the gates of Chateshtan to the Wayamese, and worse, a grandson of Imolakte now also collaborated with them despite the heroic sacrifice of many of Imolakte's kin.

"It is all over now, Prince of Chantatawa," the nobles and princes of the cities told him and his envoys, their pockets full of Wayamese gold and silver. "Fate decreed your era passed. Your cause is worthy yet doomed for failure and will surely cause many good men to die."

Even some of his descendents abandoned him. The villages they ruled capitulated bowed before the Wayamese authorities. Perhaps they knew the choice was death either way--Wayam might kill them later, or they would die fighting alongside him. They fought well in the battles against Wayam so he did not blame them for their surrender.

He thought of the people buried in this atudship, raised by a town centuries ago which long lay abandoned. Perhaps the village the Wayamese occupied now held their descendents. Perhaps they would think highly of him for defending the land they called home, or perhaps they too would call him a fool and would join the Wayamese if they could. They stopped building the atudships when I was young. Only the eldest held onto the custom when he was young, but even Imolakte had to remind people of the futility of building atudships.

"You must never bury myself or my heirs in an atudship," Imolakte once said to an extremely old man at a potlatch many years ago. "I do not want my people to work so hard to build merely an imitation of a mountain. There are many better ways a man's spirit might be honored in death."

"Did I make the right choice?" Lelisho asked one of his guards as he snapped out of his reminiscence. "Is it right for me to spread conflict and death across this valley?"

The young warrior beside him named Wanhaluqu shrugged. He seemed truly devoted to the Amim cause and followed him around like a dog since he arrived at Lelisho's camp covered in wounds and half-starved and missing an eye from the great disaster at Chakeipi [7]. Victory seemed imminent that day, yet we became greedy in chasing the Wayamese and merely fell into their trap, the trap where thousands perished.

"The great man with the iron helm [8] inspired me when I was a boy," he said. "My father and brothers never came back from the wars against the Wayamese yet I wanted to fight Wayam not to avenge them, but to finish what they started in protecting this land. It is wonderful that thanks to you, Elder, I can still fulfill that urge to protect this land even though I was defeated with the rest of them at Chakeipi."

"You are doing fantastic work," Lelisho replied. "I cannot stop this battle that I started for I have battled the Wayamese and the Hillmen for nearly forty years. Yet perhaps others still have time to stop the fight so this land does not fall into disharmony."

Although he wanted to lay down for a nap, he stood up, calling his men to attention.

"We shall camp here for tonight and prepare for another ambush tomorrow. Should the Wayamese not send another scouting party, we will attack their men in the nearby village. The war parties of our allies will assist us." He thought of those fellow Amim leaders wandering the forests and hills at the edge of the valley. They trusted him until the end and chose to fulfill their urge to protect the land, however foolish it may be. And because they trust me, I shall trust them back. I will continue to fight no matter the result.

---​

In 1189, the Wayamese advanced toward the mouth of the Imaru River in a military expedition combined with diplomatic overtures. The West King Ahawaptas alongside the Pillar King Tsanahuutimna raised thousands of soldiers and set out to subjugate the remaining Namal cities. Few cities resisted--with the Wayamese already dominating the region and with their trade-centered economies, the Namals submitted with minimal violence. The most notable incident in this affair is described by Gaiyuchul, Nch'iyaka, and several other historians and notes a very rare personal visit by the Pillar King to Katlamat to convince the rulers of the city-state and its confederation, Qwalis and his regent Peqw'ali, to submit to Wayam.

The entire affair was not without violence however. While Ahawaptas was sent away to prepare for the invasion of the Irame Valley, Tsanahuutimna and his newfound allies in Katlamat embarked on winter raids against the nearby Coastmen center of Chichk'aaktis. As usual, the prince of Chichk'aaktis called for aid from his fellow Coastmen yet even with 5,000 warriors found himself gravely outnumbered by Tsanahuutimna and Peqw'ali's 10,000 men. At the battle of Nimaspikh [9], outside the city walls of Chichk'aaktis, the Wayamese destroyed the Coastmen and captured the city after a brief siege.

After centuries of struggle, Katlamat finally gained the upper hand over its arch-rival Chichk'aaktis, once called Tlat'sap. The warriors of Katlamat gleefully massacred the entire population of the city in vengeance for the centuries of bloodshed and a council of soldiers elected Qwalis as the ruler of the city (or what remained of it). The majority of Wakashans living in the area fled, although most local Khaida remained. For those Coastmen who remained, their property was seized and they served as slaves and serfs of their new masters.

The fall of Chichk'aaktis sparked lesser Wayamese campaigns in the area led by various lieutenants of Tsanahuutimna and Ahawaptas in association with newly-conquered Namals. Two of these men, Stlich'qid the Younger and his cousin Khwehqw'ekhwachi (both grandsons of the general Stlich'qid) enforced the Wayamese submission of the Shlpalmish cities of the Kashiwamichi including the wealthy mining city of Awelkintl. With the Namal cities their main economic lifeline, they surrendered rather than fight.

In March 1190, Ahawaptas once again invaded the Irame Valley from his base at Tlawiwala, proceeding directly toward Chateshtan with his army of 6,000 men and fleet of several dozen tukhunawitsat war galleys. Unlike his previous invasion, Amim mercenaries proved willing to fight for him and helped navigate the warships up the Irame River. These war galleys and associated transport ships proved invaluable to carrying men and supplies to the Wayamese in their rapid advance as well as aiding ambushes on shore.

The Amims united under Lelisho of Chantatawa and his brothers-in-law, the sons of Imolakte, yet cracks existed in this alliance before the fighting even began. He proved less persuasive than his father-in-law. Some Amim cities near the Grey Mountains like Chawilfmefu and especially Changondwefti held increasingly close relations with Wayam or simply disliked Lelisho and refused the call to arms. Further, the battle plan was confused--some sought to defend near Chateshtan, others wanted a defense elsewhere closer to their own cities.

Despite these problems, Gaiyuchul states Lelisho mustered 10,600 Amim warriors toward his cause including many veterans of Imolakte's campaigns. From Milpu in the south to Chachif in the north, Amim nobles and peasants alike joined the fight against the Wayamese. Thousands of others stayed behind to guard the many fortified villages and walled cities in the Irame Valley.

Tsanahuutimna aimed for total defeat of Amim resistance. Another 2,000 men invaded the Irame Valley in the south near Changondwefti and Tk'ubikh while Tsanahuutimna himself crossed over the Anbarachi Mountains west of Katlaqmap in April with around 8,000 men (including many of his most elite soldiers) after he finished his conquest of the mouth of the Imaru. This latter invasion attracted the attention of the Lelisho, for he knew defeating the Wayamese Emperor would end the invasion. Although some of his followers disagreed, he hurried north toward the Anbarachi River to meet the Wayamese.

The town of Chakeipi ended up the main battlefield as the prince of that city made a concerted defense and repelled Tsanahuutimna's besiegers several times enough to allow Lelisho's relief force to arrive. After initial skirmishes near the city, Tsanahuutimna pulled back his men in a feigned retreat and moved toward a carefully scouted area of marshy ground at the foot of a hill where his reserves lay in wait. The overconfident pursuit of Lelisho's men ended in disaster as Tsanahuutimna ambushed and destroyed them.

Lelisho managed to save some of his men and retreated to Chakeipi for a siege yet with morale and frenzy high among the Wayamese they successfully stormed the city. Seeing little hope at this point and needing to deal with the remaining Wayamese, Lelisho retreated with perhaps 2,000 survivors by cutting his way through the siege lines.

The Battle of Chakeipi crushed the hopes of the Amims that the Wayamese might be repelled. Nobles and city-states began defecting to Wayam and morale remained low among the remaining Amims. Chateshtan fell to Ahawaptas's forces after a grandson of Imolakte betrayed the city to Wayam--many sons of Imolakte perished in the fierce fight for the city. The only bright spot came in June when Lelisho's forces ambushed a Wayamese camp and slew several prominent nobles including the eldest son of Ahawaptas. In August, Lelisho defeated the smaller Wayamese army in the south near his capital of Chantatawa. This raised morale enough to convince many Amim princes to hold out another winter in various grueling sieges throughout the Irame Valley.

This resistance collapsed in spring when Tsanahuutimna returned and attacked the central and southern Irame Valley. Cities fell in quick succession with the most concerted resistance given at Chantatawa itself. Despite being urged to surrender, Lelisho's men resisted until the end with only a small group (including Lelisho himself) fleeing to the hills to organise a guerilla resistance. While this had some initial success, in 1192 and 1193 the Wayamese crushed several large forces of these rebels and burnt many of their villages. Lelisho died in 1193, allegedly of wounds suffered in battle, effectively ending the conflict.

Gaiyuchul claims that the Irame Valley traced its traditional five-fold division into the local authorities Tsanahuutimna set up. Based on later Fusanian adminstrative divisions and those who continued on Lelisho's resistance, the areas of the Valley south of Chamikiti never fell under direct Wayamese rule, with the possible exception of a few allied cities near the Grey Mountains such as Chawilfmefu or Changondwefti. However, Wayamese authorities were particularly persuasive in coaxing the support of local rulers for many decades and the area became a highly profitable region for the Wayamese.

These campaigns against Lelisho were left to local authorities, for in 1192 and 1193 Tsanahuutimna spent the years campaigning in the Kanawachi Valley further south on the Black Road. The local states in this area, the four Ach'gampdu city-states of Changantqabit, Chapalmanchal, Changamafa, and Yankalat, formed a tight-knit confederation since around 1160. Gaiyuchul claims Tsanahuutimna came into conflict with the Ach'gampdu based on the revolt of Milpu in 1192 over the Wayamese destruction of their allied Dena and Hill Tanne tribes. Although Milpu's revolt was easily crushed and the city sacked, nobles fled south toward Ach'gampdu lands and sparked a war.

Unlike the conflict-ridden areas toward the north, the Ach'gampdu lacked as many veteran warriors. They lacked as many warriors in total thanks to their lower population. Regardless, they and their Hill Tanne allies proved to be tenacious fighters and knew the land well, ambushing scouting and raiding parties of the Wayamese. Yankalat fell after a siege in late 1192 but the other cities held out for another year. In late 1193, the Valley Tanne city-state of Hleadni opportunistically submitted to the Wayamese and assisted Wayam in subduing the remainder of the Ach'gampdu states. In 1194, Wayam and Hleadni subdued the Valley Tanne state of Kasikaitan and crossed to the coast, destroying many Hill Tanne villages and sacking the Coastman state of Ch'aninit.

Tsanahuutimna's desires of course never lay in the south, and he left the campaign there to his lieutenants and new ally of Hleadni and returned to the Plateau in 1193. Aware of his increasing frailty as he grew older, Tsanahuutimna resolved once more to conquer the source of the Imaru before he died. He increasingly patronised cults worshipping the spirits of the Imaru River and promoted this belief to attract nobles and their retinues to his banner. In 1194, he assembled a grand army at T'kuytaum consisting of numerous peoples from across the Wayamese Empire, united as both pilgrims to the source of the Imaru and warriors in the service of the Pillar King. The aim was obvious--march to the source of the Imaru and force it's submission toward Wayam.

---
Author's notes

This is a few vignettes regarding this moment in Fusanian history along with a description showing other events around this time, mostly centered around the conquest of the Irame Valley and mouth of the Imaru. Faced with overwhelming numbers and the organisational capacity of the Wayamese state, there is not much that can resist them. Many princes simply surrender and pledge allegiance, accepting Wayamese bureaucrats into their cities and villages to avoid the certainty of defeat. It builds a geographically large empire but gaining much from many of these territories would be challenging (on the other hand, vassal princes certainly don't mind the protection Wayam brings). There will be more on that in a later update.

The next chapter will feature more of the Plateau as well as the bronze working Yilhqanin Dena and the one after that (the last Tsanahuutimna chapter unless I need to split it) will also have the Whulchomic peoples and Wakashans once again.

[1] - Namal languages are a dialect continuum as their OTL equivalent Chinookan is
[2] - See Chapter 34. This is the same Qwalis, son of Pelpelikwoli.
[3] - Plaashyaka has been dead for only a few years, so Tsanahuutimna refers to his name's literal meaning "white bear" out of respect for him
[4] - Like OTL and as I've mentioned, having multiple names is extremely common and Tsanahuutimna would have several other names. In this case, Tsanahuutimna is a name associated with his guardian spirit and as mentioned means "condor heart". In the future it may be passed to his descendents as names they've succeeded toward.
[5] - An atudship is the Amim term for a funerary mound where their dead are interred. In this era however, they have fallen out of fashion.
[6] - Milpu is Cottage Grove, OR, Chifin is Eugene, OR, and Tk'ubih is Brownsville, OR
[7] - Chakeipi is Beaverton, OR
[8] - A reference to Imolakte's other name "Keshpekhspukh", meaning "iron forehead". Although Imolakte died several years prior, he is so prestigious that at this point even Amims who live a distance away and never met him still observe the taboo on naming the dead and refuse to speak any of his names out of respect
[9] - Nimaspikh is a few kilometers east of Astoria, OR
 
I hope Tsaanahutimna manages to come, see, and conquer the source of the Imaru before dying instead of pulling a Friedrich Barbarossa and dying en route. I'm also looking forward to the aftermath of his rule and the inevitable fragmentation of Wayam's massive empire (the directional kings in particular seem like ready-made Diadochi)
 
The next update will likely be this weekend barring unforeseen circumstances.
I hope Tsaanahutimna manages to come, see, and conquer the source of the Imaru before dying instead of pulling a Friedrich Barbarossa and dying en route. I'm also looking forward to the aftermath of his rule and the inevitable fragmentation of Wayam's massive empire (the directional kings in particular seem like ready-made Diadochi)
I wouldn't say it's inevitable or that they're like Diadochi. Wayam functions as more of a confederation where powerful generals (and their clans) have large territories that carry a political and spiritual role that encourages them to expand (and protect) said territories. The central government attempts to make said territories reliant on them to varying degrees of success. The Pillar King and the ideology Plaashyaka spread is an important source of legitimacy, otherwise they'd find it more difficult to control much of their realms.

Many of the Directional Kings by 1190 are around Tsanahuutimna's age and in their 50s and 60s. According to my notes, Snkalip is the youngest as he was born in 1137. Better to acknowledge the new leadership after Tsanahuutimna's death and not challenge the system, or perhaps exploit the system for their own sake and make it more hereditary since nominally the title of "Directional King" merely denotes one of the foremost generals responsible for protecting and expanding part of Wayam.

Tsanahuutimna does have a prospective heir (Aanwaakutl, son of Witkw'aawi) who he finds skilled enough, so fragmentation isn't inevitable.
 
Chapter 52-Source of a Golden Era
-XLII-
"Source of a Golden Era"

Tsuutlemash [1], October 855 [1198]​

"How much further?" Tsanahuutimna grew sick of hearing those words, yet this time it came from his grandson Plaashsutskhtla. Rain, grime, and mud covered the youth from yet another patrol in the valleys and mountains in this country where the spirits refused to respect the seasons and ensured it constantly rained no matter the time of year [2].

Few villages seemed more miserable than Tsuutlemash. Hastily constructed as the other village forts he built on his journey here, the conditions in the longhouses seemed spartan. In this simple longhouse barely fit for a peasant, the houseposts lacked carvings of any sort. No visages called out to the ancestors or their spirits, extremely fitting of a village with no past but that of a watering hole for Dena herdsmen. He pitied the noble who would become the ruler of this village, yet he was sure some young noble desperate to rule over others would enjoy the position.

Regardless, this land held its benefits. Before the autumn snows arrived, his scouts crossed the mountains and killed several bison in the flat country to the east. Tsanahuutimna knew the land was rich in bison from the stories, yet what his scouts spoke of seemed truly incredible. Tsanahuutimna had never eaten bison in his entire life and found the taste incredibly sweet. His men certainly appreciated the bison robes that would be made from the pelt as well. It was no wonder the spirits called this place a "place of bison" and ensured the men they knew it as well [3].

"Some ways to go," his guide, an older Lakes Shilkh nobleman named Nkhokhem, answered in the Imaru Trade Language. The man was bald from age and covered his head in elaborate war paint. Tsanahuutimna refused to trust him, although knew he had no other options. He respected the Wayamese well enough and followed most of Tsanahuutimna's orders with little complaint. No doubt he wanted prestige, power, and wealth denied to him by those Lakes Shilkh elite who now mostly lay dead and scattered.

"How many Hillmen did you kill?" Tsanahuutimna's distant kinsman, the youth Pataatlatimna, asked. His smiling young face already had plenty of scars from his tenacity at fighting. "Yesterday I killed at least three myself, and my men killed a dozen others. I grabbed a slave girl, too!"

"We saw a few of them and hit one with an arrow," Plaashsutskhtla reported. "Chased them back to their village but knew we were outnumbered so couldn't attack."

"A wise move," Tsanahuutimna interjected, attempting to defuse conflict between the two Wayamese princes. "If you are sure of defeat, then you will lose. It is better not to foolishly risk your life."

"Indeed, wise," Nkhokhem added. He is picking up our language well even if he doesn't speak it. "We must never cease believing in victory."

"I'd believe in it a lot more if you told me how much longer we have," Pataatlatimna scoffed, as equally anxious as his kinsmen.

"Had we taken the mountain road I informed the great Pillar King about, we would be there by now." Tsanahuutimna shook his head at that topic again.

"The entire Imaru must be beneath the Pillar King and his Directional Kings," he said. "We must leave no bank of the river outside that protection." Tsanahuutimna gripped his cane so that he might stand, silently cursing his body. "It is not that I don't trust you or your brave men that I chose this route, it is that I trust my own spirit that we must travel this path."

"And you take a challenging road which still holds many obstacles. I believe we certainly will reach our destination, yet many here will not."

Tsanahuutimna shook his head, ceasing with the conversation. The Wayamese princes looked at each other and passed through the flap of the shabby longhouse into the pouring rain.

"By this time next year you will achieve your goal and much more," Nkhokhem promised. "Although your men hold an exaggerated view on what they'll find, if you follow my directions the Ieruganin people shall be in your grasp."

"Why might that be?" Tsanahuutimna asked.

"The Ieruganin are a simple yet hard-working people who greatly respect those who seem powerful and wise yet work hard all the same and do not simply rely on brute physical or mental strength. You are an elder yet you are self-sufficient and wise, partake in their rituals and they shall adore you."

"You give wonderful praise of both myself and the Ieruganin people yet which directions might you have me follow?"

"Come the spring we shall slay Hillmen, and not just these Dena barbarians but the Hillmen of places beyond. Around one month upstream from here, you will meet Ieruganin peasants and nobles. You will lead them across the mountains with some of your men and you will slay as many bison and burn as many Hillmen villages as you can find. You will then hold a great potlatch and all shall realise that the messages of your merchants and diplomats is not propaganda but simple truth."

"Hmm, that long away," Tsanahuutimna muttered. "I suppose all lands hold different rituals necessary to secure spiritual blessings. I will think on your words later, for now I must rally my men." As Tsanahuutimna walked out the flap, the rain poured down upon his conical hat and his shoes sank into the muddy ground. He gazed around at the rudimentary buildings and tents and men resting under awnings. Such a miserable place, and we have so far to go.

---​

In the mountains of Northeastern Fusania near the American Divides lies the Land of Twenty Cities and Five Lakes. Here the earth raised up great mountains which over countless centuries became covered with forests and glaciers. When the glaciers melted they created many narrow and swampy valleys where the Imaru and its tributary the Gangou flowed through and widened and turned into lakes. At the shores of these rugged lakes and along reclaimed swampy ground grew up the fishing villages and hunting camps of the native Lakes Shilkh people which as the centuries passed became towns surrounded by countless terraces along the oft-steep cliffs of these lakes.

The Lakes Shilkh people resembled their other Shilkh brethren further down the Imaru or around the similar environment of Lake Antekketsu yet geography and history contributed to their cultural distinction. Their country held seemingly endless mineral wealth that made the Dena peoples around them jealous. The rivers and lakes of their country produced endless fish, easy water for irrigation, and most crucially of all, natural transportation routes. The Lakes Shilkh became exceptionally interconnected and in the mid-11th century formed a great confederation that through off Dena rule once and for all.

Although this confederation peacefully separated, new confederations emerged. Each of the five lakes united around several of the so-called "twenty cities" into tight-knit confederations. Often the confederations included allied Dena tribes, some of whom lived in truly isolated mountain valleys and consisted of little more than a few dozen people. These confederations rarely clashed against each other and when they did they kept warfare to ritualistic duels and ceremonial battles. They still proved plenty capable of mass warfare to protect their interests however and at times inflicted great defeats on hostile Dena tribes.

Isolation from broader Fusanian affairs characterised these cities. Their external relations looked mainly toward the south with the Schits'uumish Confederation in the southeast and Shonitkwu in the southwest yet preferred keeping their distance and not get entangled in the affairs of those regions. They had all the land they needed, they simply just needed to build more terraces and proper earthworks to allow good spirits to enrich the land and provide ample food. Their Dena subjects provided well-bred reindeer and towey goats for labour and trade. Others dare not interfere with the Lakes Shilkh, since it meant a disruption in the supply of fine silver and meant fighting a tenacious foe in land with challenging terrain.

The Lakes Shilkh guarded themselves against the expansion of Wayam in Tsanahuutimna's era, yet did little to stop it. They viewed their homeland as impenetrable by enemy armies and looked toward each other for defense against the Wayamese. Economically the Lakes Shilkh benefitted greatly in the late 12th century--many silver and copper mines suffered from the conflicts allowing their merchants to corner the market on silver. This let them import vast amounts of shells and acorns from the coastal areas to ensure great prosperity.

Even with the fall of Shonitkwu to the Wayamese, the Lakes Shilkh did little about it. They staunchly rejected Wayam's demands for submission, with the notorious incident being the mutilation of diplomats by the city of Kp'itl'els in 1189. The Wayamese repaid that insult with a successful and daring raid yet went no further. Although Kp'itl'els strengthened her own forces and adopted a militarised posture after this, few other Lakes Shilkh cities bothered to do the same.

Conquest of Pent'ikten

As with Shonitkwu, the Wayamese sought to undermine the Lakes Shilkh even in a time of peace. Noting Lakes Shilkh trade with the coast, the Wayamese supported the Imaru Mountains Dena tribes in attacking coastbound trade. In particular, the Dena tribes of the Upper Nehoyabetsu prospered greatly in these years with their leadership effectively deferring to Snkalip, the Wayamese Directional King coordinating these attacks.

In this strategy, Wayam also sought isolation of potential allies and correctly identified the city-states of Lake Antekketsu as potential threats in the campaign against the Lakes Shilkh. In 1193, Snkalip made war on this historic enemy of T'kuyatum. With 8,000 men he invaded the area and pillaged much land and in 1194 laid siege to Okinaq'en, an important religious center of the region. The regional confederation led by Nkhok'osten was paralysed by internal conflict with a resurgent Pent'ikten. While Nkhok'osten did not submit to Wayam, they and their allies sent only token forces to aid Pent'ikten, viewing their destruction as the immediate concern. At the same time, they gave mercenaries, livestock and slaves, and supplies to Wayam as tribute.

At the ensuing battle, Pent'ikten attempted to ambush Snkalip's men with far inferior numbers, viewing their success as inevitable thanks to superior morale and the spiritual gift of their war leader. Such attempts failed as Snkalip's son Chelkhalt slew him in single combat while the aging Snkalip himself led the charge to drive off the enemy. Okinaq'en fell not long after, leaving the Wayamese in control of yet another important religious site.

This was not enough for Snkalip and in 1195 he continued his campaigns against the Antekketsu Valley peoples. He sacked the weakened city of Pent'ikten with great relish and demanded Nkhok'osten submit to Wayam. Shocked by continued Wayamese aggression even after the tribute, Nkhok'osten attempted to raise an army and defeat the Wayamese. This indecision from the rulers of the Antekketsu Shilkh entered into Chiyatsuru legend as an example of foolish division and disunity in the face of danger. Gaiyuchul of Katlamat states the following on the matter in his Saga of Katlamat, using it as an example of disunity in government and military matters.

"The Chiyatsuru and in particular the Shilkh hold a saying 'as divided as Pent'ikten and Nkhok'osten.' [4] They say this as many centuries ago when the great Wayamese Empire of Tsanahuutimna and his North King Snkalip subdued the cities of the Antekketsu Valley, a quarrel between two of their cities reached a fever pitch. Neither agreed on the course of action and each followed the opposite path. Only after Wayam conquered Pent'ikten did Nkhok'osten act and had they agreed on one course of action there is no doubt their foe should have been destroyed. This manner of squabbling opens the way to the greatest tragedies."

At the siege of Nkhok'osten in spring 1196, chronicles state a similar battle as at Pent'ikten occurred. The war leader of the city attempted a fruitless ambush, Snkalip's son Chelkhalt killed the enemy leader in single combat, and soon after the city fell. Legend states the dying Prince of Nkhok'osten recounted scenes from a vision where he defeated the Wayamese after uniting with Pent'ikten. Regardless, this crippled all resistance in the region and it rapidly submitted to Wayam.

Against the Lakes Shilkh

In 1196, Tsanahuutimna gathered an army of 20,000 soldiers and attacked Kp'itl'els and its confederation alongside Lake Kitsureru as his first target. There he found much frustration as the Lakes Shilkh possessed sizable fleets. They used large barges that served as tenders for their smaller, highly maneuverable canoes that made the Lakes Shilkh used for effective hit-and-run raids. The rough terrain, thick forests, patches of swampy ground, and frequent rain bogged down the Wayamese advance. The Lakes Shilkh evacuated their women, children, and livestock to the mountains or to allied villages, frustrating Wayamese raiding efforts.

Kp'itl'els fell after months of sieging and Tsanahuutimna being forced to send many soldiers home for the winter. Inside the city the Wayamese massacred the men of the city, including its prince, at frustration in finding little plunder. Aside from isolated garrisons, many of the Shilkh men retreated as well into the hills.

While Tsanahuutimna's men hunted in the mountains for women and children to enslave or hold for ransom to various success, Tsanahuutimna adopted a new strategy to deal with the logistical concerns. That winter he ordered the construction of a fleet of river galleys and sailed them up the river, portaging around the many dangerous rapids. By May, they arrived at the local Wayamese fortress Snqilt and sailed upriver toward Kp'itl'els [5]. With this fleet and a replenished force, Tsanahuutimna advanced once again. His forces swept the enemy from Lake Kitsureru, ending the threat to land-based forces and with combined land-sea assault he conquered the city of Khaiekan [6] and ended local resistance.

Refugees fleeing from the Lake Kitsureru towns immediately warned the other members of the confederation of the rapaciousness and danger the Wayamese posed. They succeeded in rallying a great number of soldiers toward fighting the Wayamese, around 12,000 men according to Nch'iyaka. Despite this inferiority, they held the advantage of terrain and morale. In 1198, they ignored Tsanahuutimna's army and instead invaded the subdued lands of the Qhlispe and Schits'uumish. The city of Qapqapeh fell first to this surprise force, with the local people of the city rising up and murdering the Wayamese commander in his sleep before opening the doors.

In their camp at Khaiekan, Tsanahuutimna made the consequential decision to continue his march north with 6,000 men (almost all elite professional soldiers or mercenaries) and leaving the remainder to march south under Snkalip to restore order. Snkalip rapidly moved south to intercept the Lakes Shilkh before too much damage could be done. Unfortunately, rain and other issues slowed his advance and many of the Qhlispe and Schits'uumish towns already rose in rebellion and the revolt was spreading fast.

Yet Snkalip responded with ferocity and moved to punish those rebel towns as fast as he could, starting with the order from his influential captain Tl'akhtikst to drown noblemen suspected of rebellion. In many places he ordered this with the deliberate intent to destroy the political class of the region, promoting loyalists in their place. He executed many in this manner, supposedly choking the rivers with corpses. According to Nch'iyaka "the maneaters of the Imaru did celebrate Snkalip and his fierce captain Tl'akhtikst for granting unto them the finest feast and the people of Snkalip did feast much on them for years to come [7]." In 1198 he defeated a detachment of rebels at the city of Nkhwemine and assaulted the city.

At Nkhwemine, Tl'akhtikst massacred the city's population as well as its livestock. He burnt Nkhwemine and poisoned wells in the area physically and spiritually, stationing guards in the area to slaughter any who dared return. The formerly thriving city-state never recovered, remaining only a collection of haunted ruins rarely visited. In its place Tl'akhtikst built a new fortress upstream at Sqlakhatlkwu [8] and moved the population of nearby villages to there.

The Wayamese held one more advantage on their side--the watchtowers Snkalip constructed a decade before. Although they operated with reduced garrisons thanks to the ongoing campaign, the Wayamese soldiers used them well to conduct guerilla operations and intimidate actual and potential rebels. Far fewer rebels arose than the Lakes Shilkh leadership believed as the Wayamese garrisons intimidated many. Further, the Wayamese towers slowed down the advance of the Lakes Shilkh as they needlessly attacked many of them, wasting much time and taking disproportionate losses.

In spring 1199, the worn down Lakes Shilkh army continued their advance into Wayamese lands and were intercept by Snkalip's army at Q'amilen [9]. Around 10,000 men on each side clashed here. Disaster met the Wayamese early as Snkalip fell in battle from a powerful enemy charge yet his skilled subordinates such as Tl'akhtikst rallied the soldiers and unexpectedly counterattacked and drove them back. On the second day of the battle, dissent within the enemy confederation on the next course of action hindered them from establishing a battleplan and they became easy prey for the Wayamese army.

Their remnants retreated back to the lakes, thoroughly beaten, with the Wayamese in hot pursuit. Tl'akhtikst wasted no time in punishing the rebels, executing many of them and confiscating the property of many others. Later historians such as Gaiyuchul suspected his zeal was out of his desire to receive the title of North King in place of Snkalip's heir, a youth of 16 who inherited his name shortly after Snkalip's death.

Toward the source of the Imaru

In 1197, Tsanahuutimna portaged much of his fleet across the swampy gap between Lake Kitsureru and Lake Nagasabi. The confederation of cities around Lake Nagasabi never expected such a sizable fleet and already sent many of their warriors. Many nobles of Lake Kitsureru submitted to Wayam to avoid the inevitable defeat. The Wayamese crushed the remainder of the Lake Nagasabi Lakes Shilkh forces and appointed the pro-Wayamese Lakes Shilkh to continue the subjugation of the area.

This conquest allowed Tsanahuutimna access to guides and others to lead his forces northward. They left the territory of the Lakes Shilkh and entered into the territory of the Doyohen Dena, a powerful Dena confederation that controlled the northernmost segments of the Upper Imaru. In late 1197, Tsanahuutimna besieged and conquered the city the Lakes Shilkh called Skekhikenten [10] which was ruled by this confederation and camped at this site with his thousands of soldiers for the winter.

Yet outside this secured city, the tribes of the Doyohen Dena made the journey difficult. As stored food ran out in Skekhikenten, the Doyohen Dena attacked foraging and scouting parties. Tsanahuutimna responded with raids into the hills to destroy their villages and seize food and livestock, yet many of these warriors died in ambushes or harsh weather conditions. Baggage trains from further south similarly faced fierce attacks from the Dena. Tsanahuutimna refused to take shortcuts across the mountains offered by his guides, fearing treachery or other ambushes--ironically these mountain passes would have been far less time-consuming and likely safer given the peaceful nature of the Dena in those regions. He held little trust in his new Lakes Shilkh allies, although they played an important role in garrisoning camps and protecting the logistics of the march.

When the spring arrived, Tsanahuutimna continued marching upstream and ordered his captains to make constant attacks on the Dena. They slaughtered Dena livestock with impunity and murdered any Dena they came across. Yet many Dena summer villages proved to be located in inaccessible valleys and the Dena still managed to mount many successful attacks. Late winter snows and constant rain bogged down the Wayamese forces more used to the dry summers of the Imaru Plateau. The difficult conditions of the river made sailing upstream impossible and downstream extremely dangerous--dozens of men died in the rapids outside the town of Tl'khetkhwilkw that gained the name "Death Rapids" [11] by later explorers.

Tsanahuutimna borrowed a strategy from Snkalip and constructed fortifications leading north from Skekhikenten. On either side of the Upper Imaru, the Wayamese and labour from the Lakes Shilkh built palisaded villages with watchtowers each about 25 to 30 kilometers (one day) apart from each other and staffed them with 100 soldiers each. These villages and their external fortifications were intended to support Tsanahuutimna's march upstream and crush Dena opposition.

Although this slowed the advance, these villages worked in suppressing hostile Dena tribes. Coordination between the villages resulted in successful raids that discovered and captured many Dena summer villages and camps and seized their livestock, food, and property. From 1197 to 1199, thousands of Doyohen Dena were killed or enslaved and the survivors nearly totally pacified. Famine resulted in the region from the constant pillaging of food and disruption of the seasonal lifestyles. Tsanahuutimna kept many of their chiefs and nobles imprisoned as a symbol of his successful campaign against the northern Hillmen.

The Ieruganin people, the traditional enemies of the Doyohen Dena, received the news of Tsanahuutimna's approach with apprehension. They long heard rumours of the powerful ruler who sought to subdue the source of the Imaru and feared the destruction of their allies, the Lakes Shilkh. However, divisions within the Ieruganin cities prevented them from acting as a singular unit on this matter. Many, especially the village pastoralists and lesser nobles (including the t'aniti who ruled villages), viewed the destruction of the Doyohen Dena as a sign of Tsanahuutimna's benevolent intentions toward them. The presence of numerous Lakes Shilkh interpretors, guides, and allies further convinced many of these lesser Ieruganin to submit to Wayam.

Tsanahuutimna's Lakes Shilkh advisors, particularly their leader Nkhokhem (whose mother was Ieruganin), proved crafty in helping Tsanahuutimna exert control over the Ieruganin during his march upstream. Nkhokhem also helped the Pillar King manage his new Ieruganin followers through informing him of proper rituals. One of these involved partaking in the ritual bison hunting and slave raids across the mountains and into the Plains, a mission Tsanahuutimna agreed to as part of his duties to raid the Hillmen. In spring 1199, Tsanahuutimna crossed the mountains and spent several months in the Plains with his men, hunting bison and especially raiding the villages of the Hillmen where they captured many slaves, including numerous enemy chiefs.

Tsanahuutimna called regional Ieruganin leaders to the town of Antsahtsi for a potlatch. The elite of the Ieruganin, in particular the prince of the city-state of Uk'ahantansni who claimed leadership over those who submitted to Tsanahuutimna, interpreted this act as a clear provocation and instead assembled an army for a campaign [12].

Numerous Ieruganin cities joined this coalition against Tsanahuutimna, including Kuhtsutsinahn at Lake Teguchi, the source of the Imaru. They gathered around 8,000 soldiers and headed north to attack Tsanahuutimna at Antsahtsi. Many of the Ieruganin elites had weapons and armour of quality arsenical bronze or even true bronze, adding to their strength. The Wayamese army was down to around 4,000 men plus another 2,400 allies from the Ieruganin and Lakes Shilkh, and Tsanahuutimna loathed the idea of emptying out his rear-line fortifications even further.

Outside Antsahtsi, the Ieruganin attacked Tsanahuutimna. To test the loyalty of the Lakes Shilkh and Ieruganin, Tsanahuutimna placed their warriors in the center alongside his elite bodyguard and placed mostly Wayamese soldiers on the flanks. Predictably, the Ieruganin force struck hard and shattered the center and drove the Wayamese allies back to the walls of the city, yet this action made the Ieruganin overconfident in their victory. At precisely the right moment, Tsanahuutimna's elite pananikinsh pulled off a successful feigned retreat and reformed. With the Wayamese forces on the flanks still intact, the Ieruganin fell into disarray and almost half were encircled where they faced death or capture. Many of the commoners in the force swore loyalty to Tsanahuutimna on the spot.

Among those captured were the princes of Uk'ahantansni and Kuhtsutsinahn. With these two prisoners, Tsanahuutimna now possessed the means to enter both cities. He soon captured Uk'ahantansni, installing a client prince to rule the city. Although he faced many ambushes from the retreating nobles, he attacked them in their camps at the subsequent Battle of T'anis Tahmunsk'it [13] and killed or captured hundreds of them and permanently dispersing their army.

Around September 21, 1199, Tsanahuutimna arrived at Kuhtsutsinahn as he desired for many decades. With the local Ieruganin nobility discredited, the people of Kuhtsutsinahn opened the gates of the city and pledged allegiance to him, fulfilling his dream of subduing the entirety of the Imaru. Tsanahuutimna installed his spiritually powerful grandson Plaashsutskhtla as prince of the city. A pious youth, he chose Plaashsutskhtla for his descent from the princes of Katlamat, the spiritual head of the Imaru River (allegedly also because his brother--some sources say twin brother--Chmuuksutskhtla served as co-ruler of Tlat'sap at the mouth of the river alongside his grandfather Qwalis and later his half-uncle Peqw'ali). Tsanahuutimna spent over six months at the city, conducting festivities and engaging in the symbolic pouring out the waters of the Imaru. He fostered the cult of the Imaru River and invited pilgrims from around Fusania to use the roads he made safe.

---
Kuhtsutsinahn, June 856 [1199]​

The entire day felt like a dream for Tsanahuutimna. At last, Tsanahuutimna arrived at the source of the Imaru, and his own soldiers, his allied soldiers, and even the people of this city they called Kuhtsutsinahn acclaimed him and celebrated. Perhaps he had died, or perhaps he would wake up soon. A warm, setting sun of late summer bathed his face in light as he gazed out from a watchtower of the city at the source of the Imaru, illuminating even more the lake the Imaru flowed from itself. He felt a spiritual calling to those waters, as if the spirits of the river congratulated him for his successful mission.

Tomorrow morning he would complete the famed ceremony and pour out the blessed waters of the river. Earlier that day, Tsanahuutimna saw the shining gold cauldron studded with bright stones of many colours and already was impressed. I will lift that cauldron if it costs me my arms or even my life. When he poured that water, he would shed these cedarbark robes he wore for so long, for his quest was complete.

Looking back toward the city, Tsanahuutimna found himself both awed and almost disappointed. Although some buildings certainly were ornate such as the palace of the ruler he captured, the people seemed to be little different than those of other Ieruganin towns. Their houses were smaller than those of a typical Aipakhpam or Shilkh city and the novelty of being built on stilts only lasted for some time. The city hosted surprisingly few pilgrims, even if every pilgrim he met in the city being just as awed at the spiritual power of the place as he was. Considering how long the journey was, Tsanahuutimna wasn't surprised.

"It is truly beautiful, grandfather," his grandson Plaashsutskhtla said. "Are you really going to make me prince of this city?"

Tsanahuutimna nodded.

"It is both a political and spiritual concern, much as your brother Chmuuksutskhtla serves as a co-prince at Tlat'sap alongside the Prince of Katlamat. Wayam under the line of Q'mitlwaakutl has been restored to its position as center of the universe, and the entire Imaru Basin falls within our hands, and as such we need fine symbols of this like yourself."

Plaashsutskhtla looked out at the lake, no doubt feeling stressed by the task ahead of him. Unlike his brother, Plaashsutskhtla was much further away from Wayam and the aid of loyal nobles. Tsanahuutimna knew he would leave this world soon, and wondered the next move of many supposedly loyal Lakes Shilkh and Ieruganin who fought and died for his quest to this city. But it was no matter to him, for the world moved according to the actions of spiritual influence, and he would be in the afterlife at that point.

"Worry not, for you will have your wife to aid you. Treat her well, for she will be your insight into this city and its people." After a potlatch to mark the equinox, Tsanahuutimna planned to hold another one for his grandson in celebration of his marriage to the daughter of the prince of the city and just as important secure the allegiance of many nobles in this region to both himself and Plaashsutskhtla.

"That woman? I think my brother got the prettier of the prince's daughters," Plaashsutskhtla complained. Tsanahuutimna smiled.

"You may come to think otherwise. And be glad you have actually seen your wife, for your brother has not, much as you have seen your second wife from Katlamat." Two princes of the line of Q'mitlwaakutl ruling the centers at either end of the river, each married to two princesses from the centers at either end of the river [14]. Such a concept appeared to him in a vision, and he hoped it would achieve harmony and balance in this land.

He climbed down from the tower and walked the wooden streets of Kuhtsutsinahn, seeing a mix of the local townsfolk and his own men both Wayamese and Lakes Shilkh. It seemed some men already were drinking in celebration of their arrival at this place. Best not to tell them now we have a long road home. Still, the way would at least be safe. The Ieruganin suffered several great defeats and to the southwest, news arrived that his captain Tl'akhtikst suppressed the Lakes Shilkh and defeated a major rebellion. I am sure he will demand a higher position again.

Tsanahuutimna spent much of the remainder of the evening marvelling at the interior of the palace at Kuhtsutsinahn. Through the magnificent set of murals learned the story the Ieruganin told about the origin of the Imaru during the Time of the Transformer and learned of the claimed spiritual origin of both the city and its rulership whom he would soon depose. He almost wished he could stay in the palace forever and make it his own, yet he was the Pillar King, the Center King, not the ruler of the city at the end of the river so distant from his home. Having eaten early, he lay down in bed and fell asleep.

In his sleep, visions of the arduous months before came back to him. Scenes of violence and killing flashed before him, the screams of barbarian women being captured, murdered, or worse, sleepless nights and weariness from constant enemy ambushes. He relived what looked like the great battle against the host of thousands of Ieruganin, surrounded by only scared young men far from home. Tsanahuutimna felt more feeble and weak than even watching his men fight and he could do little but shout encouragement. Although his mind remained as sharp as ever, his body was giving away.

Let me pass on from this life, I have accomplished everything I need.

He heard cackling laughter and wondered if Coyote watched this moment.

"You will not die, not yet," the voice replied, thundering from distant mountains.

"But why?" Tsanahuutimna replied, looking at a mountain and speaking to it. "I have fulfilled my tasks and duties."

"You cannot choose to die any more than you choose to be born. Even an attempt to kill yourself by your own hand is not your own choice but the choice of the spirits that govern this world."

The enemy army rapidly approached, striking down his nearby allies with spears and arrows. Tsanahuutimna tried to raise his own spear yet found he could hardly lift it.

"Seek peace, and you shall die violently. Seek war, and you shall die peacefully," the voice spoke, ringing out from the mountains. "All who reach for the sun find themselves burned by it lest they find a way to shield themselves from it. You are not burned for you shield yourself in the blood of others."

"Perhaps I do," Tsanahuutimna answered. He was a man of battle. Sixty long years ago, back when Q'mitlwaakutl's reincarnation still walked the earth, he first went to battle alongside his father and witnessed the bloodshed and terror that embedded itself into him. He hoped that for sixty years of fighting that others might know peace. An enemy warrior went to spear Tsanahuutimna yet immediately burst into flames and turned to dust.

"Remember your visions," the voice said. "And your path forward will become clear to you much as the path to this land was."

---
Return to Wayam

In late March of 1200, Tsanahuutimna and his army left Kuhtsutsinahn and traveled south, following the Gangou River upstream. A fleet of small transport ships and canoes constructed that winter accompanied him. The cities south of him gave little opposition and typically capitulated toward Wayamese demands for tribute and capitulation. Even the great metalworking city of Anecho submitted to Tsanahuutimna and paid tribute to Wayam with great amounts of bronze weapons and armour.

Tsanahuutimna faced one last challenge in summer 1200 as the Ieruganin spiritual center of Dek'antel, the powerful Lakes Shilkh state of Npokhst'yan, and many other towns of the Lower Gangou River sent an army of around 8,000 against Wayam. At this point, the exhausted Wayamese had only around 4,000 men, about 1/3 of them local allies.

However, confusion dominated this anti-Wayamese confederation--Dena raids in recent years had been intense and although not in coordination with Tsanahuutimna, the general Tl'akhtikst sent his own force to raid the Lower Gangou and demand the submission of Npokhst'yan. Morale remained low among the soldiers who feared for their homes. Against a Wayamese Army desperate to return home and clear the final obstacle, news of Tl'akhtikst destroying enemy lands ensured the Wayamese had superior morale.

At the village of Uts'uqa [15], Dek'antel and allies attacked the hastily fortified village where the Wayamese were encamped. Their hasty advance led to unnecessary losses and highly mobile Wayamese skirmishers kept the enemy disorganised. A group of elite Wayamese pananikinsh under the young prince Pataatlatimna broke through the Ieruganin and Lakes Shilkh skirmishers and threatened to flanked their main army from behind. As chaos and confusion spread, the Wayamese charged and broke through the enemy center and drove them back to Dek'antel.

The Wayamese besieged Dek'antel in late summer, requesting reinforcements from Tl'akhtikst. Noticing his leverage over the Pillar King, Tl'akhtikst demanded the title of North King. Tsanahuutimna refused to discuss the matter at the time, yet to please Tl'akhtikst granted him a new title, atatiwishmyuukh (literally "war leader"), which recognised and conferred upon Tl'akhtikst status the worldly yet not spiritual dignity of a Directional King. Pleased with this, Tl'akhtikst sent enough reinforcements from his own forces and the Lakes Shilkh to make sure Tsanahuutimna proved successful in his mission.

After a grueling winter siege, Dek'antel capitulated in early March 1201. With this, Tsanahuutimna captured another great spiritual center of the Ieruganin. The remainder of cities such as Npokhst'yan either capitulated or were captured after quicker sieges. In May 1201, Tsanahuutimna met Tl'akhtikst at Sqlakhatlkwu and at a grand potlatch officially invested him atatiwishmyuukh and gave him the authority to supervise the education of Snkalip the Younger and other T'kuyatum princes. Reputedly, his clever wife Pukhmitsa (daughter of T'kuyatum Prince Shoqem) convinced him to remain content with the title of atatiwishmyuukh and focus on other matters.

At the end of June, Tsanahuutimna and his forces arrived at Wayam. There they held a grand potlatch and Tsanahuutimna distributed plunder from distant lands to the many princes loyal to Wayam. He sacrificed 400 slave men and 400 slave women, including 20 Hillmen chiefs (5 from each direction), allegedly the single largest human sacrifice at one occasion up to that point in Fusanian history. Jubilant celebration occurred on the return of the Pillar King and his men. Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht claims that "no moment more jubilant did occur in the history of Wayam."

Many, however, never returned to Wayam. Of the 6,000 warriors who set out with Tsanahuutimna from Khaiekan, only around 2,000 returned. Around 3,000 men perished, while another 1,000 stayed behind to administer the new tributaries in the north or garrison the villages Tsanahuutimna built alongside loyal Lakes Shilkh or Ieruganin. While many of these groups blended with the local populations, a population became the ancestors of the Chawiluukshmipama (so named for the position of chawiluukshmi, the title of the military leader at the villages Tsanahuutimna built) a mostly pastoralist ethnic group which survived as a distinct group several centuries centered around the city-state of Tsuutlemash.

Although Tsanahuutimna fulfilled his age-old ambition of subduing the Imaru, his vigorous spirit and allegedly visions from Coyote refused to allow him to rest. He became increasingly concerned with ensuring the peace of the civilised world, believing that if he did yet more fighting then his successors might finally know peace. His Directional Kings certainly agreed with that, given their battles did not cease before, during, or after the campaign against the Lakes Shilkh and Ieruganin.

One campaign in particular concerned Tsanahuutimna, as during the campaign in the northeast, the East King Ahawaptas attacked the Whulge Coast in an attempt to protect Wayam's flanks, cut off trade to the Lakes Shilkh, and support local siyams and leagues who acknowledged Wayam as an overlord. This campaign long since bogged down for numerous reasons and attracted outsiders such as the Coastmen whose raids returned as the land fell into chaos. So that order might be restored, Tsanahuutimna once again marched off to war as a defender of civilisation itself and the hordes of Coastmen. He did not care whether he lived or died, only that he succeeded and that Wayam might eternally shine like the sun.

---
Author's notes

Here Tsanahuutimna has reached his goal, yet finds that no matter how much he fights, he's still going to end up in wars until his dying day. Such is the nature of Wayam's state ideology--it must always keep expanding to "protect" the world by taking tribute from everyone.

Next entry will deal with the final years of Tsanahuutimna, including dealing with the situation in the Whulge/Furuge and further conflict on the peripheries--some of these events will be quite important down the road. I'll also touch on the economic and social consequences of these campaigns. After that I will discuss Wayamese society in the earliest part of the 13th century, the golden age of Wayam.

[1] - Tsuutlemash is Boat Encampment, BC, a former village at the foot of Athabasca Pass now submerged beneath Kinbasket Lake.
[2] - Much of the PNW has a dry summer, yet in the Upper Columbia Basin and the Kootenays the precipitation is constant year round and can be quite heavy, something irritating to people from drier lands.
[3] - Tsuutlemash means "place of bison" in Sahaptin as it is close to the Plains. As in OTL Amerindian languages of this region, there is a religious belief that all names were given at creation and as such places are not named by humans. In TTL's cultures, this manifests in the belief that names of unfamiliar places that are unable to be learned are given in dreams and visions
[4] - Similar to "strength in unity" but expressing urgency and imminent danger. Thanks to Gaiyuchul's influence on the Namal language, such a saying entered into Namal as well in the 16th century
[5] - Snqilt is Northport, WA and Kp'itl'els is Castlegar, BC
[6] - Khaiekan is at the former site of Burton, BC, nowadays submerged
[7] - Nch'iyaka is referring to sturgeons, in his Aipakhpam culture considered a "maneater" yet in Snkalip's Shilkh culture considered fine eating.
[8] - Sqlakhatlkwu is Spokane, WA
[9] - Q'amilen is Post Falls, ID
[10] - Skekhikenten is Revelstoke, BC
[11] - This is the Dalles des Morts, OTL considered the most dangerous set of rapids on the Columbia River before being submerged by many dams. Its alternative name "Death Rapids" is in use TTL, although it isn't the name given to it by any native Fusanian group. Tl'khetkhwilkw is around 51'28 N 118'28 W, about 60 kilometers upstream from Revelstoke, BC
[12] - Antsahtsi is Radium Hot Springs, BC while Uk'ahantansni is Invermere, BC
[13] - T'anis Tahmunsk'it is Fairmont Hot Springs, BC
[14] - The line of the Namal prince of Tlat'sap is extinct since the Coastman sack of the city in 857, and as the second-closest city-state to the mouth of the Imaru, the line of the prince of Katlamat claims the title of spiritual ruler of the mouth of the Imaru instead
[15] - Uts'uqa is Roosville, MT/Roosville, BC on the US/Canada border
 
Chapter 53- Four Corners of the Earth Beneath the Pillar
-LIII-
"Four Corners of the Earth Beneath the Pillar"

Conquest of the source of the Imaru dominated Wayamese policy in the 1190s and all portions of the empire played their part in removing potential threats to Wayam in that time. Tsanahuutimna demanded constant action in keeping potential threats off balance and the Directional Kings performed admirably at this role. These conflicts and conquests, as well as personal ambition on the part of the Directional Kings, served to reshape other portions of Fusania as well as bring Wayam to its greatest extent. The entire map of Fusania, from political to demographic to economic, was to be reshaped by this last and final burst of conflict.

Wars of the Tenepelu

The South King Wiyatpakan Mekhishmi-Apapkhlakhla loaned thousands of his warriors to Tsanahuutimna and with his remaining men attacked the cities of the Welhiwe River in 1194 in order to remove a potential threat on Wayam's southern flank. He conquered the Tenepelu cities of Tok'onatin and Maqsmaqspa, an act which earned him the rivalry of Pakhat-Saq'antaikh's clan who also claimed overlordship of those cities.

In response, the East King Pakhat-Saq'antaikh made his own invasion in the nearby Walawa Valley in 1195 and forced their councils to elect his kinsmen as princes. Later in that year he attempted to organise a grand campaign against the Kuskuskai Plain in the name of forcing the local Mat'alayma Tenepelu to submit to Wayam and abandon their false intepretation of the Prophet Qiilekhnikh's worldview and raised 8,000 soldiers. Pakhat-Saq'antaikh suddenly died in the camp on a hot summer day, a bad omen.

A great disaster ensued afterwards. Promised loot, the men and mercenaries of the army pillaged much of the newly-conquered Walawa Valley instead, taking women and livestock for themselves, killing thousands of local men, and sacking the city of Walawatayn. Many of these Tenepelu men settled in the area and evicted the previous inhabitants toward the Kuskuskai Plain.

The new East King, Hatyataqanin (inheritor of his grandfather's name) won election from the republican councils of Siminekem and other cities he ruled, yet Tsanahuutimna found him lazy and unsuited for the title of East King, awarding him the position only to maintain control over the Tenepelu. Tsanahuutimna found his brother Saq'antaikhusus, the appointed prince of Walawatayn, the ideal candidate for his youth and skill at military affairs. Saq'antaikhusus became aware of this and sought to win Tsanahuutimna's approval by his invasions of Hillmen territory and especially his grand campaign into the Kuskuskai Plain.

Inspired by Tsanahuutimna's march to the source of the Imaru, Saq'antaikhusus sought to do the same in 1200 by marching to the the city of Tiniimkikitnima at the source of the Kuskuskai. With his brother's permission (and allegedly heavy bribery) he assembled 8,000 warriors and attempted to cross into the Kuskuskai Plain. However, the South King demanded high tolls from his men in exchange for letting them use the roads south, forcing Saq'antaikhusus to send half his army through Hillmen-infested routes near the vast and treacherous Saqanma Canyon where they suffered heavy losses through attrition and fighting the Laqapelu and Dena.

Left with only 6,000 men, Saq'antaikhusus's campaign initially went well and he crushed a sizable army from Timanipa and nearby cities with few losses and captured Timanipa, the largest Mat'alayma city. Yet his sieges against the next few towns and city-states such as Paskhatin and Qoq'alkhtin took many months and proved more costly [1]. Following this clear threat, the local Mat'alayma of Tikenma under their elected prince Waptatsqahawpo assembled a confederation of nearly all remaining Mat'alayma and fielded a sizable army against Saq'antaikhusus. Outnumbered two-to-one, Saq'antaikhusus's army lost 3/4 of its men outside the walls of Tikenma and Waptatsqahawpo acclaimed a hero.

Left with around 400 men after sending those he deemed cowards home, Saq'antaikhusus refused to surrender. Allying with various Dena tribes, he pillaged various villages in a lengthy passage upstream that avoided major armies hunting him yet gained little from this. Outside the gates of Tiniimkikitnima, he realised how impossible his situation was and refused to allow his Dena allies to pillage the city with him. He was forced to sell out his Dena allies and surrender all his plunder to the nobles of the city in order to gain entry. After winning the battle, he spent months at Tiniimkikitnima seeking visions and praying at the holy sites, returning home with his surviving men in 1202 disguised as pilgrims. Gaiyuchul quotes the aftermath in his Saga of the Four Corners.

"When the great Pillar King Tsanahuutimna heard the campaign of Saq'antaikhusus, he spoke unto his generals 'Shall we not all display the humility, the courage, the dedication, the wisdom, and the desire to enact positive change in ourselves like our brother, the son of the deceased East King?' Unto Saq'antaikhusus he granted many gifts at the spring potlatch of 1203 and even that title of war leader [2] so the East King might always call upon a wise and brave leader. There is no doubt to me the Pillar King decided as such for he saw in Saq'antaikhusus much of what he saw in himself and saw in the campaign of Saq'antaikhusus a possible fate of his own great expedition."

Campaigns in the South

Among the Aipakhpam and Tenepelu, the South King Wiyatpakan Mekhishmi-Apapkhlakhla remains most for his needless feuds with Pakhat-Saq'antaikh and his successors over Tenepelu cities, yet among the Maguraku he is known as a great conquerer who punished the arrogance of their nobles. From 1196 to 1201 he campaigned against the Maguraku in vengeance for their attacks on his merchants and to expand the civilised world against the Hillmen.

Wiyatpakan Mekhishmi-Apapkhlakhla pushed south along the White Road and attacked Maguraku travelers and livestock. Occasionally his raiding parties pushed deep into territory inhabited by the Maguraku and burnt many villages. Faced with these Wayamese incursions and dealing with threats from the Nama, Amorera, and Hill Tanne, in 1198 the Maguraku elected the prince of Lallaks, the most powerful state, as laqyamch (leader of the confederation), the first laqyamch since the decisive Wayamese victory over Ewallona at Wiinanp'asha in 1153. Around 7,000 warriors under the laqyamch attacked 10,000 men of the South King's army as they attacked the town of Qcholam Saik'a (called in Aipakhpam Khaslunmi K'aakh) [3] near the border between Wayam and Maguraku lands.

N'chiyaka of Wapaikht describes this initial conflict in his Saga of Wayam:

"The great King of the South Wiyatpakan Mekhishmi-Apapkhlakhla approached that village called Khaslunmi K'aakh and readied himself for battle against the prince of that Hillmen Confederation. Yet the South King's men could not ready themselves for battle for they did lack in all that is needed so that men may fight. The King of the South did apply the thrift in his own life to thrift in battle and on this occasion thrift failed him[...]"

Ever a thrifty man, logistics failed the South King's army and they arrived in battle hungry and thirsty beneath the summer sun. Lacking in morale, the fierce charges of the Maguraku forces broke them and drove them from the battlefield. Angered at the damage done to his men and loathe to spend more on this campaign, Wiyatpakan asked the other Directional Kings and the Pillar King for more soldiers yet this request was turned down. Faced with this, in 1199 Wiyatpakan devoted much more of his wealth for the campaign and attacked the Maguraku once more at Qchoalm Saik'a and this time won a great victory.

The South King wished to be reimbursed for the funds spent on this campaign and he permitted his forces to seize as much loot and plunder as possible. The Wayamese sacked many villages and towns in Maguraku lands and so intent on material gain were their forces that Maguraku warriors managed to lift the siege of Lallaks in 1199 by threatening the Wayamese baggage trains. Yet in 1200 luck ran out for the Maguraku. The Wayamese sacked Lallaks and killed the laqyamch and enslaved the majority of the people in the city. Little remained of Lallaks after Wayamese soldiers looted nearly everything of value and destroyed the city further searching for hidden treasure.

This destroyed the Maguraku confederation and opened up many southerly cities to Wayamese raids which Wiyatpakan eagerly undertook. Ironically, such campaigns along with the destruction of Lallaks revived the fortunes of Ewallona which by this point shrank to such insignificance the Wayamese ignored it. Sqelamch states that "[...]if not for that South King of Wayam we of Ewallona might still labour under a Lallaks that instead of a ruin might be a grand city indeed."

The goal of the South King's Maguraku Campaign seemed to have been inserting himself into the politics of the Valley Tanne, for Wiyatpakan's clan married extensively among the rulers of Hleadni, the most powerful Valley Tanne state thanks to their alliance with Wayam. Wiyatpakan spent the first decade of the 13th century campaigning into the Yanshuuji to enforce the submission of the Valley Tanne to Wayam. Yet lengthy supply lines, Valley Tanne resistance, his disputes with the Tenepelu and the East King's clan, and continued threats from the Maguraku and the Hill Tanne ensured Wayam never truly established their authority in this region despite seemingly endless amounts of effort.

Other campaigns in the Northeast

Lesser-known figures campaigned as well to success during Tsanahuutimna's conflicts in Chiyatsuru and Ieruganin lands. In 1196, the young prince of Nspilem, Nkakham, received permission from Snkalip to take 1,600 men and force the submission of Sq'eihlkwum, the last sizable independent Qhlispe city-state. By exaggerating his numbers and fooling the prince into thinking he was Tsanahuutimna (despite being barely thirty years old) he convinced the ruler of the city to surrender without a fight. Soon after he led his forces into the mountains to destroy a great force of Mountain Salish, seizing many slaves and livestock which were sent to the silver mines.

Nkakham later used his force in attacks on the Central Dena and the Whulchomic leagues immediately across the northern Grey Mountains. This prevented the Dena allies of many Whulchomic leagues from coming to their aid and protected pro-Wayamese siyams and their leagues. His greatest efforts came in 1200 when Nkakham conquered the city of Iwowes and 1201 when he aided Khwehqw'ekhwachi the Younger in his conquest of his ancestral home in the Seiruchido Valley.

Battles in the Whulge

Coastal areas figured heavily in Wayam's planning and were it not for his desire to conquer the source of the Imaru, Tsanahuutimna would have conquered the Whulge. The renewed wealth of the area combined with its need for protection made it a natural target. The Whulchomic peoples knew of this desire for Wayamese rule as well, and over the decades many Wayamese found their way to the area as mercenary leaders who through strength of arms were elected into positions of power. A few acknowledged Wayamese supremacy, while many retained their independence or only paid lip-service to Wayam.

As the Lakes Shilkh often traded with the coast, in 1195 Tsanahuutimna ordered the West King Ahawaptas to invade the Whulge Coast. Gaiyuchul claims Niiptwashash, who by this point was the finance minister of Wayam, convinced Tsanahuutimna to order this invasion to make good on his promise to arrest the son of Apapma-Tukhunani, a man who once stole much from Niipwashash. Still tied down by the recently conquered Irame and Kanawachi Valleys and old age afflicting him even more than Tsanahuutimna, Ahawaptas raised only a small force and ordered two of his subordinates, Stlich'qid the Younger and his cousin Khwehqw'ekhwachi (grandsons of the general Stlich'qid), to lead the invasion instead.

Both Stlich'qid and Khwehqw'ekhwachi held great ambitions toward the Whulge Coast, as they sought to reclaim the long-since dissolved Kwatkach'ked League for themselves. They figure mostly in chronicles from the Whulge Coast rather than in Namal or Wayamese sources, where they are never referred to by name--Gaiyuchul simply names them "the grandsons of Stlich'qid and inheritors of his strength." Although the Wayamese army sent to the Whulge numbered only 5,000, morale among many of these soldiers was high.

As elsewhere in the course of Wayamese expansion, Stlich'qid and Khwehqw'ekhwachi used a mixture of threats, bribery, promises, and outright battle to convince cities and nobles to submit. They used their personal funds to bribe the corrupt siyams of Talal into accepting Wayamese rule, then promptly imprisoned many of them for corruption. They ensured the loyalty of the area by sacking the nearby Wakashan cities of Hach'apukhwis and those of Chishu Bay [4]. On a spit of land at the mouth of Chibetsu Bay, they built a fortress city named Ts'akhels [5] to prove Wayam's determination to defend the area against the Coastmen.

In 1196, Stlich'qid and Khwehqw'ekhwachi pushed north to their main destination, the St'ech'as League. This powerful Whulchomish League sheltered the corrupt son of Apapma-Tukhunani and for many years resisted Wayamese attempts to arrest him. Although Stlich'qid and Khwehqw'ekhwachi burnt many villages, their forces were turned back that year through a combination of attrition and the arrival of the rainy season. They resided at their new coastal fortress of Ts'akhels that winter.

Seeing their great success, Ahawaptas sent several thousand more men to aid them and in 1197 they attacked the St'ech'as League and led a successful siege of the city. They arrested the son of Apapma-Tukhunani and numerous other Wayamese exiles, dragging them back to Wayam in chains where they were sentenced to penal labour as debt slaves for the rest of their lives. The capture of St'ech'as marked the end of organised resistance of the local Whulchomish peoples, yet many siyams fled to the cities northeast and northwest of there to continue resistance and reclaim their homelands.

The invasion of the Nekkitsu Peninsula and its Whulchomish and Tlatlechamish leagues led by the Spiatl League [6] in 1198 marked a critical failure of Wayam. Here the Wayamese lost nearly half of their men due to continual ambushes facilitated by enemy soldiers transported around by Whulchomish boats that destroyed their supply lines. Ahawaptas immediately realised the challenge--he needed to deploy his navy in the region. Gaiyuchul states this operation ended in disaster yet gained an unusual success.

"Ahawaptas ordered unto his commanders 'Our ships must sail the great sea so we might drown the enemy forevermore!' So forty ships and 1,600 men set down the Imaru and sailed out to sunset. The heir of Ahawaptas, the noble Tlaqailakhit'antsa [7], stood proud as his ships traveled the sea north along the coast. Yet the Wayamese knew not the preparations one must follow when on a mission of violence in the great sea and for this ignorance the spirits of the sea darkened their path and dashed them against the rocks.

Tlaqailakhit'antsa pleaded to the spirits 'Spare my men, take me instead!' yet the cruel spirits swallowed up half of his ships and half of his men and left him alive. The spirits cast them onto the shore in the land of the Coastmen with few supplies. Here the genius of Tlaqailakhit'antsa revealed itself for he burnt many villages for supplies as they marched south. The foolish Coastmen of the powerful city of Naamatlapas believed a great force of Wayam marched forth for their destruction. The starving remnants of N'chiwaha's sailors availed themselves against the walls and superior numbers and conquered them for Wayam. Yet in their victory the spirits of the sea recalled the promise N'chiwaha declared to them and for this the clash of arms claimed his life."

Only eighty men survived this failed expedition, yet these men managed to rally enough Wayamese at Ts'akhels to subdue the remaining Coastmen of Naamatlapas. Yet this heroism was no compensation to Ahawaptas who fell into despair. Lacking good navigators he lost vast amounts of resources and men, most crucially of all his favourite son. He immediately organised campaigns of exploration and conquest against the Hitadaki Peninsula to both destroy the Coastmen of that region and explore the coast. Knowing the need for better navigators, he attempted to find them among the Tlak'elak Namal peasants of the coastal villages yet the process of recruiting them and rebuilding his fleet and incorporating ocean-going vessels would take much time.

The fall of St'ech'as caused repercussions in the area of the Whulge Coast. While they believed themselves safe from Wayamese in years before, the exile of siyams from St'ech'as caused serious commotion. The Wayamese mission to disrupt trade between the coast and Lakes Shilkh was succeeding as the Whulchomish siyams prepared for a major war. Wayam did not lack allies in the region--some smaller leagues supported them and other leagues fell into low-level civil war over the support some siyams gave to Wayam. Intervention by Wayamese nobles on the part of their relatives increased in the 1190s and destabilised the entire region. The Wayamese central government and the West King Ahawaptas joined these wars and would spend much of the 1190s and early 1200s in struggle against the siyams of the Whulge.

Although the Wayamese secured St'ech'as well and even fought off sieges, northern expansion seemed impossible before a third power joined in--the Coastmen. During the second half of the 12th century, the Wakashan Coastmen mostly clashed among themselves or against those from the Far Northwest, especially the Khaida. Yet the chaos in the Whulge drew the Wakashans as they sought easy riches, most famously the powerful ruler Kawadinak Nanaashnuk of Tinhimha who murdered his way to power and sought to rebuild his great-grandfather Kawadinak's empire.

After conquering numerous Island Lelemakh and Tlatlechamish cities on Wakashi Island, Kawadinak Nanaashnuk destroyed the Spuiyhalep League in campaigns from 1195 to 1198, killing thousands of people and enslaving many more. He used an effective propaganda machine to spread terror and extract tribute, drawing attention from the Wayamese who sought his defeat. He crushed several small Wayamese forces sent to repel his raids on the coast and frequently intervened in Whulchomic politics both on Wakashi Island and elsewhere in an attempt get him, his clan, and his vassals elected to high ranks among the siyams.

Ironically, this terror and direct intervention served to speed up the Wayamese conquest of the area for the Whulchomic peoples greatly disliked Kawadinak Nanaashnuk. Even formerly anti-Wayamese leagues such as the Tultkhw League submitted to Wayam following continued aggression by Kawadinak Nanaashnuk. Historian Qwayatsihis describes him as follows:.

"Surely the spirit of his illustrious ancestor Kawadinak possessed him yet he lacked the discipline and will to understand and use it wisely. Kawadinak Nanaashnuk exemplifies the lack of balance in an individual and for this came naught but suffering and darkness. His advisors knew of this and spoke unto him 'Oh great lord, should you meditate on your success and failure you should gain greater victories than your ancestor!' yet Kawadinak Nanaashnuk refused them and spoke back 'My enemies are as lacking in wisdom as I am lacking in failure for there are none who resist the strength of my people.'"

Still, Kawadinak Nanaashnuk possessed a powerful fleet which the Wayamese lacked as well as a brilliant mind for battlefield tactics. In 1200 he crushed a Wayamese force of 8,000 men despite having only half the numbers and killed Stlich'qid the Younger. Alongside other setbacks, this forced Tsanahuutimna's intervention in 1201 not long after his return to Wayam and ensured the battles continued.

In winter 1200, the West King Ahawaptas died and on his deathbed he sold much of his property for the sake of constructing a proper fleet for the ocean. On his return to Wayam from the source of the Imaru the following spring, Tsanahuutimna named Ahawaptas's most able lieutenant Khwehqw'ekhwachi the Younger as the new West King and ordered him to continue the conquest of the Whulge. With his new fleet, Khwehqw'ekhwachi and Tsanahuutimna campaigned in the Whulge for the remainder of the year, Khwehqw'ekhwachi by sea, Tsanahuutimna by land. Additional forces crossed the Grey Mountains, threatening the flanks of the Whulchomish.

Many cities fell in 1201 to the Wayamese thanks to decisive battles, including the great city of Sqwuhalqwu where pro-Wayamese siyams betrayed the city from within. In August of that year, the fleet led by Khwehqw'ekhwachi and his brother-in-law Peltsap destroyed a large Wakashan fleet off Cape Mahoku [8], the first great naval victory for the Wayamese. Thanks to a sudden storm and overconfidence, many of Tinhimha's nobles drowned along with a great portion of their army. The Wayamese attacked cities and towns along the Hitadaki Peninsula and subsequently entered the Whulge and with fleet and army successfully demanded the submission of many cities. At a strategic bay in the northern Nekkitsu Peninsula, the Wayamese built the fortress at the village of Nekhw'qiyt which became a center for their power projection into the Whulge for many years to come [9].

The final resistance for the Whulchomish came at the Battle of Tl'akhwadis [10] in September 1201. Here Tsanahuutimna aided rebel siyams of the Sbedehl League in their attempt to take control of the league, opposed by the Tultkhw League, many Tlatlechamish, and remnants from other leagues. Around 10,000 Whulchomish warriors took the field to meet Tsanahuutimna's smaller group of 7,000 men yet their disorganisation and hasty assembly led to decisive defeat. This along with continued Coastmen raids caused a chain reaction in the remaining anti-Wayamese forces as they swore allegiance to the Wayamese as vassals.

Khwehqw'ekhwachi attacked even through winter with a small band of professional soldiers. In December, he attacked the Seiruchido Valley and seized control of the ruins of Kwatkach'ked, a powerful spiritual site that gave him (and by extension Wayam) great legitimacy. Near this city he constructed a fortress at a place called Sosot'iheh [11] so as to secure control of this location and with it began building a palace to make Sosot'iheh--and his ancestral Kwatkach'ked--the seat of power for the West King.

In 1202, the Wayamese once again returned, this time aimed at the Lower Shisutara and wealthy city of Sqhweyemehl. The forces of the North King led the charge and attacked over the mountains, conquering small city states in the foothills as Khwehqw'ekhwachi's men laid siege to the city-state of Semyome [12], among the most fortified cities in the Whulge second only to Sqhweyemehl. Sqhweyemehl sent a sizable force of perhaps 8,400 men south to counter Khwehqw'ekhwachi's own 8,000 men in the Battle of Semyome in summer of 1202, the last great battle against the Whulchomic peoples during the Wayamese campaigns in the Whulge.

Among the wealthiest cities, Sqhweyemehl held a substantial advantage in skilled mercenaries as well as their own levies and frequently protected cities around them. They broke through Khwehqw'ekhwachi's lines early in the battle, joining with Semyome's own defenders and pushing the Wayamese back in several places. Yet Khwehqw'ekhwachi refused to retreat and over four days continued to attack so he might hold his ground. On the fifth day, reinforcements of 2,000 men under Nkakham including many White Robes arrived that decisively routed Sqhweyemehl's men and led to the capture of Semyome.

This broke the power of Sqhweyemehl and led to a quick Wayamese advance into their lands. On the opposite bank of the Shisutara, clever use of Wayamese river galleys led to the encirclement of Sqhweyemehl's remaining troops and the siege of the city itself. Seeing the inevitable, the yewal siyam of Sqhweyemehl surrendered and submitted to Wayam to preserve the city, ordering the disbandment of the Sqhweyemehl League so that all siyams within the league might submit or resist as they saw fit. Many siyams viewed the surrender as illegitimate and continued to fight. Resistance aided by leagues further upstream continued until 1204 when the last sizable town fell and left the Lower Shisutara River under Wayamese

The conflict with the Coastmen continued in these years. In 1202, Kawadinak Nanaashnuk sacked Tlat'sap while many of its soldiers including its prince Chmuuksutskhtla were campaigning elsewhere and raided as far inland as villages near Matsunuma Island before the Wayamese repelled them. Tsanahuutimna vowed revenge on Kawadinak Nanaashnuk and in 1202 sent raiders against the Island Lelemakh and Tlatlechamish allies--many of these Whulchomic nobles disliked the terror Kawadinak Nanaashnuk spread and submitted to Wayam causing the beginning of conflicts on Wakashi Island.

Invasion of Wakashi Island

Much of Wakashi Island and parts of the Whulge in the late 12th century lay dominated by the descendents of Kawadinak. His descendents lived as powerful and wealthy nobles typically loyal to the head of the clan in Tinhimha. This wealth and powerful gained them the throne or other high positions in the Whulchomic Leagues, especially among the Tlatlechamish. His successor Nanaashnuk, the line of the chamatsmitahl of Tinhimha, led a stable and wealthy realm in his nearly 40 years of rule.

Such was the stability afforded by Kawadinak's system that even the murderous intrigues of Kawadinak Nanaashnuk failed to seriously disrupt Wakashi Island's politics. Yet it gained him innumerable enemies (especially among the Whulchomish people) as well as a reputation as spiritually insane. This spiritual insanity was said to be caused by a failed attempt to call upon his great-grandfather's guardian spirit--Qwayatsahis states that instead of joining forces with him, Kawadinak's guardian spirit merely flattered him and granted him an "even stronger spirit" that proved too strong for the ambitious youth to control.

Many nobles fled from his rule, and constant raids and intrigues against the Island Lelemakh and Tlatlechamish peoples proved expensive and costly. Even so, in times of recent success Kawadinak Nanaashnuk might call many men to his banner, and the more cynical among the Whulchomic peoples sought to use Tinhimha for their own intrigues.

Tsanahuutimna wished to obtain the submission of the Island Lelemakhs and Tlatlechamish and knew Tinhimha stood in their way. He constructed many ships and devised many plans, especially in 1202 and winter 1203, so that he might land a grand army at the city. The Whulchomic peoples of the islands gladly aided him in providing navigators and intel on the city and its environs. According to Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht, his grandson Chmuuksutskhtla was the strongest voice demanding an invasion.

"So harmed was he by the attack on his city that Chmuuksutskhtla the Prince of Tlat'sap spoke unto the great Pillar King 'Oh grandfather, please allow it so I may avenge the fallen of Tlat'sap so harmed by the Hillmen from that island!' The Pillar King answered unto Chmuuksutskhtla 'Oh grandson, the time is not yet right to bring light to those Hillmen.' He did speak these words unto his grandfather four times over four months and four times over four months was he answered thusly. In the fifth month Chmuuksutskhtla spoke under the great Pillar King 'Oh grandfather, please allow it so I may destroy the evils of the Hillmen of that island!' The Pillar King answered unto Chmuuksutskhtla 'Oh grandson, the time is soon to bring light to those Hillmen' and henceforth the Wayamese did prepare for a grand invasion of that country."

In spring 1203, Tsanahuutimna led 9,600 men in a great attack on Wakashi Island. Although attacked the previous year by the Wayamese, the men of Tinhimha assumed their island invincible to any serious threat from the Wayamese or other mainland forces. As such, they only sent out a large fleet to combat attacks from the Wayamese. Under the command of Peltsap, the Wayamese fleet fought a fierce naval battle near Tanitsu Island [13]. Gaiyuchul records that Tsanahuutimna's personal ship fell victim to a great attack by the Coastmen yet Peltsap saved the elderly Pillar King personally at the cost of his eye. During this defense the Tinhimha fleet took great losses and fell into disunity, falling back to the mainland. For this deed Peltsap received permission to command the fortress at Nekhw'qiyt from Tsanahuutimna.

Tsanahuutimna's forces landed not far from Yutluhitl and laid siege to the city by night. Wayamese ships transported raiding parties all across Yutluhitl Sound and sacked many villages. Faced with no option but to relieve Yutluhitl lest he lose the support of his nobles, Kawadinak Nanaashnuk set out to the city with a cobbled-together army. Suffering attacks from rebels and bandits who wished for rewards from the Wayamese, his demoralised force of 8,000 warriors finally arrived to the battlefield a month later as the Wayamese were thoroughly entrenched.

Predictably, the Coastmen forces were crushed. Repeated charges from the Wayamese broke them into a panic, with only the diehard bodyguard of Kawadinak Nanaashnuk offering a great resistance. It is said Kawadinak Nanaashnuk died twenty paces from the rear lines where Tsanahuutimna stood coordinating the battle. The Wayamese hunted the survivors, killing and capturing many of them. The city of Yutluhitl fell not long after and the Wayamese sacked the city and enslaved many of its people. Tsanahuutimna's men sailed up Chinima Inlet following this great victory and plundered the towns and farms to the north and west of the city and carried off a great amount of plunder. Tinhimha conducted peace with Wayam by this point and paid a great tribute to the Wayamese including 2,000 slaves and Tsanahuutimna returned to Wayam in September 1203 in great triumph.

This great defeat and subsequent devastation marked the fall of Kawadinak's clan and Tinhimha's influence in Coastman politics. Many of Kawadinak's descendents found themselves deposed or exiled, especially those who held leadership positions in Whulchomic leagues. Tinhimha's empire collapsed as cities and clans refused to accept its authority. Within Tinhimha, Kawadinak's clan fought among themselves for many years afterwards for control over what remained. A steady stream of exiles and refugees fled Wakashi Island over this and many went far to the south in South Fusania. With the Wakashan Coastmen occupied with these civil conflicts, their intrusions elsewhere in the Whulge became far less frequent--the Wayamese thus renewed peace in that region of Fusania.

Results of War

The constant fighting during Tsanahuutimna's rule marks the last great wars of the 12th century in Fusania and with it a close of an era. The population of Fusania, both the victors and those defeated, lay exhausted and their societies irrevocably changed as a result of the stress of war. Many never returned from the war--the population of late 12th century Fusania is nearly static with no growth, implying hundreds of thousands of deaths from war and the effects thereof. Archaeological remains of men missing limbs from war or skeletons piled indiscriminately from violent massacres appear commonly.

The male population in particular dropped extensively thanks to Tsanahuutimna's able mustering techniques and the typical practice of massacres of adult men in captured cities. Polygamy markedly increased among the survivors and even lower class men often had more than one wife. Yet this does not imply a reduction of the status of women, rather, women became more essential than ever in managing household affairs, including the maintainence of knotted string records. Tsanahuutimna promoted the education of women in numeracy and despite inheritance remaining male only, women frequently managed estates in the name of their male children.

Fusanian society grew tired of constant warfare. Gaiyuchul claims that at the time of Aanwaakutl's ascendence the ceremonial battles "once so favoured among the Ihlakhluit" found themselves with "not one man who volunteered for fighting to death in such unprestigious battles." The origins of Fusanian martial arts and duels to first blood likely date to this era, as men sought to practice their skills in battle and claim superiority over each other without the threat of death. A formally adjudicated duel under increasingly strict codes now became the method by which civilised Fusanians solved their disputes.

Combat itself became less lethal as well--because Tsanahuutimna sought to subjugate cities, villages, and their leaders rather than conquer them, he took care to avoid the worst massacres, killing only those who resisted. Instead of cutting down fleeing warriors, he and many of his commanders ordered his warriors to capture them instead. Common weapons for this included thick wooden batons for clubbing fleeing foes, ropes for ensnaring, and weighted ropes similar to a bolas or a meteor hammer. The Wayamese often gave medical aid to their defeated foes, allowing them to fight again and this time fight for Wayam rather than their previous ruler.

The conflicts produced many refugees. The conquest of the Lakes Shilkh at the end of the 12th century resulted in many migrating northwards. They flooded into the lands of Dena groups such as the Negami Dena where they peacefully submitted to Dena rule, content to live as serfs in exchange for protection. Other movements went less peacefully--bands of Qhlispe and Schits'uumish refugees clashed with the Mountain Salish and Dena and drove them from their homeland near Lake Chigetsugu [14] and founded several new cities where they became the Lake Qhlispe people.

Others moved more or less voluntarily as part of Wayamese policy. The policy of constructing garrison villages and fortresses in foreign lands led to many ethnic Aipakhpam (in particular Wayampams, the group native to Wayam proper) bureaucrats, diplomats, judges, and soldiers being resettled throughout the empire. Wayamese policy trusted their countrymen to best carry out the tasks of maintaining government authority. Many of these Aipakhpam communities remained ethnically distinct for centuries. Their Aipakhpam language helped contribute to the evolution of the so-called classical Imaru Trade Language encountered by Japanese explorers in the late 15th century, in particular terms related to government, law, and the military.

By the end of Tsanahuutimna's rule, nearly all the "civilised" regions of Fusania fell under Wayamese control to some degree or another. Much as with earlier expansion of Wayam, bringing this land under one authority contributed to better organisation of agriculture and engineering and simplified internal trade. Even areas like the southerly Yanshuuji Valley or in the Great Trench where Wayamese authority remained light found great incentive to adopt Wayamese legal practices and appeal to Wayamese authorities to settle disputes. Thus as the Wayamese Empire spend endless resources in wars of expansion, it sustained itself in part on the basis of its vast empire aiding the creation of wealth.

Final Battles of Tsanahuutimna

With his expedition to Wakashi Island a success, in spring 1204 Tsanahuutimna mounted what was to be his final campaign. In the civilised world, the only people who remained outside were the Nhlekepmkh and Stl'atl'emkh (the Northern Chiyatsuru people). Several of their cities such as Khakhtsa and Koiahum submitted out of fear of conflict with Wayam, yet many refused, believing themselves protected by geography and their Dena allies.

In early 1204, Wayamese diplomats urged the submission of the spiritual center of Tl'q'amshin in an arrogant and impure manner. According to Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht, this provoked great rage among not only the Nhlekepmkh but the Stl'atl'emkh and their Dena allies as well.

"The diplomats of Tsanahuutimna spoke with arrogance unto the Prince of Tl'q'amshin and his holy men 'Oh great prince, were you truly a man of holy wisdom you would surrender unto the even greater Pillar King of Wayam.' The Prince of Tl'q'amshin permitted not arrogance in his city and pulled out the tongues of the diplomats and banished all who pledged allegiance from the Pillar King. He sent messengers unto the Nhlekepmkh and the Stl'atl'emkh and the Dena 'Never shall we submit unto Wayam until their arrogant followers are banished from the world." And the Nhlekepmkh and the Stl'atl'emkh and Dena prepared for war."

The Northern Chiyatsuru already under Wayamese rule rose up against Wayam and expelled them from their cities. In response, Tsanahuutimna called up 9,600 men to invade Northern Chiyatsuru lands despite his age. Against him stood nearly 12,000 Northern Chiyatsuru and Dena. With his numerical advantage, Tsanahuutimna reconquered the city of Koiahum after a fierce siege and burnt the city down with rage. His soldiers high in morale, he marched north up the Shisutara River and attacked the Northern Chiyatsuru at a village called Tsaumak along the Nattsunachi River [15].

Tsanahuutimna attempted to use the high ground and his skirmishers to goad the Northern Chiyatsuru into foolish charges and disorganisation, yet they held firm and slowly advanced uphill in a shieldwall. The Dena skirmishers proved adept and highly talented at war, weakening the impact of Wayam's own skirmishers and pushing them back. Several groups of Dena skirmishers used their knowledge of the terrain to manuever around Tsanahuutimna's forces, by now caught in a fierce melee with the Northern Chiyatsuru center. They charged into the Wayamese right flank and rear and immediately caused chaos.

Tsanahuutimna realised the enemy caught him in a trap. He attempted to reorganise his army as fast as possible yet many soldiers recruited from the Whulge barely understood the commands and lacked the skill Tsanahuutimna demanded from them. When they panicked and fled, Tsanahuutimna realised he needed to make a fighting retreat and organised his men to fight their way out. At this point, attrition wore down the enemy enough that the Wayamese succeeded at escaping, having lost over half their number including many talented young captains.

Both sides retired to their camps after the inconclusive fight to rest and heal their troops, yet as morning dawned the Northern Chiyatsuru attacked once more with their fierce Dena allies leading the way. Unready for combat, the Wayamese lines collapsed and thousands were killed or captured. Tsanahuutimna barely escaped alive with many of his guard sacrificing themselves so they might retreat to Koiahum.

This marked the final battle Tsanahuutimna ever fought and the only evidence of a true defeat he ever suffered. Reportedly he fell into depression at the loss of life and returned to his palace in Wayam where he spoke little to anyone before he died in his sleep five days later in late spring 1204. The stunned Wayamese gave him a grand funerary potlatch and mourned for weeks at the passing of their beloved ruler. His first cousin once removed, Aanwaakutl son of Witkwaawi succeeded him as Pillar King of Wayam and with it the mandate to keep order within the vast realm of dependencies, vassals, and tribute states of Tsanahuutimna's rule of all four corners of the world.

---
Author's notes

As you can tell, Tsanahuutimna's empire is not quite an empire as we might describe it--it's more a loose collection of tributaries around a more tightly-controlled core. How his successor Aanwaakutl handles that will be the subject of a future chapter. However, it's clearly one that dominates the known world even if it does not directly rule it.

I will continue describing Wayamese society in the next chapter, comparing and contrasting Aanwaakutl with Tsanahuutimna and describing the effects and perfections of Tsanahuutimna's reforms and achievements (some of which I did not mention as I was a little too focused on military achievements) and the challenges Wayam faces. After that I'll shift the focus and cover the Far Northwest and their own "golden age" as well as their increasing interaction with the Wayamese.

Next few entries might take longer since I'll be preparing some maps.

[1] - Timanipa is Payette, ID, Paskhatin is Boise, ID, and Qoq'akhalkhtin is Grand View, ID
[2] - Atatiwishmyuukh, as discussed in the previous chapter
[3] - Qcholam Saik'a/Khaslunmi K'aakh is La Pine, OR
[4] - Chishu Bay is Willapa Bay, named for a Japanese transcription of a local Namal city-state
[5] - Chibetsu Bay is Grays Harbor while Ts'akhels is Westport, WA
[6] - The Nekkitsu Peninsula is the Kitsap Peninsula and Spiatl is Chico, WA
[7] - His name is N'chiwaha in Aipakhpam but Ahawaptas and his clan is so acculturated to the Namals they rule that the Namal calque "Tlaqailakhit'antsa" is how he is best known as.
[8] - Cape Mahoku is Cape Flattery in Washington
[9] - Nekhw'qiyt is Port Gamble, WA
[10] - Tl'akhwadis is Kenmore, WA
[11] - Sosot'iheh is Mt. Vernon, WA
[12] - Semyome is Blaine, WA
[13] - Tanitsu Island is Tatoosh Island
[14] - Lake Chigetsugu is Flathead Lake in Montana
[15] - Tsaumak is a little northwest of Boothroyd, BC while the Nattsunachi River is the Nahatlatch River, a tributary of the Fraser River in the Fraser Canyon
 
Map 7-Wayamese Empire in 1205
Below is a map of the Wayamese Empire in the year 1205--here Wayam is effectively at its height. Portrayed is a rough approximation of the five provinces (as later historians might try to reconstruct from mythology and primary sources) within Wayam (denoted by colour) and the prefectures within those provinces (denoted by the borders). Areas where Wayamese control is light are also portrayed--these areas make up the majority of the empire and are usually up of several independent towns and city-states subjugated to Wayamese rule and subsequently grouped together for ease of administration, although the actual degree of Wayamese controls varies. As this is over a year into the reign of Tsanahuutimna's successor Aanwaakutl, some rearrangement and partitioning of new provinces has occurred. Portrayed are numerous towns and cities referenced in the text as well as some yet to be mentioned. This map includes only Wayam. The empty areas near Wayam are mountainous areas (OTL's Cascades and Blue Mountains) full of mostly-subdued tribes the Wayamese consider barbarians. They are occasionally traveled through but Wayamese control tends to be light outside the mountain passes.

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This is the first of two maps I have prepared, with the second being a map of Wayam and neighbouring states which is not yet complete. I also will post a chart of titles and organisation of the Wayamese Empire and its military and then I'll finally post the next update.
 
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Addendum 1-Banner of the Wayamese Empire
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Banner attributed to the Wayamese Empire and its Pillar Kings

From Khwich'iqid of St'ech'as, Our Ancestors' Crests (1473)
"White for east, where the day is created, black for west, where the day is banished, yellow for south, where the summer is created, red for north, where the summer is banished. Within the center of all, neither day or night and neither summer or winter exist for there is only the grey of balance and from this balance springs forth an eternal and true light. The years and centuries may pass us by yet these distinguished colours still mark the crest and banner of our lord the Pillar King himself, no matter how much it too has changed, as they have since the day of Q'mitlwaakutl."
---
As late 15th century historian Khwich'iqid notes, the Fusanians considered the use of red, black, yellow, and white in one crest to be of special importance. This connotated directional symbolism and including all four colours in one crest meant associations with forces that governed the world. For this reason, these colours marked the crest of the Pillar King. Much as various clan crests came to signify the towns and cities those clans ruled, the crest and colours of the Pillar King symbolised his empire.

Like those European heraldists devising attributed arms for historical and mythological figures, Khwich'iqid described clan crests for numerous figures both historical and legendary in his seminal text Our Ancestors' Crests, the earliest surviving book in a Whulchomic-Salishan language. The crests he described and portrayed for the rulers of Wayam--the directional colours emblazoned with a sun--entered into popular imagination as that of an imperial standard, a banner waved about by those serving the Pillar King and enforcing his decrees. For instance, popular Japanese-language drama often portray these banners outside palaces and encampments of Q'mitlwaakutl or other Wayamese rulers while in several popular computer games this emblem symbolises the Wayamese Empire.

How old this tradition is remains unknown although directional symbolism predates the Wayamese Empire. Analysis of surviving tapestries and totem sticks shows the four colours and their directional attributions were likely fixed across the lands of the Wayamese Empire by the start of the 13th century, yet in that century seem to lack the sole connotations of the Pillar King's rulership. Indeed, there are known government edicts from that era lacking the white-black-red-yellow colours that in later centuries so signified the Pillar King's orders. While the crest tradition is ancient in Fusania, to what degree the Pillar Kings of Wayam used them or what their crest may have been remains unknown.

This left much of the Wayamese banner up to the artist depicting it. Traditionally the materials used to paint or dye objects marked with the Pillar King's crest were rare and expensive--they used realgar or cinnabar for the reds (or by the 15th century cochineal), lead white for the whites and greys, orpiment for the yellows, and burnt ivory or coal for the black. The sun itself is portrayed either with a face (the eyes being drawn using typical North Fusanian formlines [1]) or faceless and almost always with exactly twenty rays (as a connotation of wholeness).
---
Author's notes
This entry gives context to the flag of Wayam portrayed above, describing a mix of considerations that go into Fusanian principles of design and a few other details. It's a short filler while I finish up the next entry and the second map (I've unfortunately been quite busy lately!).

[1] - This is the term used OTL for the intricate lines and shapes of Northwest Coast art.
 
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Map 8-North Fusania in 1205
Below is a map of North Fusania in 1205 including both Wayam and the many smaller states in the region which remain independent. The Wayamese are by far the largest and most powerful state in North Fusania yet function as more of a tight-knit confederation, hence the five provinces of Wayam which are depicted on the map. These provinces have subjugated many bordering areas to their rule to varying degrees. Most other states portrayed on this map are city-states, with only a few being anything greater. Borders as portrayed on the map would be like an in-universe reconstruction of this era rather than defined fact.

Many towns and cities on the map have yet to be mentioned in the text, a reason I took longer on this map than I planned.

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Chapter 54-Order Under the Sun
-LIV-
"Order Under the Sun"

Wayam, 862 [1205]​

Aanwaakutl paced the hallways of the great palace at Wayam, once again wondering where to find his senwitla's office. He keeps moving it because he's getting more staff. The rooms and halls of the palace seemed so haphazardly scattered about, no doubt because this building was constantly expanded and rebuilt over the centuries. Finding the office, he passed the patterned curtain and greeted the senwitla who immediately bowed along with all in the room. The senwitla held a great court of his own, with plenty of his subordinate payiktla alongside nobles from all corners of the empire in all their diverse robes, headdresses, jewelry, and language.

"Ah, Pillar King, your guest has arrived, allow me to introduce him." The senwitla performed the formal introduction, introducing Aanwaakutl to his guest, the miyawakh of Ttakhspa, an elderly man who arose and leaned on his colourful cane with a look of irritation in his eye.

"Do you know why I have summoned you, Miyawakh of Ttakhspa?" Aanwaakutl asked.

"Y-yes great majesty, you seek to intervene in my conflict with the great King of the East and the great King of the North."

"Correct. You hold the loyalty of many important nobles and we count on important figures such as yourself in ensuring prosperity for all."

"I pray wisdom guides you and your guardian spirit in ruling well."

"I am requesting you control your nobles. The judges have ruled on the matter and the law poles have been erected [1]. They must cease their harassment and attacks on the labourers for our canals and dams." Once again they come to complain about the dams and canals.

The miyawakh gritted his teeth, no doubt wishing to scream in anger as Aanwaakutl heard he had done at both the North King and East King when he met them, yet then his lips curled into a bitter smile.

"This is a troublesome request, I would like more assistance," the miyawakh stated. "You see, your majesty, droughts have ruined their income and yet the provincial officials are demanding I send more and more in food and our land's people. We gladly supply this tribute yet now all of these men from outside are tearing up their land and demanding their food just so they might flood it. This is too much for them, and I wish to maintain their respect as an esteemed elder and kin to many of them."

"The flooding will continue. These are the greatest embankments and dams the world has ever known, powerful enough the spirits of the water and the spirits of the land alike respect them. It brings order, not disorder for these spirits now hold a clear task and will fulfill it for us so long as we respect them and keep order in our own communities. I suggest you do so, the reward will be more than worth anything I can offer."

"Y-you mean I will have to face these men on my own?" the miyawakh gasped. "Your majesty, this is too much for an old man!"

"You may appeal to the East King or the North King for they are also involved in this affair. Yet a wise man uses words in resolving disorder, and you might inform them that in twenty years the great working of earth and water will cause barren lands to bloom with life and increase fivefold their wealth. I believe you have little more to say on this matter to me yet you may speak with my senwitla if you will."

With those words, Aanwaakutl left the senwitla's hall and prepared to attend to other matters of the day. No doubt many more encounters with landowners and powerful nobles, yet with the true power of the realm--the bureaucracy and judges--on his side, nothing should prove impossible.

---​

At the end of 1204, the Pillar King Aanwaakutl assumed the throne of Wayam. He co-ruled Wayam for nearly a decade by that point, having been elected thanks to Tsanahuutimna viewing him as a fine administrator. He now presided over the single largest empire in the western hemisphere, a realm most sources cite as over 370,000 square kilometers (those who add bordering tribal territories strongly influenced by Wayam such as the Grey Mountain count it as up to 480,000 square kilometers) and almost 2 million people. Very few organised states in the vicinity remained free from Wayamese influence, in particular economic influence. Wayamese state ideology had been fulfilled, and Wayam now dominated the four corners of the world.

Aanwaakutl viewed his task as ruler as one of establishing order in this vast realm that shared little in common but a few cultural similarities and a shared allegiance to Wayam. With skills he honed from time as an administrator in various provinces, Aanwaakutl set out to establish unified systems and standards within the Wayamese Empire. As is often the case, such measures brought him a great degree of unpopularity, a reputation that lingered into Gaiyuchul's era as Gaiyuchul's description of him in Saga of the Four Corners suggests:

"Aanwaakutl viewed no pursuit in life higher than order and from this stemmed all manner of errors and misplaced zeal, foremost of all that he understood not that order cannot be achieved without balance. He sought to confine all things within his view of order and exempted none from its benefits and its consequences. Truly he live up to his name--like the sun he shone brightly and like the sun he scorched all. [2]"

For centuries, historians and culture viewed Aanwaakutl as a narrow-minded administrator deadset on certain projects and oblivious to more pressing problems within Wayam. These historians, led by Gaiyuchul and Nch'iyaka, accused Aanwaakutl of intransigence toward dissenting vassals and lavish spending on various projects related to dam building and irrigation. In their view these projects carried little immediate benefit yet cost much money.

However, many of Aanwaakutl's initiatives may be seen as a completion of Tsanahuutimna's own reforms, including his maligned infrastructure projects. Indeed, it is likely that enemies of Aanwaakutl minimised his role in these reforms and instead attributed them toward a more popular ruler. These projects utilised great amounts of labour and time yet reshaped the economy and society of the Wayamese Empire with their construction. Dams, roads, and temples were constructed everywhere and much land was cleared to establish new villages.

Aanwaakutl's first reform saw the restructuring of the prefectures of Wayam. Instead of each Directional King only administering five prefectures, Aanwaakutl permitted them to administer as many as they pleased. He fixed the borders of these provinces based on several factors including the population and wealth contained within the area and for defensibility. This proved especially popular among the West King Khwehqw'ekhwachi the Younger whose realm contained by far the most provinces and wealth.

No doubt Aanwaakutl's increase in the number of provinces was due to his powerbase in the Wayamese bureaucracy. These bureaucrats ensured a favourable return of tribute to the government of Wayam and gave Aanwaakutl a manner of independence from traditionally powerful factions such as the nobility or the military.

Engineering

The people of the dry Imaru Plateau considered water a precious commodity. The dawn of organised states in this region centered around the control and distribution of water and from the 5th to 12th centuries, the people of the Plateau became increasingly skilled at building dams, canals, qanats, and terraces to maximise use of what little water they had. The unification of the Plateau by the end of the 12th century permitted increasingly grand projects utilising the traditional system corvee labour. During the almost fifty combined years Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl ruled, more canals, dams, and wells were constructed than existed in times before and the size, design, and sophistication improved markedly thanks to the increasing use of tools made of arsenical bronze.

The bellicose rule of Tsanahuutimna hindered dam and canal construction. Entire villages lost a generation of their men to conflict, and often Wayamese bureaucrats needed to exempt a village from corvee labour so its headman would permit more men to be raised as soldiers. Despite this, Tsanahuutimna devised ways to keep infrastructure maintained and build new infrastructure. He increased the penalty for all manner of crimes to include forced labour and extensively used labour from prisoners of war awaiting ransom. The vast slave population of Wayam (usually around 1/3 of the population) conducted much of the work in place of free labour. Women played an increased role and handled much of the logistics of food, water, and shelter.

Tsanahuutimna's rule included many peaceful years. In these years he aggressively utilised corvee labour for water supply projects. He demanded additional corvee and even disrupted traditional planting cycles in some areas so the farmers might become labourers instead. It seems likely the Wayamese Empire as a whole imported much food during this time and that a major motive of Wayamese military campaigns included confiscation of granaries. However, analysis of late 12th century burials shows that famine during these years remained local and sporadic.

As ever, these projects included a vast ceremonial component for the organisers of these projects venerated Transformer gods like Coyote (Spilyai), for they viewed the work they were doing as akin to what occurred in the Time of the Transformer. At all times they attempted to avoid being seen by the spirits as usurping the role of the Transformer or vandalising their creation and at all times they negotiated with these gods and their spirits so their work might be successful. Shamans supervised the construction and often halted it at the sign of ill omens. They negotiated with spirits who might be angered at the project and often placated them with an offering of food or livestock.

Ceremonial painting of murals on earthen dams and earthworks played an important role in this placating of spirits. Shamans organised this sort of artwork so the spirits might be pleased at their constructions, making the dams very colourful creations (upon their construction, as the art and colour faded over the centuries). At times men working for the shamans even carved totem writing into these structures typically portraying mythological events. However, some of this totem writing mentions the names of religious or political figures who are described as pious and upright men. As some of the only totem writing carved on non-perishable materials, it serves as a vital source for confirming the much later historical records as well as attesting otherwise-unknown individuals.

One shadowy figure potentially named Spilyanmipap is named on several dams or their ruins yet nowhere else. He appears to have been a leader in many of the projects under Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl and is commemorated as such. It is unknown what his role was--some suggest he was a chief shaman or other religious figure while others suggest he was a leading bureaucrat or engineer sent from Wayam to supervise the project. Nch'iyaka, Gaiyuchul, and other traditional histories of Wayam do not mention him and his name remains unmentioned in oral literature. Assuming he was an architect, the prolific amount of works, some very innovative, that Spilyanmipap constructed marks him as one of the finest architects of the indigenous Americas.

Aanwaakutl's more peaceful rule resulted in an even greater spate of dam and canal building. Unlike his predecessor, he rarely disrupted planting and harvesting of crops and compensated by instead reducing demands for soldiers and used this labour to accelerate construction on dams and canals.

The canals built at the end of Tsanahuutimna's rule onward show a marked improvement from earlier Wayamese canals. They lined the canals with wooden planks and for the largest canals added an additional layer of rammed earth. They often attempted to plant trees near the canals so there would be a source of repair material as well to shade the water. Although expensive to construct, these canals reduced the amount of water lost to evaporation and especially absorption from the ground.

The greatest achievement of engineering during Aanwaakutl's rule is no doubt the beginnings of the great Laatlatas Dam. Located on the shallow Takuzashi River of the Mimanashi Plateau, this dam sought to control the waters of this basin at the critical outflow point of Lake Takushiba [3]. Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht describes the legend behind the construction of the dam in his Saga of Wayam.

"The great Pillar King Tsanahuutimna restored balance and order and undid every curse placed upon the land and its people. One day the people of Ttakhspa and its villages arrived before Tsanahuutimna and cried out to him 'Oh great Pillar King, evil spirits drained our great lake and left us with no fish and no water for our crops! Surely with your power you might restore unto us what was taken!' Tsanahuutimna spoke unto them 'Should you live righteously the strength of your spirits shall restore unto you what was taken' and he dispatched unto Ttakhspa a multitude of shamans and scholars to cast out evil and restore balance.

Five times did the shamans and scholars circle Lake Takushiba and five days did they pray unto the spirits so the lake might be restored. On the fifth day Coyote appeared unto them and spoke 'Should this lake be restored unto your people I will make a lake of sweat' and at last the wise men of Wayam knew what needed to be done. They did gather a host of men and for many years raised walls of earth and mud so that they collect every drop of sweat. By this means Lake Takushiba returned to the people. For this reason the people once called this great wall of earth Laatlatash, the 'place of sweat'." [4]

It appears that in the 1190s, a major flood washed much of the dam away less than a decade after completion. Tsanahuutimna organised the rebuilding of the dam and to prevent disaster ordered the building of new dams both upstream downstream, the latter of which was to be among the finest achievements of Wayamese engineering. The downstream dam would fill a lake with the "sweat of 160,000 men." Although Tsanahuutimna died before it was completed, during Aanwaakutl's rule construction accelerated on the dam and Aanwaakutl built this dam. By the time is was completed in 1215, the new dam stood around five meters high at its highest point and stretched for around 1,200 meters and assumed the name Laatlatash from the smaller dam upstream.

This dam created a number of small lakes behind it and a vast amount of seasonal wetland that collectively became called Laatlatashmi [5]. To protect this network of dams from floods, the Wayamese dug additional canals which diverted water down dry coulees or into natural depressions enabling additional storage for irrigation. Along these canals grew up villages and other settlements.

The aforementioned Spilyanmipap appears to be a leading figure of this dam. Archaeologists discovered in a portion of the dam buried by later construction an inscription reading "The humble Spilyanmipap and his men seek the blessings of the lord in the heavens the great Transformer Spilyai and the lord on earth the great Pillar King Aanwaakutl so the spirits of water will gather." Should he have been an engineer, this dam represents his finest achievement.

The construction of these dams on the Mimanashi Plateau and the adjacent Upper Takuzashi basin caused great changes in the area. Once sparsely populated outside of the city state of Ttakhspa, settlers from elsewhere came into claim the new lands where farming was now possible--a poem of praise dedicated to Tsanahuutimna notes how he "turned the desert into a sea of blue" referring to both water and the blue of camas flowers. The vast amount of wetlands became used for farming aquatic crops like omodaka, water amaranth, and wokas, once uncommon in much of the Imaru Plateau. Fish inhabited these new lakes and ponds and the people of the region frequently dined on them.

The vast amounts of resources demanded from the nobles in the area created great resentment. Further, the lakes flooded grazing and hunting land favoured by the nobles and once the center of the region's economy and the immigration of many new people further eroded the Mimanashi Plateau's traditional hunting and grazing-centered economy. However, the structure of the Wayamese Empire blocked many countermeasures from the nobles and even the miyawakh of Ttakhspa, as true power increasingly lay in the hands of the bureaucratic and military governors of the provinces who communicated with the Directional Kings and the Pillar King.

Transportation

Both Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl focused extensively on improving transportation links within Wayam. They improved on the long-existing network of trails and roads in Wayam so that soldiers and merchants alike might use the roads and be safe. Aanwaakutl in particular devoted many resources toward linking the empire together and built hundreds of kilometers of quality roads during his rule.

Improvements to transportation occurred since Q'mitlwaakutl's day as Q'mitlwaakutl and his contemporaries constructed many kilometers of wooden trackways linking the major cities. Gaiyuchul states that by 1160, one might walk from Chemna to Katlamat with no mud on their boots. These roads built from planks of wood sewn together laid over packed earth represented a great improvement on traditional cleared dirt roads, especially in the rainier western regions. All civilised Fusanian cultures distinguished these roads from dirt roads or trails, and in Aipakhpam the former were called eshchet and the latter by the diminutive escheteschet ("little road").

Tsanahuutimna built a great number of roads for the sake of logistics. Using soldiers, slaves, and prisoners as well as corvee labour, he progressively built a network of plank roads that by his death linked to every important frontier in the Wayamese Empire. Under Tsanahuutimna, a man might walk from Tlat'sap to the cities of the Lakes Shilkh or from Hleadni to Koiahum without mud on their boots. It is said that Tsanahuutimna sought to build these plank roads along the entire length of the Imaru yet ill omens (and no doubt the steep cost) made him desist from these plans--instead, the roads only extended as far north as the city and river port of Snqilt.

Aanwaakutl standardised the construction of roads. He ordered all true roads be around 2.3 meters wide, wide enough that five men might march side by side along it and progressively replaced many of the existing roads with this standard at "great cost". Only Aanwaakutl's other projects prevented every road in the empire from being replaced with these roads. Gaiyuchul and other historians considered this decision petty and wasteful, but the standardisation of roads undoubtedly improved logistics and organisation for the armies of Wayam.

Tsanahuutimna constructed the first paved roads in all of Wayam. Using cut stones over wood, this road ran between Wayam and the neighbouring town of Nikhluidikh, a distance of around 20 kilometers. He paved the streets of Wayam with these stone roads as well and at Wayam even kept them regularly swept and maintained. Tsanahuutimna granted reprieves from taxation, corvee, and demands for soldiers to rulers who sought similar infrastructure projects in their cities and with this many cities paved their streets.

Aanwaakutl sought to improve on Tsanahuutimna's road and during his rule constructed two stone roads on either bank of the Imaru from the mouth of the Wanwai River a little east of Wayam to the fortress city of Ayayash and adjacent city of Washukhal on the opposite shore, a distance of around 130 kilometers on either side [6]. This road at the heartland of the Wayamese Empire served to tie together the two halves of the empire and became known as the Pachuweshchet ("Center Road") among many poetic names.

Religion

The integration of much of North Fusania brought new developments in religion, as travelers from all areas of the Wayamese Empire mixed and mingled. Inevitably they discussed spiritual matters and practiced cultural expressions of their faith in front of others. Many times these outsiders attended and partook in ceremonies like winter spirit dances or first fruits ceremonies and over time brought elements of these processes back to their own communities. Many new cults, practices, and traditions developed as a result of this integration while others such as the Imaru cult spread widely.

As Pillar King, Aanwaakutl encouraged this melding of cults and in particular favoured the development of a few standardised elements of faith. His shamans and religious leaders promoted the cult to the spirits of the Imaru River that so enthralled his distant relative and predecessor Tsanahuutimna and emphasised its role as an imperial cult. To honor the Pillar King was essential in keeping balance in the world and by keeping balance one gained the favour of natural spirits. The government labeled those who failed to honor the Pillar King as dangerous subversives, with the penalty being fines and forced labour.

The Wayamese Empire built various sorts of shrines marking spiritual places, with the cult of the Imaru River particularly active in this endeavour thanks to imperial support. They assembled a standardised sort of shrines and sacred groves near certain cliffs and riverbanks where spirits congregated, typically sites associated with events that occurred in the mythological era. While the Wayamese respected local sacred places, they often tore down pre-existing shrines and built their own when they felt the shrine was not sufficient for the spirits who lived in the area, acts that predictably created tensions with the local populace.

The most notable shrine architecture, the stone shrines, appear across North Fusania in the late 12th century. These shrines hold their antecedent in the stone and water shrines of the region around T'kuyatum and Winacha [7]. They were carved near sacred rocks and cliffs and incorporated much in the way of flowing water directed from qanats and wells. Pilgrims along the roads prayed at these shrines while others meditated, bathed, and fasted there, seeking guardian spirit power and visions.

Elsewhere in Fusania, these shrines took local characteristics, the most noted being found west of the Grey Mountains in the forests. Instead of carving the shrines into cliffs, the builders of these shrines transported cut stone to sacred places and piled them into structures of various shapes, often low pyramidal structures around 5 meters tall. Some hosted rooms for prayer and meditation and others served as structures for manipulating water. In the Irame Valley, the Amims build tall stone towers on hills and at the top placed eternal flames as part of their veneration of fire.

Architecture

With the great amount of building projects and changing tastes in architecture, new styles emerged in North Fusania for the building of homes and palaces. Unlike the old imitation of the longhouses of the elite, these new structures proved much more complex in design and were built out of a variety of materials. First adopted by the elite, they quickly became common among the poor as well. Traditional Fusanian histories allude to a great fire burning down half of Wayam during one of Tsanahuutimna's campaigns in the late 12th century. In his role as heir and co-ruler of Wayam, Aanwaakutl ordered the reconstruction of the city in a manner more harmonious to the spirits and forbade thatched roofs on all dwellings people inhabited.

During Tsanahuutimna's era, houses began to blend both above ground and underground components for the first time in the centuries since pithouses fell out of style. Aside from the benefit of making sturdier homes, adoption of these homes may be the desire to maximise living space within a plot of land or increasingly dense cities like Wayam whose growth was constrained by riverbanks. Others additionally suggest a rise in the price of charcoal and firewood within cities due to local deforestation made heating homes more expensive. Reclaiming cliffs hollowed out for terracing and quarrying of stone no doubt served as a factor as well. For the elite, they may have desired more fire-resistant housing.

The building materials of houses changed as well. While formerly wood, and in particular redcedar, was the preferred building material, by the 13th century North Fusanian houses went for dual wooden-stone approach, or among poorer people wood and mudbrick. In Fusanian architecture, this represented a fusion of the distinct classes of spirits found within stone with those found within trees. Roofs used redcedar planks coated with pine tar or in the used Plateau stone tiles. In every case, these houses retained characteristic Fusanian architectural elements such as their painted house posts and rooms cordoned off with thick and decorated curtains woven from towey goat wool.

Arts

In later centuries, a very standard sort of North Fusanian noble art, music, poetry, and dances typified the arts in North Fusania. These arts reflected the worldview of their performers and drew their origin in the styles originated at the courts of Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl around 1200 AD. Evidence for this appears in numerous oral records commemorating figures who lived at this time for their "leadership in dances" or "brilliant artistic skill" and more physical evidence occurs in remnants of early musical instruments and remains of tapestries and totem poles.

Fusanian historiography attributes twin figures as demigods of music who invented what became known as the Five Instruments. In some accounts they are brothers-in-law, among Whulchomic peoples they are twins, and in the Plateau they are cousins. Legend holds that these twins made many pacts with Coyote so that they might please both noble and peasant alike. Their guardian spirit song was said to be so powerful that all but the Pillar King (most sources say Tsanahuutimna) fled from them in fright of its evocative energy. One brother designed the common Fusanian gong and the Fusanian musical bell while the other designed the common Fusanian zither and the Fusanian lute. The brothers combined their effort and created the Fusanian metal flute.

No evidence for these brother's existance has ever been found, yet evidence for all five of these instruments (and numerous other instruments considered "subordinate" to the main five instruments) appear starting in the early 13th century. It may be that changing tastes of the elite combined with an abundance of spare time and resources allowed for the proliferation of these instruments. The fact gongs, bells, and flutes all hold uses for signalling in battle suggests that the Wayamese desired a more complex set of battlefield signals, and from these signals came instruments. However, just as likely these instruments derived from earlier drums and flutes and increasing experimentation with metals and alloys.

The appearance of these instruments in this era suggests the solidification of Fusanian aesthetics toward music, in particular the most noted characteristic in later times, their fascination with vibration and reverbation. Oral history indicates several compositions were composed for figures active in this era such as Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl and leading noblemen of Wayam such as Snkalip or Plaashyaka. However, crediting an old ruler with being the commissioner or first to hear a piece of music, art, or literature was a common trope in Fusania and to what role these figures played in the artistic life of Fusania remains uncertain.

Evidence for the evolution of other arts remains difficult to determine given the challenge of precise dating oral records, yet several noteworthy figures reputed to have composed poetry or dances lived during the era of Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl. Many stories regarding the life of these figures record the fondness both of those Pillar Kings held toward clever poets or skilled dancers.

Law

In Aanwaakutl's attempts at uniting the vast amount of land under his rule, among his greatest contributions were his law codes. Utilising the office of the sapuuskasitla, Aanwaakutl rewrote and distributed detailed and uniform laws to every corner of the Wayamese Empire using totem sticks and men who memorised the laws to be promulgated. These laws became the basis for most later Fusanian law codes, as evidenced by the number of times later sources cite Aanwaakutl as a basis for the wisdom of such laws .The law code applied equally to all people living in Wayam as well as those civilised people living outside Wayamese rule such as many Northern Chiyatsuru or the Khusamish people [8] who were treated as subjects of Wayam.

Aanwaakutl's law code covered all manner of relations between people from business dealings and other civil matters to crime and punishment. It enshrined the sapuuskasitla as the judiciary responsible for enforcing the laws and mediating cases between parties. As customary in Fusania, a victim of a crime or their clan might choose a manner of restitution that typically involved monetary compensation or for more serious crimes forced labour to that clan or if the clan refused, forced labour to the Wayamese state.

Mediation between victims and the accused remained crucial to the Wayamese concept of justice, as like all Fusanian law codes, Aanwaakutl's law code attempted to devise a fair way of compensating victims while deterring crime. As ever, once the settlement was made between victim and perpetrator and compensation paid (if possible), the crime was rarely spoken of again and further legal action against the perpetrator became impossible.

The law treated Hillmen under their own status and recognised their existence within Wayam provided they submitted to the Pillar King yet gave them a status akin to slavery. They were forbidden from owning slaves and proscribed from wearing jewelry or clothing dyed any colour but black from coal. The Hillmen were denied the permission to flatten the heads of their infants (the sign of a noble or freeman) and branded with the "Hillman mark" (a black circle with line through it [9]) on both hands and forehead. No man was to harm a Hillman or his property without permission from their Directional King, for the local Hillmen were his property. The many Hillmen living under Wayamese rule, especially in the west, greatly resented this decree yet it put a stop to the frequent massacres and other attacks against them and their property. Even many of the most arduous decrees already were being applied by Wayamese authorities in some areas.

Notably, Aanwaakutl's law abolished death sentences for all crimes aside from offences against the Pillar King and the most severe acts of blasphemy, purportedly to avoid tainting men with death. He likewise abolished banishment, a common sentence for severe crimes such as murder or rape. All of these crimes were now punished with a lifetime of forced labour to either the victim's clan or to the Wayamese state. These government slaves, separate from the personal slaves owned by the Pillar King's household, worked throughout the empire on the most arduous of tasks such as mining mercury.

Much of Aanwaakutl's code focused on regulating morality for the sake of preserving balance. Various laws governed blasphemy, intoxication, sexual relations, marriage, relations within clans and between clans, and relations with nobles. Often these laws could be relatively lenient compared to similar early law codes-- for insatance, a slave might be confiscated and given to another man of the owner's clan if their owner's abuse prevented them from working, while a man who committed domestic violence against a wife was punished with a fine or forced labour paid to his wife's clan.

Similarly, the code gave recognition to the fragile nature of the Fusanian environment. Land was to be used by only the clan which owned it--grazing rights were regulated, while poaching, felling trees without permission, and illegal land clearances garnered strict penalties. Damaging sacred groves or rocks carried the strictest of penalties. Aanwaakutl regulated pollution in his code and decreed the discharge of human and animal waste into rivers be fined with the money and labour spent for building cesspools and similar infrastructure. He likewise declared that those who polluted streams with runoff from mining operations (which was recognised to damage salmon runs) compensate communities affected with livestock. It became tradition when opening a mine to give the nearest village a reindeer to slaughter, a tradition maintained into the modern age in the Imaru Basin.

Adoption of such a code of laws proved challenging for in some areas the new Wayamese laws contradicted pre-existing customary law. An intransigent and inflexible ruler, Aanwaakutl demanded these laws applied regardless of local custom. Anyone sentenced under local laws might appeal to Wayamese authorities and receive a proper judgement. This resulted in much grievances from non-Aipakhpam nobles and even localised revolts yet also resulted in many opportunities for the clever and ingenuous in these societies.

One area Aanwaakutl never attempted to press into conformity were those areas inhabited by the Valley Tanne. Well known for their own codes of law and the social power of their judges, the Valley Tanne utterly rejected the halfhearted attempts to apply Wayamese law to them. Gaiyuchul of Katlamat describes this instance in his Saga of the Peoples of the World.

"The Walamtksh [10] find great passion in their laws and to great lengths will they go to defend it. When the great Pillar King of Wayam Aanwaakutl devised his grand code of laws he ordered his judges with their totem sticks go forth into the land of the Walamtksh so understanding of the laws of the Pillar King might spread in this country. The judges of that Prince of Hleadni Khaashihlsik met the men of Aanwaakutl and learned from them of the laws now expected of them to uphold.

The Walamtksh claim their judges studied every portion of these new laws for five days and with the judges of the Pillar King argued every portion of these new laws for five more days and through their wisdom baffled the Pillar King's judges. The Prince of Hleadni erected a great totem pole proclaiming the laws of Aanwaakutl exempt the Walamtksh from following them and therefore traditional Walamtksh law reigns supreme. The Pillar King Aanwaakutl celebrated the brilliance of the Walamtksh judges and held them in such respect he permitted this exemption stand. I believe it true for Aanwaakutl knew he must please the clever and wealthy Prince of Hleadni so he might keep strong the southern flank of Wayam.

While the oral law remained memorised for centuries, memories of Aanwaakutl's code blended with later legal codes it inspired. The 16th century Fusanian historian and jurist Nechelgesh of Hleadni purportedly committed the laws of Aanwaakutl to text in his 1541 treatise On Restoring the Laws of Old. Intended to convince the Pillar King of his day to return to laws based on the golden era of Fusania, this text supposedly included in full the entirety of Aanwaakutl's legal code as collected from a "diverse many judges and scholars learned in authentic tradition." However, even his contemporaries criticised the book as selective in which laws it listed and the oral record in this case corrupted. In any case, Nechelgesh died of smallpox several years later and only fragments of his book (and works in general) survive.

Bureaucracy

In many respects, Wayam was an oversized city-state. The basic form of Wayamese government changed little since the 11th century, where intermediaries termed payiktla under a powerful senwitla negotiated the relationships between the ruler and vassal noblemen whose intermediaries in turn negotiated the relationship with the people. The most important relationship dealt with the collection of tribute, where the followers paid tribute to the ruler and the ruler distributed said tribute back to them at ceremonious potlatches throughout the year, events that were crucial in demonstrating the ruler's power, prestige, and legitimacy.

Among the greatest challenges that faced the Wayamese bureaucracy was the shortage of qualified intermediaries. From earliest times, those working for the senwitla of Wayam tended to almost always be Wayamese proper. By the time of Q'mitlwaakutl, these permissions expanded to permit ethnic Wayamapam (the ethnic Aipakhpam from the region immediately around Wayam) although rarely were they accorded the same status as those from Wayam proper. Those not of the proper ethnicity served only in temporary or support roles, ensuring they never gained the proper experience or appreciation of their duties and fostering corruption and inefficiency within the bureaucracy.

By the time of Aanwaakutl, the sheer size of Wayam ensured this system needed to be changed. Aanwaakutl instituted a civil service reform and opened the ranks of payiktla to all who "stood in loyalty" to the Pillar King "and Wayam". He established institutions for these new payiktla to learn and study under experienced leaders all aspects related to their tasks. One of these tasks included thorough knowledge of Aipakhpam culture, a skill that still defacto restricted the ranks of the payiktla to ethnic Aipakhpam. These informal schools and apprenticeships also no doubt included study of non-Aipakhpam culture, including their language. The formalising and expanding the bureaucracy ensured more efficient collection of tribute for Wayam and diminished the influence of entrenched networks within the officeof senwitla.

Aanwaakutl also continued anti-corruption efforts within not only the office of the senwitla but other offices as well. He decreed that no man might spend more than five years in the same province and that for any man to be promoted highly within the office (including to the rank of senwitla), they must achieve exemplary service in all five provinces of the empire. This limited the damage corruption might cause while ensuring corrupt bureaucrats might easily be purged.

This also ensured the expansion of the bureaucracy continued unabated. It seems likely the Wayamese bureaucracy was by far the largest expedenture of the state, especially as Aanwaakutl attempted to centralise Wayam as much as he feasibly could. Regardless of Aanwaakutl's successes at creating laws and wringing more money from the system by penalising bad actors, the system became increasingly expensive to support. While historical records show Aanwaakutl was aware of the problems of a bloated bureaucracy, it seemed his only method of dealing with it was to purge corruption from the system and rearrange the bureaucratic workings rather than instituting systematic change.

Society

The late 12th century saw a great uptick in totem writing thanks to the expansion of the Wayamese Empire and the amount and edicts and laws declared by Tsanahuutimna. The Wayamese erected these tall poles in hundreds of towns so that those who read totem writing could speak to the people the law as well as important events. The amount of messages sent with smaller totem sticks vastly increased as well thanks to the security of the country as well as the desire of the Wayamese elite to communicate their intent with allies and enemies alike.

As in previous ages, knowledge of totem writing remained a closely guarded art. The nuances in the shape of the objects depicted, whether they were raised or sunk into the wood they were carved on, and the colour of the object all altered the reading making it nearly impossible to understand for those not educated although those who knew it could read it almost regardless of the language of the carver. Reading totem writing similarly took much skill--Gaiyuchul claims that of all the Pillar Kings of Wayam, only Q'mitlwaakutl, Tsanahuutimna, and Aanwaakutl ever fully understood totem writing. The difficulty in the writing system promoted the development of a scribal class known as totem carvers throughout Fusania who closely guarded their knowledge.

Having learned totem writing, Tsanahuutimna disliked these scribes, particularly how they overcharged the nobility for their services. The ostentatious wealth they gained from this expansion of totem writing offended Tsanahuutimna and both the office of sapuuskasitla and senwitla who were subject to strict sumptuary laws on their jewelry and dress. With the support of the bureaucracy, in 1180 Tsanahuutimna arrested numerous totem carvers for fraud and theft, sentenced them to forced labour, and redistributed their wealth to the people.

Seeking a new source of totem carvers, Tsanahuutimna sent messengers to invite them from foreign realms. Many of these scribes, in particular those from the Whulge Coast, were strongly influenced by Hillman styles in their writing with those of the Far Northwest being considered the most prestigious, perhaps because that region gave birth to totem writing. With the Far Northwest experiencing a great expansion of population and occasional conflict, the Wayamese began inviting Uikara, Kaida, Tsusha, and Ringitsu totem carvers at the end of the 12th century.

Nch'iyaka criticises this act, claiming that "Tsanahuutimna did choose the fortune of his people over the fortune of his land" by inviting in the Hillmen, one of the few times Tsanahuutimna is criticised in his history. Gaiyuchul treats the act as an inevitable consequence of the greed of the totem carvers although Gaiyuchul often displays a bias against the totem carvers as he was a strong promoter of the Japanese-derived Imaru script from the 1450s onward.

Tsanahuutimna subjected these foreign totem carvers to numerous restrictions. He forbade them from leaving their quarters without permission, banned them from wearing any metal jewelry or feathers, and forced them to wear chains of wood around their neck and wrists. He ordered that none from the royal palace would have any interaction with them and that the elite would only use the service of native totem carvers. Tsanahuutimna inteded to control the foreign totem carvers, remind them of their guest status, and ensure their services remained cheap for the nobility and merchants.

Numerous communities of these Hillman totem carvers formed and they invited in other members of their clans. Over the decades ethnic barriers broke down among these guilds and even groups formerly contentious to each other like the Khaida and Tsusha merged together. They spoke a common pidgin based on Khaida that became known as "carving speech" [11]. These totem carvers never forgot their origins and formed powerful guilds that remained mostly loyal to the aristocracy based on the dislike they inspired among the populace.

These carvers and native attempts to compete with them completed the standardisation of totem writing in a vast area from the Ueno River to the Anasugi Peninsula. This standardisation and the influx of new totem carvers made it cheaper to send a "letter" in the form of a totem stick, a correspondance that could be read regardless of one's language. While royal edicts make up the majority of surviving totem sticks, numerous personal correspondances occur as well. For instance, a totem stick known as the "Advice Stick" found buried in a dry canal near the former site of Panku [12] sent between two merchants has been reconstructed as reading the following:

"You must send me 400 large shells, for I owe much to the center [Wayam] and for this my lovely daughter shall be yours. Be not like me and be not in debt."

This combined outburst of writing and standardisation allowed the development of totem writing as a proto-script capable of expressing many, yet not all concerns [13]. Although in the interpretation could be vague, the totem carver and sender of the message regularly sent along a courier who conveyed the message properly using the symbols on the totem stick as a guide. The complexity of totem writing in this era has been compared to the earliest writing of the Uruk period or Predynastic Egypt in the Old World or the most abstract of Mesoamerican writing in the New World. It has been suggested that totem writing maintained its "masculine" qualities compared to the "feminine" quality of the knotted string records which restricted the sort of messages that it might convey.

Conclusions

The era of Tsanahuutimna and especially Aanwaakutl mark the golden age of the Wayamese Empire. The vibrant economy, great burst of architecture and engineer, and flourishing of new cultural styles gave rise to Fusanian culture and society as commonly understood in later centuries. An unprecedented prosperity took hold in society and the population rapidly expanded. Linked together under one ruler with new roads and sharing an increasingly common heritage and innovations, a common and enduring culture emerged in Fusania under the auspices of the Pillar King.

---
Author's notes

This entry touches on a number of cultural and societal topics which I felt needed more attention and I broke it down by section, hi. I've mentioned much of this before in previous entries yet have tried to emphasise how during the time of Tsanahuutimna and Aanwaakutl, the unity of North Fusania and wealth of Wayam help bring much of [North] Fusanian culture to an entirely different level.​

The next several entries will deal with the Far Northwest and will be vaguely related. We'll explore the beginnings of the Bronze Age in Fusania as well as the height of civilisation in those cold lands. I don't know how many entries there will be there (at least two I suspect). When I return to discussing Wayam I will cover the political side of Aanwaakutl's rule.

There still will be a chart of Wayamese government and military organisation to come, though.

[1] - This is the specific sort of totem pole of varying sizes carved and sent to a location with an important decree from a ruler on it.
[2] - "Aanwaakutl" means "like the sun"
[3] - The Takuzashi River is Crab Creek in WA and Lake Takushiba is Moses Lake.
[4] - Moses Lake (Lake Takushiba) was formed by sand dunes that blocked Crab Creek (Takuzashi River). Periodically these sand dunes shift from flooding or earthquakes which partially or entirely drains the lake. In the modern era the level of the lake is controlled by a dam. Laatlatas is a much smaller dam but it functions as an artificial dune to control the level of the lake
[5] - This is basically a much smaller and reduced version of Potholes Reservoir in WA while Laatlatash (the second one) is essentially a small and ancient version of O'Sullivan Dam. The much smaller dam still blocks Crab Creek but without the vast amount of dams on the Columbia and the resulting water diversions, the resulting reservoir is much smaller.
[6] - This is essentially the relevant sections of Washington State Route 14 and Interstate 84
[7] - See Chapter 35
[8] - The Khusamish are those Whulchomic/Coast Salish who live northwest of the Lelemakhs and correspond to OTL's Sechelt, Sliammon, Island Comox, and Pentlatch peoples. The term comes from a loanword from Atkh meaning "Salish" (it is also a homonym for a sort of wild duck so is somewhat derogatory). Do not confuse with the Lik'wil'dak city state of Khusam [Sayward, BC] which has a different name origin and has nothing to do with these peoples
[9] - This roughly resembles the "Do Not Enter"/"No Entry" sign found on roads.
[10] - Walamtksh is the Namal exonym for the Valley Tanne
[11] - This is akin to OTL's Haida Jargon
[12] - Panku is Vantage, WA
[13] - As I have noted, totem writing is a development of OTL's conventions for signs and symbols on totem poles and house posts. It is complex, as much depends on the colours used and whether the symbol is engraved into the stick, raised from the stick as bas-relief, or level with the stick. I believe a sort of proto-writing is inevitable for a complex civilisation, but there can be many reasons why it wouldn't evolve into something more simple. For instance in North Fusania, dualism separates "masculine" totem writing (as men carve them) and "feminine" knotted string records (as women weave them) and prevents a unification of the writing system and the secrets of the system is closely guarded by various guilds.
 
I will probably post an update tomorrow for those curious.
I must confess I am nowhere near close to the "Present" of this timeline (currently on Chapter 31), but this has been an utter pleasure to read over the past week, by far one of the most detailed and in-depth timelines I've read that certainly deserves a place amongst the other "Lands of X" TLs. One of the densest too for that matter given how long its taken to get to the start of page 9.
Thank you for the praise. I honestly wish I didn't make it so in-depth and I've tried to restrain myself in the time since I've written that lest I never get to the interesting parts.
@Arkenfolm East and West Wayam should be swapped
Thanks for pointing that out, I have some weird mental block that confuses east and west whenever I write.
 
Chapter 55- The Shining Horns of the North
-LV-
"The Shining Horns of the North"

Until the 20th century, few imagined that the great Fusanian civilisation of North America dawned amidst the mosquito-ridden marshes and stunted spruce and birch forest of the great Hentsuren River. Here in this land, legend states that a cultural hero named Nenkk'ok'ehaatlyo or the "Lord of the Ground" tamed the first reindeer from wild caribou and made sweetvetch, bistort, and other Arctic vegetables spring from the ground in great numbers. The impacts of this combined plant and animal domestication produced a resonance that changed the course of history. Archaeology determines the Lord of the Ground likely lived around the 1st century AD, and over a millennia after his death the Dena civilisation he created thrived as never before.

Nenkk'ok'ehaatlyo changed the world for the Dena of the Hentsuren by providing easy access to their staple foods such as caribou and plant sources. Their population swelled during the second century as the changes in the seasonal round Nenkk'ok'ehaatlyo and his famed daughter the so-called Lady of the Ground Nenkk'ok'ehaatlyotlaahe brought to their people gave unprecedented ease of life. To the common Dena man the reindeer seemed to come straight to him and he controlled them as he would a dog, while every night his wife arrived with bountiful amounts of roots she dug. Those authorities in charge who demanded he provide extra labour for piling dirt alongside rivers or in marshes didn't seem so bad, after all, he was simply praising the spiritual authorities who permitted him an otherwise easy life.

This permitted the permanent inhabitation of sites like Nuklukayet and Takhachili which developed into major trading centers, conventionally called the Tachiri culture. Season after season, reindeer herding clans met at these places, producing great boon for the local people who lived there. Agriculture intensified at places like this, where as inefficient as it could be the local people survived thanks to trading their surplus to the more nomadic pastoralists who in any case nominally tended their own pastures of sweetvetch and bistort to maintain healthy reindeer.

The arrival of the Late Antique Little Ice Age devastated this incipient civilisation. Around 300 AD, the climate suddenly cooled. At first this promoted an intensification of the civilisation which was already there as they devoted every effort they could into their resources yet by 500 AD this clearly was not enough [1]. Internal conflict, flooding, and frigid weather destroyed this first pulse of civilisation as the climate reached its coldest point around 600 AD yet this outflux of Dena pastoralists in the subsequent American Migration Period introduced endless changes to Fusanian peoples.

Even if their urban centers collapsed, the Dena people held on, locally intensifying their pastoralism and horticulture. The many migrations of the Dena gave them trade partners from the normally hostile Inuit to the mercentile Ringitsu, and from these groups new innovations in agriculture and pastoralism returned to them over the centuries. Crops such as river turnip grew on the Hentsuren in fields full of geese and ducks. Towey goats provided additional meat and fiber for blankets. While they never herded muskox, the qiviu pelts of the muskox proved valuable trade goods. Metalworking arrived from the Atsuna Dena and well-traveled trade routes emerged leading to the south.

By the end of the 9th century, a warmer climate returned and the Dena of the Hentsuren basin took full advantage of it. Their fields produced more crops than ever ensuring plenty of healthy reindeer. The trees around them grew larger and gave more wood and bark for animal browsing. Trading villages grew larger as a result and innovations from the south kept on arriving. Plants like lupines or sappitsu [2] in addition to of course sweetvetch and bistort saw great increase in yields with blending of local cultivars with those from the south. Those domesticates from the south like wokas, goosefoot, and rice lily that could thrive in the Hentsuren basin's cold climate arrived as well. Once again, true towns grew up in the land of the Hentsuren Dena and population urban and rural greatly expanded.

The 12th century saw several more important developments. Firstly, the Hentsuren Dena mated domesticated moose from more southerly Dena tribes with the large wild moose of their homeland to produce the Hentsuren moose [3]. By 1200, archaeology shows the average size of males of this domesticated breed approach 800 kilograms and stood around 2.3 meters at the shoulder and could carry up to 150 kilograms on their backs. These moose became a signature animal of the Hentsuren people and regularly traded to southerly peoples for great profit. In return, the southern peoples sent them all manner of goods, including noblewomen to be married to Dena chiefs. Over time, this incorporation of southern cultural elements brought the Hentsuren Dena another new development, that of their highly hierarchal society, stratification, and castes found among the Ringitsu and other southerly people [4].

The second important development was food from the south. Acorns imported from as far south as Daxi Bay traveled to the Hentsuren and provided a stable reserve of food. Other food sources such as pine nuts and dried camas traveled just as far yet the durability of acorns and their exotic nature proved irresistable for the Hentsuren Dena. They traded a great amount of livestock and precious metals in exchange for acorns, which they stored in fortified villages. Beehive-shaped granaries built of stone and earth stored these acorns as well as other agricultural produce, structures which remain characteristic of the medieval Hentsuren Dena thanks to their durability. As elsewhere in Fusania, acorns alongside imported shells served as currency in this far northern land.

Nuklukayet returned from its collapse by the 12th century as a powerful Dena tribe migrated into the lands near the village surrounded by mounds reminding of its glorious past. Soon one of the wealthiest and most powerful ruler of these tribes took on the name "Nenkkuskaa", a name held by the Lord of the Ground meaning "master of earth" [5]. This name allegedly granted its holder rule over all Dena peoples. Naturally, other Dena tribes fiercely opposed this. The first Nenkkuskaa lived in the late 11th century and held sway over many tribes--according to legend, the majority of the Lower Hentsuren--yet he was assassinated by rivals and his successors fought over the name. Tribal leaders outside the Hentsuren found the legitimacy the name provided useful and established their own claim to it and the name became a title.

Through this means the title nenkkuskaa spread throughout the Dena realm. It is hypothesised that by the early 14th century at the latest it arrived in the Upper Shisutara among Dena tribes there while Norse traders of the early 17th century note the Sayisi Dena used the title for their paramount chiefs. The Plains Dena tribes used the title as did the Inde peoples (such as the Apache) of Oasisamerica who migrated from the north during the late Middle Ages as did those Athabaskan tribes who migrated into the Upper Mississippi Basin. Early Japanese explorers identified these nenkkuskaa as akin to Turko-Mongolic khans and often translated their title in a similar fashion--the strongest leaders of the Apache and Plains Dena received a similar treatment from Europeans by the 18th century. Historians both East Asian and Euroamerican conventionally identify their confederations as "khanates."

A new political organisation emerged among the Hentsuren, which historians have called the "Khanate Era" based on the power of the nenkkuskaa and their numerous followers who formed confederations. Each nenkkuskaa led several subordinate tribes and was elected from among these tribal leaders. Often the nenkkuskaa was related to most or all of these tribal leaders through the marriages of his clan and as in the conventions of Dena matrilineal society, passed power to the son of the man his sister married. The nenkkuskaa held great power over his subordinates and adjudicated many matters although he needed to be cautious lest a tribe revolt and ally with a nearby confederations.

The history of the Hentsuren basin in the Khanate Era remains unclear thanks to fragile records, poor recording of the already unclear oral history, and a dearth of written records. Our greatest source is the late-15th century Yahanen Dena historian Yetsahtighi who apparently frequently traveled the Tengada Road from the Yahanen Peninsula to Nuklukayet and was among the first writers in Fusania. Yetsahtighi spent much time at the courts of various nenkkuskaa and recorded information of their history, culture, and dealings with neighbours. What seems apparent is a division of the Hentsuren basin into several mutually competing khanates whose rulers drew their strength based on their wealth, their popularity among the nobles, and especially their ability to adjudicate complex disputes.

Demographically, the Hentsuren Basin hit a peak in population by the early 13th century and maintained a near level population (with a few dips here and there) of around 250,000 people until its disastrous collapse in the Little Ice Age around 1500. Based on later reconstructions, around ten khanates existed at any given time, on average each containing about 25,000 people and several times as many livestock. Slaves made up a far lesser proportion of the Hentsuren Basin, with around 10% of the population enslaved compared to 30% in much of the Imaru Basin--typically these were debt slaves or slaves purchased from the Ringitsu as the Dena rarely raided each other for slaves.

Linguistically and culturally the Hentsuren Dena were not a united people--they spoke eight different related languages and numerous dialects in the Hentsuren Dena dialect continuum which did not necessarily correspond to the rough borders of the khanates they organised Culturally they possessed similar yet often different traditions. The building block of their society remained the clan throughout history, and the Hentsuren Dena ignored the linguistically defined ethnic units imposed on them by later anthropologists and governments.

Each khanate controlled a few sedentary villages they used as trading centers with some larger than others. The largest was Nuklukayet which held over 2,000 people and some have claimed up to 5,000 people--Nuklukayet drew its strength as a religious site and key center on the Tengada Road to the south. Typically, however, the average major center contained around a thousand people at most and often closer to 500 and existed merely as a large and permanent village.

Conflict remained endemic among the Hentsuren Dena. Tribes held rivalries between each other which required delicate resolution from the nenkuskkaa. Often the tribes escalated tensions themselves through frequent livestock rustling or abduction of women. Slave raids however were almost unheard of as the Hentsuren Dena considered it a grave insult to hold a relative in slavery (as common in Fusania). For this reason the nenkuskkaa usually forbade it as a "foul tradition of the coastal peoples." These conflicts rarely involved more than a few dozen warriors on either side and often contained a ceremonial aspect in allowing young men to prove their bravery and manhood.

Larger-scale conflicts rarely occurred. Theoretically, a nenkuskkaa might call to arms all the tribes who served him and demand they fight against a particular opponent. This rarely occurred due to the logistical challenges and reluctance of tribal leaders making wars of this scale the subject of legends. The first nenkuskkaa fought several large wars against rivals and this no doubt led to his assassination. Large wars occurred more often against non-Dena groups such as the Yupik, Inuit, and occasionally the Ringitsu.

The most militant of the Hentsuren Dena khanates were the Tikeneqh Khanate located on the Kasshin River [6] and the Tlaakiyet Khanate located mostly on the Lower Menigatsu River [7] east of the Yaigani Peninsula. These khanates bordered the lands of the Yupik as well as newly migrated Ringitsu. The Ringitsu served as middlemen between the groups and ensured a steady supply of weapons and mercenaries into the area as well as their demand for slaves. Further, the Ringitsu desired livestock and land for themselves and often joined these conflicts.

These conflicts might involve up to five thousand warriors on either side, a considerable number considering the population of the region. The nenkuskkaa himself or his heir assumed leadership over this sizable force. The common strategy followed was to attack villages and massacre or enslave those present and lie in wait to ambush enemy forces assembling against them. After a large battle or two, the opposing factions concluded peace which typically included the transfer of much wealth and land rights. Conflicts on this scale remained rare thanks to their destructive nature, yet occurred about once a generation.

This integration into the regional economy characterised the Hentsuren Dena. Far from the "barbarians of the North Wind held back by the great mountains" as they were portrayed by coastal groups like the Ringitsu, the Hentsuren Dena played an essential part in the trade of metals and quality livestock. In time, the Hentsuren Dena became essential to the mining and export of tin and with it the foundation of the Fusanian Bronze Age.

Atsuna Dena

Among the wealthiest of the Dena people remained the Atsuna Dena who derived their wealth from the rich deposits of copper including many occurrences of pure copper found in their territory. Archaeology indicates some of the earliest smelting of copper in Fusania occurred along the Higini River at the end of the 8th century AD and for centuries before that, this region exported copper and coldworked the metal using local deposits. Centuries later, the Atsuna Dena remained a wealthy, powerful, and innovative force despite their harsh lands hemmed in by the highest mountains of North America.

As it did for centuries, copper served as the main commodity of export from the Atsuna homeland of the Higini Plateau. Vast quantities of copper both ore and finished were exported south to the Ringitsu towns of Hachikei Bay [8]. To compete with other sources of copper, the Atsuna Dena became masters at artistically shaping their copper alongside the gold that they also mined into a particular style of plates and staves which held great religious significance at ceremonial dances. Some of these staves appeared as far south as the Imaru Basin, where like all similar religious goods from the Far Northwest and Wakashi Island, they were known as "Coastman staves."

Ringitsu clans who lost in conflicts and wars or those clans who outgrew the land available to them often migrated to this area and sought the protection of the Atsuna Dena. There they laboured as servants to the Atsuna or occasionally lived in sedentary villages where they farmed and gathered whatever they could despite the poor soil and frigid climate, paying tribute to the local Dena tribes for the privilege of residence. Many of them ended up as miners and worked alongside imported slaves. Ringitsu from elsewhere, especially traveling merchants from outside the Higini Plateau, looked down on these migrants.

Politically they were organised into a single khanate since perhaps the 11th century and were among the most organised in the Far Northwest thanks to the influences it borrowed from nearby coastal cultures. Around 20,000 people (about a quarter Ringitsu) lived in their territory despite its dry and frigid climate thanks to their vibrant economy. Kiisiqh'enah at the crossroads of trade routes [9] served as the largest center in this territory with around a thousand permanent residents, mostly ethnic Ringitsu. As the nenkuskka who ruled the Atsuna migrated seasonally to the villages of the various tribes beneath him, his arrival in Kiisiqh'enah in autumn brought a great deal of temporary migrants.

The Atsuna Dena held peaceful relations with the Ringitsu across the mountains to the south as well as the Yahanen Dena to their west, yet relations with the Hentsuren Dena of the Taats'altey Khanate were often strained and the two groups made numerous raids on each other over the years. In the greatest of these raids around 1200, an Atsuna Dena force of 4,000 warriors (mostly Ringitsu and Khaida mercenaries) burnt down the town of Taats'altey [10] and killed the khanate's ruling family. This action held great significance for the region's future, for the Taghatili Khanate absorbed the remnants of the Taats'altey Khanate to became one of the most powerful khanates in the Hentsuren Basin [11].

Yahanen Dena

The wealthiest and most powerful of the Dena of the Far Northwest were the Yahanen Dena ("people of the good land"), one of the few Dena peoples to live on the ocean. They migrated to their land in the 6th and 7th century AD thanks to the Little Ice Age and displaced to the fringes the Old Kechaniya Culture who spoke a Yupik language. Archaeologically, this begins the Shigitsuno Culture (600 - 1000) which is characterised by pastoralism, light agriculture, and fishing of both the rich salmon migrations and halibut fishing in the ocean. Settlements remain small and dispersed and culturally the Yahanen remained similar to other Hentsuren Dena groups.

Around 1000 AD, a great cultural shift occurs brought on by increased population and wealth and extensive trading contact with the Ringitsu marking the Chikkaku Culture (1000 - 1300). In this era, the Yahanen peacefully absorbed the remnants of the Old Kechaniya Culture as well as Ringitsu settlements to produce a new maritime Yahanen culture. These Yahanen Dena almost entirely adopted the Far Northwest culture found among the Ringitsu and others to the southeast, bringing about an extremely hierachal society centered especially on whaling yet also including a much greater emphasis on farming.

The many flat areas of the Yahanen homeland combined with the relatively warm climate made this region as ideal for agriculture as could be in the cold and rugged Far Northwest. With good care paid to planting, large fields of common aquatic Western Agricultural Complex crops like omodaka, wokas, and especially river turnip could readily be grown. Traditional Dena crops like sweetvetch and bistort naturally thrived in this environment and the Yahanen Dena rarely lacked in food or diversity of diet. The true constraint on agricultural expansion lay in the extensive earthworking needed to prevent flooding and the need to treat the generally poor and acidic soils with lime and seaweed to ensure a decent yield.

As with the Ringitsu, the Yahanen Dena practiced innovative and extensive forestry. In addition to the typical controlled burns and encouragement of valuable species for medicine and animal feed, the Yahanen used windbreaks and earthworks to carefully manage the few native stands of Wakashan spruce and yellow cedar and expand their range. The focus on these trees was likely due to the prestige goods made from them brought--a noble who controlled a local grove of these trees was thus seen as one spiritually gifted.

With Yahanen agriculture, fishing, and whaling, an area of mostly marshes and high mountains of only around 60,000 square kilometers supported an ever increasing number of people. In 1000 AD, around 30,000 people resided in the area--by 1200 AD that number had tripled to 90,000 making it among the most densely populated regions of the Far Northwest outside of a few wealthy islands like Kechaniya to the south. These people concentrated themselves in growing villages and towns where a thriving artistic and mercentile culture evolved.

Urbanisation began during the Chikkaku Culture, so named for Chikkaku Bay around which emerged Tuqeqht, the first sizable (i.e. over 1,000 people) settlement in Yahanen territory [12]. Given its southerly position and proximity to Kechaniya Island, it seems likely the Ringitsu founded Tuqeqht. Oral history concurs with this, tracing the foundation of Tuqeqht to a Ringitsu man and his Yahanen wife. Thanks to its port and proximity to trade routes, Tuqeqht thrived for centuries as one of the important ports of call in the Far Northwest. At its peak in the early 13th century, around 2,000 people lived in the city. Several other settlements of the Yahanen also held over a thousand people in this period.

This urbanisation and Ringitsu influence prevented the emergence of nenkuskkaa among the Yahanen. Fortified walls and sources of wealth other than livestock allowed rulers of cities considerable sway in negotiations with pastoralist clans and forced both sides to live in harmony and mutual symbiosis. Typically the ruler of a city (called the k'ezakhten) married his sisters to the leading headman (called qeshqa) of nearby clans and villages in order to keep them in line. When he died, the nobles elected one of his nephews as the new k'ezakhten.

The number of city-states during the Chikkaku era remains unknown. Some suggest as many as twenty may have existed for a given definition of "city-state" while others believe the number may be as low as five. These city-states grouped into a number of alliances from early times in order to defend against each other, raids from across the mountains, and the threat of coastal raids from the Ringitsu, Khaida, and Unanga. Regardless of the number, each of these states proved a potent force in politics and on the battlefield. Archaeologists suggest the appearance of these state entities forced the unification of the island of Kechaniya to the south thanks to the increasing threat they posed to Kechaniya's towns both economically and militarily.

Dawn of a Bronze Age

Historians debate the origins of the Fusanian Bronze Age, which emerges during the early 13th century in both the Far Northwest and the Imaru Basin. Many suggest the distinction between the Fusanian Bronze Age and the so-called Terminal Chalcolithic is meaningless--arsenical bronze use increased in the late 11th and 12th centuries and even after tin bronze was consistently produced, arsenical bronze remained common for centuries after. However, the Hentsuren Dena hold a strong claim to the innovation of the Bronze Age based on their skilled metalworking and the relatively accessible deposits of tin and copper in their territory [13]. By the early 13th century the export of both tin and finished bronze begins.

Ethnohistoric records indicate the migration of ethnic Atsuna smiths and miners to the Hentsuren caused this evolution in metalworking. As they turned their skills to smelting gold, silver, lead, and other metals mined in this region, they noticed a rare silvery metal--tin--with different properties from what they knew. Although other Fusanian groups like the Ieruganin knew of tin as well, the Atsuna fully appreciated the rarity of this metal and began regularly mixing it into their copper alloys.

Tin bronze carried a crucial advantage over arsenical bronze in that it enabled more precise control over the amount of each substance being alloyed together. In comparison, arsenical bronze smelting as practiced elsewhere in Fusania produced wildly varying ratios of arsenic and also often antimony with the only real control being the addition of arsenical ores like realgar. This precise control appealed greatly to the common Fusanian desire of balance. Further, tin bronze manufacture was often simpler and required less work-hardening. Tin ore and materials produced from it thus carried high desirability and this method of bronzeworking began to spread, aided by the diasporas from the Far Northwest.

Unfortunately, cassiterite, the main ore of tin found in forms accessible to indigenous Fusanian metalworkers, is rare in North America. The greatest sources accessible to Fusanians occur in the Far Northwest, in particular the Hentsuren Basin and the Yaigani Peninsula. Much as in the Old World, these sources of tin would became the focal point of long-distance trade routes. With the great expansion of tin exports came a great expansion of the wealth of the Ringitsu people and their many sea trade routes, wealth that fueled these great explorers of the New World.
---
Author's notes

Here I return to the Far Northwest (my term for TTL's British Columbia Central Coast, Yukon, and Alaska) for the first time since the earliest entries of this TL. I've done a lot more research since that time almost 2 years ago and obviously I'd have written the first few chapters much differently now than back then.

In Alaska and surrounding areas, the Medieval Warm Period occurred from 900 to 1200. Temperatures were as warm as the early 21st century in this period. This has allowed the cultures and civilisations to reach new heights of cultural development, complexity, and wealth.

I will deal with the Ringitsu, Khaida, and Central Coast cultures next entry. The Ringitsu may get several entries either now or later due to their sheer geographical extent, importance to the region's trade, and their propensity for exploration.

As for the Bronze Age, I figured that given the extensive prestige copper and copperworking held in this area OTL for millennia as well as Alaska's extensive deposits of copper (and not to mention gold, silver, etc.) that it would emerge as a center of metallurgy. Since there are concentrations of alluvial cassiterite in Alaska very near the copper, I figured it would only be a matter of time before trial and error produced bronzeworking. Various factors will ensure tin bronze becomes a highly valued good throughout Fusania.

[1] - This was the Late Antique Little Ice Age in Alaska, which for the Dena leads to them trying to adapt before finally collapsing. Around 600 AD Alaska saw its coldest years in several millennia, and this led to the collapse of the Kachemak culture (TTL's Old Kechaniya Culture) and their subsequent replacement by the ancestors of the Dena'ina.
[2] - Sappitsu is devil's club (Oplopanax horridus) aka Alaskan ginseng is used as a vegetable and a garnish in food yet also as incense, bug repellent, and medicine (like OTL). It's a very characteristic Hillman crop and TTL is semi-domesticated.
[3] - Alces alces gigas, the largest cervid alive in the modern era. Blended with domesticated moose and selectively bred, it produces a massive animal highly suitable as a draft animal.
[4] - OTL Athabaskan groups like the Carrier/Dakelh or especially Tahltans and others of northwestern British Columbia/Southwestern Yukon borrowed many cultural traits from the coastal Tlingits and Tsimshians. With TTL's much stronger Tlingit-equivalents and other Northwest Coast cultures, a similar acculturation occurs among numerous Dena groups as far as the Hentsuren [Yukon]
[5] - The ending "-ka" in Alaskan Athabaskan languages which has cognates in all other Athabaskan languages is a cognate of a Proto-Dene-Yeniseian root meaning "ruler"
[6] - Tikeneqh is McGrath, AK and the Kasshin River is the Kuskokwim River
[7] - Tlaakiyet is Nulato, AK and the Menigatsu River is the Koyukuk River
[8] - Hachikei Bay is Prince William Sound, derived from a Japonicisation of Ringitsu name for it meaning "bay of many islands"
[9] - Kiisiqh'enah is Glennallen, AK
[10] - Taats'altey is Tanacross, AK
[11] - Taghatili (or Tachiri, it's Japanese exonym) is Nenana, AK
[12] - Chikkaku Bay is Kachemak Bay while Tuqeqht is Homer, AK. Do not confused the Chikkaku Culture with OTL's Kachemak Culture
[13] - Alaska is rich in copper and native copperworking is OTL, where copper was traded as far south as Vancouver Island in the form of copper plates said to hold spiritual powers. Tin is found in several places in Alaska, including on the Yukon. A mining and metalworking tradition among a Yukon-based people should lead to the development of bronze in time.
 
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Glad to see this circle back around to where it all began -- looking forward to the Ringitsu updates as a fresh alternative to the story of Wayam.
 
Well, after several weeks worth of reading, I've finally caught up with this thoroughly dense and excellent timeline. Now I'll just have to wait for updates like everything else.

In all seriousness, really am looking forward to seein gmore on this!
 
Chapter 56-Fortune From a Shattered Land
-LVI-
"Fortune From a Shattered Land"

On the northwest coast of the Americas lays an endless maze of forested islands and vast fjords cutting deep into a land of endless mountains. The skies lay cloudy with fog and mist while the land appears a boundless expanse of tall trees broken only by the sea and swift rivers. The seas swim full of fish and whales while migratory salmon swarm the creeks, preyed upon by bears and eagles and all manner of great wildlife. The first humans in the Americas crossed through this land over 15,000 years ago and for their descendents who chose to stay, they created the culture of North Fusania as we know it.

If the Dena of the Hentsuren gave Fusania its agriculture, its pastoralism, and its metalworking, than the Far Northwest Coast gave Fusania its culture and soul [1]. Without the need to acquire wealth for potlatching, without the ambition to acquire prestige at dancing ceremonies and masked societies, there would be no need to invest the time on arduous and meaningless pursuits like farming and herding. The rich ceremonial life of Fusania and their worldview originated among those endless forests and islands on that broken coast many centuries before the Lord of the Ground was born.

Later mariners borrowed the definition of "Far Northwest" from indigenous Fusanian sailors. Traditionally the Far Northwest began at Cape Fukiwa [2], where sat a Southern Khaida city-state named Khugwa whose inhabitants extorted passing ships for tolls. Historian Gaiyuchul states that "for as rowdy a city and people as Khugwa, beyond lies a country of far more twisted people unmatched in their degenerate ways" The people of Khugwa understood this well, for they lined the coast of Cape Fukiwa with numerous towers to guard against outsiders who frequently attempted reprisals for their piratical behavior.

The classical Far Northwest cultures included five different groups--the Ringitsu (or Hlinkit) and their offshoots in the furthest northwest, the Yahanen Dena whose range divided Ringitsu lands (called Ringitania) in two, the Dekina (or Khaida) on the islands of Guwai, the Tsusha (or Tsm'sha) in the north of the mainland, and the Uikara (also known as the Uitsuda or Hailtsaq) in the south of the mainland. Other groups once lived in this territory as oral records show yet were conquered and absorbed--or destroyed--by these peoples during the American Migration Period. The best attested are the Old Touyachi people who once lived at Lakhalidel and nearby inlets--they spoke a highly distinct language kin to both the Whulchomic languages and Salishan languages and left a legacy in the oral histories of the Uikara and Lakhalidel Tsusha.

Despite distinct languages and geographic separation, all five groups shared common cultures. They culturally emphasised whaling and considered the successful whaler as grand as a man who owned herds of reindeer. They focused on maritime resources, although not to the total neglect of land resources and agriculture. They centered their religion in a dualism akin to yet distinct from that of the Imaru Basin and worshipped Raven and Orca as creators and Transformer gods. Socially they divided themselves into either two (Ringitsu, Dekina) or four (Yahanen, Tsusha, Uikara) phratries and numerous clans which formed the basic building block for their political organisation which centered around confederations of prestigious male rulers. Succession and inheritance in these societies was matrilineal, a sharp distinction from much of Fusania.

The emphasis on the extended family groups reached its peak in this region of Fusania, and from this came their notorious (for other Fusanians) reputation for incest. They frequently conducted married close relatives to keep family alliances strong for the sake of preserving their land. They most preferred marriage between cross-cousins (as they were always required to marry outside of their clan) although marrying an aunt or uncle or niece or nephew was considered nearly as ideal. For Fusanian cultures like the civilised cultures of the Imaru who preferred exogamy, this was considered abhorrent, and even the Wakashan peoples and some Dena tribes considered this behavior deviant.

Fishing and whaling always formed the basis of sustinence among the Far Northwest peoples. One story holds that in old times, the people grew so fat and lazy off combing the beaches for shellfish and netting salmon from rivers that they forgot morality and proper ceremony. Displeased at their neglect of the land, Raven gave one wise man among the people a herd of reindeer and gave his equally wise brother a herd of towey goats, promising them that these animals would "follow them like dogs". The wealth from these animals allowed these men to gain so much power that with their influence they restored righteousness and industry among the people.

For many centuries agriculture remained marginal thanks to the environment. Narrow, flood-prone valleys and high mountains limited the amount of food that might be grown. Pastoralism, small-scale gardening, and the eternal mainstay of fishing and in particular salmon remained the main source of food. Agriculture was considered the work of slaves, and barring the more agriculture Yahanen Dena, food that made one lazy. Crops were considered the food of slaves, and the elites always made sure to eat plenty of meat, fish, and wild plants gathered by their subjects.

Despite their disdain of agriculture, the Far Northwest peoples and especially the Ringitsu greatly contributed to the development of the Western Agricultural Complex. River turnip originated in these lands as did many common cultivars of rice lily, sweetvetch, bistort, lupine, and wokas. The ever-important fiber crop tehi appears to have been domesticated here. Techniques for dealing with acidic soil common to all Fusania emerged here as well. This agricultural revolution appears to be the result of necessity--as the population and in particular the slave population grew from pastoralism and lifecycles changed, the Far Northwest peoples experimented with other methods to sustain their people.

The Far Northwest peoples frequently traded with Dena tribes over the mountains using a series of trails, swapping the resources of the sea--whaling goods and fish oil--for resources found inland, including jade, flint, and in later times, copper and precious metals. Great bonds formed between the Dena and the coastal peoples, so much so that the interior Dena took on many traits of coastal societies over the centuries. While relations sometimes turned hostile, wars remained infrequent thanks in part to the difficult geography between the two groups and well-fortified towns along the coast.

Houses (or networks of houses) passed down critical knowledge and skills to their descendents--transmitting it to outside of the house required payment and using it without permission a severe crime. This encouraged houses to specialise in certain professions and trades, evolving into a caste system. Some houses would consist of smiths, others farmers, others warriors or rulers. The elite of these houses rarely participated in these trades, instead supervising others in those tasks. While a few jobs like fishing remained open to practically everyone with little in the way of guarded knowledge, in practice certain houses specialised in these trades as well.

Many commoners or poor nobles "apprenticed" themselves to houses with certain in-demand skills. The most frequent way to do so involved marrying a daughter of these houses and learning the skill from the father-in-law, but others avoided joining the house by instead becoming debt slaves. In this case they were forbidden from passing on their knowledge without formally joining the house which involved marrying into the house and naming as their heir someone from the house (typically their wife's sister's son).

The dislike of agriculture combined with the rough terrain slowed the emergence of unified states in the region, as there remained no reason for modes of governance like state societies to emerge. Instead, confederations of noble houses predominated. Each ruling noble headed a village (or part of one) and allied with nobles of nearby villages, sharing with them access to each other's lands. Lesser nobles supported these nobles, but overthrew them or simply ignored him if need be. These houses, which associated with one of the either two or four phratries, traced a common descent which cut across ethnic lines and back to mythological times.

Terracing spread north from Wakashi Island in the 11th century, although adoption remained slow. Like elsewhere in Fusania, terraces created a massive increase in farmable land. They adopted a uniform package of Western Agricultural Complex crops, preferring river turnip for its cold tolerance alongside rice lily, wokas, and goosefoot. They frequently grew tehi, sweetflag, and sappitsu for supplementary food but especially their secondary uses which of course included their use as fibers, insect repellants, and other vital needs.

The slow introduction of terracing added to inequalities in the region. Those nobles who managed the most productive terraces and acquired the most labour gained wealth and power independent of their livestock holdings or feats at whaling. The demand for labour to build these terraces created the desire for a centralisation of power. Deforestation and erosion devastated some areas while contributing to the crisis posed by overpopulation. Overpopulation in turn led to a large population eager for stability. By the end of the 11th century centralised city-states akin to the those of Wakashi Island and the Imaru Basin emerged throughout the Far Northwest.

This inequality caused constant emigration of people from the Far Northwest as population growth continually outstripped the creation of additional terraces and thus the ability of the land to support its population. Many people from the Far Northwest crossed over the mountains into Dena lands, not minding their marginal living as effective serfs of the Dena herdsmen. Others migrated to incipient cities where they attempted to make a living in all sorts of ways, or peacefully migrated southwards to Wakashi Island or even the Imaru Basin.

This resulted in a great deal of conflict, as the most frequent method for the Far Northwest peoples to support themselves was through raiding. Successful raids gave prestige to warriors and chased off enemies from important resources be they pastures or fishing sites. Raiders confiscated food supplies and took women and children as hostages where their fate was either their relatives paying a great deal of money to ransom them back or the indignity of slavery.

As the Far Northwest peoples tended to be poor, they often targetted the wealthier societies of Wakashi Island, the Whulge Coast, and the Imaru Basin. The Dekina Sack of Tlat'sap in 857 AD is a legendary example of this, where the Dekina utterly destroyed that wealthy Namal entrepot. Raids tended to be a seasonal affair, occurring in the summer and autumn as winter storms made returning home a dubious prospect. Often raiders settled in lands they pillaged yearly. Some were later expelled from these areas by counter-raids, while other times these areas formed the nucleus of powerful states such as Gyaaw T'awts'is.

As societies in the Imaru Basin and Wakashi Island organised against these Far Northwest raids, the raids became less successful and more likely to result in the massacre or even enslavement of the raiding party. This returned the focus of the raids inward and provoked the development of political organisation which emerges as a borrowing of Wakashan political organisation as well as indigenous development. Capable leaders built confederations of nobles and their villages capable of obtaining more labour for fortifications as well as more manpower for successful raids.

The Dekina of Llaginda became the first to form a true state society in this region, partially in response to these stresses. With its powerful and prestigious nobles that already headed an important confederation, Llaginda's rulers formalised the system of nobles in charge of tribute collection. These nobles paid tribute to a single ruler, a ruler who in turn redistributed the wealth at grand potlatches for these nobles and legitimized their ability to collect tribute on his behalf. Similar systems evolved elsewhere in the Far Northwest as confederations looked toward new ways of sustaining themselves yet each of these systems evolved in different ways among the peoples of the Far Northwest.

Dekina

The Dekina people, or Khaida, consist of five parts, starting with the the ancestral Dekina of the archipelago of Qhwai whose language has many numerous local dialects. Those Dekina on the adjacent shore in what once were Tsusha lands, called the Kilqhad Dekina, spoke their own language. The Southern Khaida or Khaayta people, spoke their own language which the Dekina of Qhwai found challenging to understand. The Southern Dekina family included the Fukiwa Dekina language spoken around the city-state of Khukwa as well as the K'iingk'ii Kun language of the areas near Tlat'sap. The latter language, which in its attested distinctness persisted at the much-contested mouth of Imaru River until the 16th century, demonstrates the spread of the Dekina people as well as their long history of raiding and settling in distant lands.

Qhwai is a mountainous and rough archipelago dominated by two major islands. Covered in dense forests, food was always easier to harvest in the rivers and lakes and seas of the island. Yet the emergence of pastoralism and the spread of metalworking and agriculture created the demand to manage the forests of the island for increased land. Unfortunately for the Dekina, their forest management process evolved by trial and error. Areas of severe deforestation and resulting erosion and flooding occurred, devastating communities and destroying salmon harvests.

All of this produced a population desparate for new land and wealth. With their maritime skills, the Dekina took to the seas as expert raiders. They regularly struck as far south as the Imaru River, although they most frequently targeted their nearest neighbours, the Ringitsu and Tsusha. From these raids came the many offshoots of the Dekina, the eldest being the Khaayta people of Wakashi Island. Houses of Khaayta in particular settled throughout the shore opposite them and were only repelled from settling in Ringitsu lands thanks to the rise of the powerful Ringitsu diarchy of Hlawaak-Shaanseit on Kh'aakh'aani Island to the north of Qhwai [3].

The aforementioned city-state of Llaginda dominated Dekina history since the 11th century. While occupation on the site existed for centuries before, it seems likely that its rise from a mere village to the capital of the islands came about thanks to its sheltered location, the destruction of rival centers in warfare, and prestigious raiding chiefs taking up residence there. They utilised trails over the mountains to access prime lands for raising their livestock as well as for raiding rivals. Their own sea access permitted them to launch raids both close and far away as well as conduct whaling expeditions.

Llaginda's primary enemy was once the city of Qhamadiis at the mouth of the Yagun River in the northern parts of Qhwai [4]. Legends tell this city's rulers oppressed the villages of much of the north of Qhwai. They confiscated livestock, slaves, and women at will and they employed black magic to keep all the fish for themselves. Around 1000, Llaginda became the head of a confederation that destroyed Qhamadiis after a lengthy battle that involved nearly all the noble clans of the island.

The confederation never vanished and became stronger over the years. With control of the many villages along the Yagun River in addition to their rule over the straits dividing the two islands of Qhwai, Llaginda thus assumed control over the wealthiest parts of the islands. The invention of new shipbuilding techniques and ship designs allowed for the so-called Llaginda catamarans to sweep over the islands and beyond to gain more wealth. Through conquest and diplomacy, the islands of Qhwai united under the confederation led by Llaginda.

Around 1100, the clans of Qhwai elected the Prince of Llaginda as Lord of Ravens and Eagles, a title granting him the right to collect tribute from all the Raven and Eagle houses in the Far Northwest. This was a title of universal rule over the Dekina (who all descended from Raven and Eagle clans) yet not a general title of universal rule, for it ignored those clans descended from Orca and Wolf houses. By 1130, after almost 130 years of on-and-off fighting, Llaginda finished off the last elements of resistance by conquering the city-state of Qinsii Q'iid [5] and brought peace to the islands of Qhwai.

These wars, conventionally called the Qhwai Unification Wars, produced a huge number of refugees and exiles. Rarely did Llaginda massacre villages, for those in the village fled elsewhere in the wake of Llaginda's advance. These exiles typically fled east across the sea to Tsusha lands or south to the Khaayta lands. They took to warfare to survive and formed the core group of warriors in highly aggressively polities such as Qaayuu [6] in the east and Gyaaw T'awts'is in the south caused much trouble for their neighbours around them.

After the unification of Qhwai, Llaginda turned their attention to these exile states and ceaselessly raided them, demanding they pay tribute for crimes committed by those they sheltered. Caught between their regional rivals and the vengeful Qhwai, states like Gyaaw T'awts'is suffered numerous setbacks. Many smaller states like Qaayuu or Guusiwanai (sometimes called Qaahal after the island it lay on [7]) submitted to Qhwai, paying tribute in exchange for recognition of their rights to the land. By the end of the 12th century, only Gyaaw T'awts'is and Khukwa retained independence and for this reason (along with the heavy influence the subjugated Wakashan peoples played in those states) they are rarely counted among the rest of the Dekina people.

Despite the decades of peace, the Dekina entered into the 13th century as militant as ever. The year 1200 saw a large expeditionary force sack the prominent Tsusha city of Ts'nehyo which plunged Tsusha lands into chaos. They frequently raided the Whulge Coast and Wakashi Island in these wars, especially after the collapse of Tinhimha in 1203 following Tsanahuutimna's great raid on Wakashi Island. They posed a grave threat to the Wayamese Empire and frequently attacked isolated villages along the coast between the mouth of the Imaru and the Hitadaki Peninsula. The brutality the Wayamese treated the Dekina with only incensed the Dekina and left them demanding revenge, sparking an intense conflict in the first decade of the 13th century where Qhwai focused almost entirely on attacking the Wayamese.

The Wayamese under their Pillar King Aanwaakutl fought back at great cost. Large Wayamese fleets and garrisons watched the coast and repelled or even chased down Qhwai's fleets and raiders. The seemingly precarious fortress of Ts'akhels at the mouth of Chibetsu Bay baited the warriors of Qhwai several times into foolish and overconfident attacks where the Wayamese fleet commander Peltsap defeated them each time. Yet Qhwai won several important battles, such as their sack of the major Whulchomish city of Sqwuhalqwu and many surrounding villages in 1210. The constant battles between Qhwai and Wayam wore down each side, and in 1212, Aanwaakutl concluded peace with representatives of Qhwai at Tlat'sap. Aanwaakutl gained hundreds of Dekina families who specialised in totem-carving which he promptly dispersed throughout his empire, while Qhwai gained marriages with important Wayamese clans and new trade deals.

The spoils gained from this war and decimation of many houses in battle allowed a further increase in the power of the Lord of Ravens and Eagles. He used this power to renovate Llaginda, expanding the terraces around the city and building new quarters for both slaves and new migrants. Around 1220, the city of Llaginda likely held around 4,000 people, about 5% of the Qhwai's total population of 70,000 and the largest city in the Far Northwest, a title it would hold for many years to come.

Tsusha

The Tsusha people lived among the river valleys of the coastal Far Northwest and originated many of the common elements of Far Northwest culture. For this others considered them a nation of artisans and craftsmen full of spiritual vigor. Despite this reputation, the Tsusha also possessed many skilled fighters and raiders and for centuries fought their enemies on near-equal footing. Surrounded by high walls, their cities were well-protected and drew many resources from nearby terraces or in some cases river valleys full of artificial wetlands.

The division of the Tsusha nation is said to have occurred at the ancient city of Temlakham, located at the confluence of the Kishina and Hakegetsu [8]. Many Tsusha clans migrated to this city and its environs, and the city thrived for many generations. Yet greed and constant disrespect for the bounties of the land angered the spirits who brought natural disaster and conflict between the houses assembled at Temlakham. Great landslides, terrible storms, and severe floods laid waste to this once bountiful land, and the people migrated away. The ancestors of many Coast Tsusha migrated downstream while the Interior Tsusha migrated upstream. Archaeology notes this area long held extensive settlement, but around 3,500 years ago, climate combined with landslides caused significant damage and forced its abandonment. This traumatic event entered into Tsusha legend for many years to come.

Regardless of the truth and dating of the legend, Temlakham's downfall played a great role in later Tsusha history as many houses, especially those belonging to the Orca clan, traced their roots in this disaster. Perhaps most noteworthy of later years is the epic of Lakhalidel's founders Adat'sokh and Wiseks [9], where the portrayal of Lakhgw'aalam as a degenerate and decaying land that one must escape from to a new land of plenty clearly draws an allusion to Temlakham's downfall. Houses of the Orca clan remained strong at Lakhalidel, the city founded by those two princes.

The Tsusha likely played as much of a role as the Ringitsu in the development of agriculture in Fusania, for Tsusha lands held some of the best land for farming in the Far Northwest with the wide and deep river valleys of the Kishina and Nasu [10]. From early on they invested much in earthworks and dikes to manage the wetlands by the rivers where they grew ample amounts of river turnip and other crops. Lands they could not use they employed as pastures for their herds of reindeer and moose. All of this ensured a dense population by the 13th century, with perhaps as many as 150,000 people total in Tsusha lands.

Relations with the Dena remained mostly peaceful throughout history as each side valued each other as trading partners. Several important houses of Tsusha were of Dena ancestry and the Dena were frequently called upon as allies to protect the Tsusha against raiding parties from the Ringitsu and especially the Dekina, the worst enemy of the Tsusha. For this, many Dena gained land in Tsusha territoryas per the custom of providing gifts to allies, where they typically assimilated to the dominant Tsusha culture.

Challenges with the Dekina dominated Coast Tsusha history. Dekina houses frequently attacked their villages and the threat became all the worse during and after the Qhwai Unification Wars as the attacks escalated into wars with refugee clans and wars against Qhwai's large armies and fleets. The threat forced the abandonedment of many coastal areas, leaving it only seasonally occupied. Many houses of Coast Tsusha found themselves destitute thanks to these conflicts or side effects of the wars, the most notable being the Tsusha custom requiring payment of allies in war. Territories consolidated, often under Dena or Interior Tsusha houses who received territory for defending Coast Tsusha lands.

While ceremonial life among the Coast Tsusha was just as rich as the Interior Tsusha, their society was far more militarised. They entrusted power in one ruler (aside from the Lakhalidel Tsusha who were a diarchy), typically the most promising for both peace and warfare, elected by the nobles of their city-state in a republican system. Unlike other Far Northwest societies, they did not exert a claim to universal rule. These rulers led armies in battle and often embarked on counter-raids against the Dekina.

The great distinctions of the Interior Tsusha lay in their less militant society and resulting system of governance. Like the Coast Tsusha, they held a republican form of governance, yet among the Interior Tsusha, the houses elected a council of four tetrarchs (one for each clan) to exercise collective governance among the Interior Tsusha city-state and its subordinate villages. As with the rulers of the Coast Tsusha, the tetrarchs of the Interior Tsusha never claimed any sort of universal rule.

Although largely peaceful, the Interior Tsusha began to face their own challenges as a result of Qhwai's expansion. In 1200, a great fleet from Qhwai ascended the Kishina River and sacked the city of Ts'nehyo, the largest city in all Tsusha lands. Thousands died defending the city and the Dekina massacred thousands more. While the city was re-established after this disaster, it never recovered its former glory, for many houses in the area migrated southward to the coastal city of Lakhmaat [11] with its high fortifications which replaced Ts'nehyo as the dominant center among the Tsusha.

Unlike other Coast Tsusha, the Lakhalidel Tsusha escaped much of the damaging raids, as their deep fjords protected them from their Dekina and Uikara rivals. Their culture lacked the militarisation of other Coast Tsusha cultures as a result although they frequently attacked the Uikara and Wakashans. Thanks to the small group of houses who established the Tsusha in this area and lack of areas suitable for settlement, the city of Lakhalidel dominated much of the region, control which steadily increased over the decades.

Like the rest of the Far Northwest, the area suffered from overpopulation during the Medieval Warm Period. Erosion, flooding, and other issues caused periodic famines made worse by the frequent warfare, especially among the Lakhalidel Tsusha in their narrow river valleys. It was these Lakhalidel Tsusha who, thanks to their connections with the Wakashans, sought employ in the Wayamese Empire as totem carvers when invited by the Pillar King Aanwaakutl in the 13th century. Despite strict sumptuary laws and harsh discrimination that often forbade them from leaving their assigned villages or city quarters, the Tsusha profited greatly as a result of these craftsmen. Wayamese conception of the Far Northwest reflected these largely Lakhalidel Tsusha immigrants, and Tsusha influences crept into official Wayamese totem carving styles.

Uikara

The Uikara people represented a transitional group between the Far Northwest and Wakashi Island, for culturally they were quite distinct and most akin to the Lik'wil'daks and spoke a Wakashan language. They were likely even more distinct before the incorporation of many Far Northwestern clans into their society in the distant past [12]. Their country of mountainous islands and deep fjords between Cape Fukiwa and Kuromizu Island [13] was among the most rugged parts of North America, and for its similarities to the lands to the north, Uikara society evolved both convergently and in tandem with the rest of the Far Northwest.

Their rugged country spread out over fjords and islands divided the Uikara into several different societies that came to be grouped under the name "Uikara" by the Japanese based on the endonym for the Hwik'inakhw people who mostly lived around Wanuku Fjord [14]. Much Japanese knowledge originated from Gaiyuchul, and Gaiyuchul applied the Hwik'inakhw endonym to related peoples like the Hwuitl'itkhw or as he most encountered the Hwik'inakhw during his lifetime for they were the most powerful people in this region.

The migrations from the north as well as the migrations of the Dena from the 5th century onward deeply affected Uikara society. From this they gained livestock and agriculture yet perhaps most importantly for their political system they gained the system of clans and houses from the Far Northwest which overlaid their traditional system. This suggests frequent intermarriage or outright conquest by nobles from further north accompanied by several migrations in which the traditions of newcomers came to the forefront.

The wealthiest and most powerful of the Uikara houses were descended from outsiders. The highest of Eagle and Orca houses claimed descent from the Tsusha, the highest of Raven houses traced their lineage to the Dekina, and the highest of Wolf houses claimed Dena ancestry. The Uikara considered these assimilated foreign nobles as the ones most fit to adjudicate disputes between the indigenous nobility.

Thanks to their land, the Uikara lived largely as rugged pastoralists and fishermen and relied on agriculture the least out of the Far Northwest peoples. Like their Wakashan brethren, whaling dominated many of their pursuits and they gave particular focus toward whaling chiefs and rituals associated with whaling. Assuming rulership among the Uikara was essentially impossible without becoming a successful whaler. This focus on the sea made them skilled sailors, a skill they applied to warfare as well.

Well over a dozen Uikara city-states existed, with one at the head of each inlet or dominating some or all of a particular island. They held sway over nearby villages and semi-nomadic pastoralist clans. By the 11th century, the most powerful cities were swallowing up weaker ones through diplomacy or warfare and forming more centralised confederations. Some Uikara peoples such as the prince of Qelts used the title "Lord of All Clans" (a pretense to universal rulership within the Far Northwest) while others such as those rulers of Katit or Laiq [15] preferred the more modest "Grand Prince".

Governance among the Uikara tended toward republicanism. For instance, only one prince governed Qelts, but representatives from all four Uikara clans elected him. For other cities like Katit, large noble councils elected a ruler for peacetime and a ruler for wartime, while still others elected only one ruler.

The island Uikara peoples faced constant attacks from the Dekina and Tsusha which prevented them from fully utilising their territory. This also militarised their culture and prompted them to invest heavily in walls and watchtowers. They were ready customers for the goods of the mainland and to a degree relied on alliances with mainland city-states for survival. The Island Uikara spent the most time raiding as a result, and they frequently attacked Wakashi Island and the Whulge Coast. Occasionally these raids backfired, such as the city-state of Qelts' failed attack on the Kwatkach'ked League in 1129 which the war leader Khwehqw'ekhwachi repulsed--the many casualties and capture of the prince caused the decline of the city for over a century.

In contrast, the deep fjords with their challenging currents sheltered the various mainland Uikara peoples. Trade routes with the Dena added to their relative wealth. Urban centers readily developed in these fjords with the largest holding around 2,000 people. A combination of high walls and trained warriors kept hostile outsiders away from them. They were not, however, necessarily peaceful or defensive and kept their warriors trained with raids of their own.

Ringitsu

The Ringitsu people hail from what became known as Old Ringitania (literally translated from the Ringitsu name "Tlagu Hlinkit'aani"), "old" referring to it being the oldest settled part of their land), the northernmost part of the maze of islands and fjords of the Far Northwest. Following the coast north from the Ringitsu homeland leads to a far harsher section of the coast marked by towering mountains and massive glaciers calving off into the sea with few places to land. Thus for centuries, Old Ringitania formed as the incubator for Ringitsu culture, where their society developed complex pastoralism, whaling, and agriculture. Natural disasters toward the end of the first millennium--the Late Antique Little Ice Age and the 838 eruption of Mount Kerutsuka--forced great migrations of the Ringitsu in all directions, changes that perhaps held global ramifications.

The most famous of these initial Ringitsu migrations was to K'eilchaniya, or in later times Kechaniya. Legend holds that the youth Yeilkichi of Yakwadat (ancestor of the Lynx House of Yeilkichi and others) dreamed of great destruction and the blackening of the sun. With the help of his father Guchdzini, they led a few sympathetic nobles and commoners over the stormy seas to the island Yeilkichi's mother came from, K'eilchaniya. Yakwadat fell abandoned for decades thanks to the disaster while Kechaniya prospered.

Yet the bulk of the Ringitsu stayed in their homeland--it was not until the 14th century, well into their famous tin trade and domination of the Ringitanian Sea, that the majority of Ringitsu lived outside Old Ringitania. Those Ringitsu who stayed in Old Ringitania during these challenging centuries faced regular famine and hard times. Many migrated southwards to Qhwai or Tsusha lands. Some houses migrated peaceful and were absorbed into Tsusha culture, but other houses took to raiding the Tsusha for much-needed resources. It was in this era the Ringitsu began settling among the Dena (or Gunana as they called them) to their north and east, strongly influence their culture.

As elsewhere in the Far Northwest, state societies consolidated as confederations of houses. The first and most powerful of these was the diarchy of Hlawaak-Shaanseit. Around 1050, routine intermarriage between several powerful houses produced a diarchic state ruled by the Wolf Prince at Hlawaak and the Raven Prince at Shaanseit. Over the next century, Hlawaak-Shaanseit fought constant wars with the Dekina and Tsusha as well as subdued houses on their own island using their powerful fleet. By 1180, they unified all Kh'aakh'aani Island and many surrounding islands, forming the most powerful realm in Ringitsu lands.

Diarchic rule predominated throughout Old Ringitania, inspired by that of Hlawaak-Shaanseit. Councils of nobles elected two rulers, one from either moiety, to govern their city state. Often these rulers were a pair of cousins or an uncle-nephew duo. A few exceptions existed such as Qeinaqs [16], Shaanseit-Hlawaak's most bitter rival, where only a single ruler governed, or the unique case of Yakwadat, where the nobles elected a son of the previous ruler so as to keep power alternating between Wolf and Raven moeity.

The seafaring nature of the Ringitsu, their skill as traders, and above all, their geographic position allowed for much wealth to flow through the region. From the north and east came copper, precious metals, and jade, and from the south came the wealth and exotic goods of the Imaru Basin. From the west came walrus ivory, slaves, oxwool, fine livestock, and by the 13th century, tin and bronze goods. States competed over the loyalty of trading houses, allowing the development of Old Ringitania as mutually competing city-states.

At the same time, Old Ringitania served as an important source of goods. With the powerful Dekina to the south making raiding challenging, the Ringitsu turned mainly toward manufacturing goods and selling to others, namely the Dena tribes around them but often allied Tsusha houses. They focused on metalworking (especially the crafting of artistic and religious objects), woodworking, weaving fine cloaks and blankets, and working of ivory goods. They exported these finished goods around Fusania but especially far to the south where they exchanged it for the fine goods and increasingly food of the Imaru Basin and coast of the Whulge.

Like the rest of Ringitania, the area held an outsized population for its land area and rugged, generally unusable land. Even the Medieval Warm Period, expansion of agriculture, and extensive use of slaves to build terraces was not enough to feed the growing cities there. Their fishing and whaling fleets sailed increasingly far from shore to supply the cities with needed food, necessitating larger ships. Meanwhile, much of their commerce went to importing food from elsewhere, mainly in the form of nutritious, durable acorns from the Imaru Basin.

Sizable cities developed in Old Ringitania as a result of this extensive economic activity. Cities like Hlawaak, Teishu, Sheit'ka [17], and Qeinaqs all held over 2,500 people while the larger islands might hold tens of thousands more for a total of around 130,000 people in Old Ringitania during its golden age. The productivity and wealth of their people especially in gold led to many exaggerations among even more isolated Ringitsu villagers from Old Ringitania, let alone the other peoples of the region. Legends across Fusania developed of wealthy cities of gold to be found in Old Ringitania, where the streets were paved with gold and even the poorest family bedecked themselves in golden jewelry.

The city-state of Teishu was associated most with these legends thanks to its rich gold trade with the Dena tribes to the north and east. The city indeed featured much gold ornamentation, and metal ornamentation in general on the houses of its nobles, done at the behest of a particularly ostentatious ruler of the early 13th century as a potlatch gift to lesser houses. A legend sprang up that the people of Teishu obtained their gold from melting glaciers, and one simply needed to walk into the mountains to return home rich. No doubt this legend emerged as the Teishu Ringitsu simply pointed to the northern mountains (across which lay their Dena allies) as the source of their wealth.

Gaiyuchul states the following on the matter of the "Golden Legend of Old Ringitania" in his Saga of the Peoples of the World:

"The spirits of earth blessed these [Ringitsu] Coastmen with incredible wealth despite their vile ways golden streets and totem poles of five metals mark the wealthiest cities of their land. I regret never seeing this facet of their for myself (although I do not regret my short time in their barbarous country) yet I ascertain from the fine bronze armour and weapons used by their warriors and the reports of others that such cities must truly be splendid indeed. The Coastmen claim their wealth comes from cities in the northern mountains where gold comes down from the mountains much as snow and ice."

This "golden legend" captivated Asian and European explorers alike for centuries after Gaiyuchul's era and told of a city named Antey (from Japanese Antei and ultimately Ringitsu Aan T'eikh' meaning "frozen land" although t'eikh' held a secondary meaning of "gold" or "silver" [18]) located high in the mountains surrounded by glaciers. At Antey, workers supposedly chiseled away at a solid wall of gold while the poor simply waded in meltwater of the glacier to find gold. The ruler of the land generously gave away gold to all who obtained an audience with him (a distorted reference to potlatching). Nearly all the gold in the country came from this place. At first Teishu was identified as the city, but later Teishu came to be regarded as merely subordinate to this city whose location shifted to Hatsunatsu Bay [19] where the hidden kingdom law behind the massive wall of ice that blocked this bay during the Little Ice Age.

This balanced success at warfare, competitive trade, a warmer climate, and rich natural resources allowed Old Ringitania to be among the wealthiest parts of the Americas during the early 2nd millennium. With their lands to the west, the Ringitsu possessed a natural escape valve to deal with the problems of overpopulation whose people brought back many resources. As the center of the emerging Fusanian Bronze Age, the Ringitsu embraced an even greater prosperity thanks to the demand for this metal. However, it would not be Old Ringitania who would truly benefit from the trade in tin, but those Ringitsu lands in the west even closer to the origin.

---
Author's notes

Here is a more in-depth description of four prominent Far Northwest cultures, located north of Vancouver Island and up to Alaska. Do note that the Yahanen Dena discussed in my last entry share a lot of these traits. In the era of the Medieval Warm Period and a powerful civilisation to the south, they have reached a golden age in both wealth (a literal golden age in many cases) and population, yet that is producing its own stresses.

I'm going to use "house" and "clan" in reference to the Far Northwest as I have usually seen it used in descriptions of the OTL cultures that inspired their ATL equivalents--"clan" refers to the phratry (Eagle, Raven, Wolf, Orca), "house" refers to family groups associated with this clan. In other parts of A Horn of Bronze, I use "clan" to refer to what would be a "house".

I will deal with the Ringitsu more the next entry, mostly centering around their naval technology and Ringitsu-descended people like those of Kechaniya and even further west. It should also cover TTL's version of the Aleuts (Unangans) and the Yupik.

[1] - Many artistic and cultural elements of the OTL "Northwest Coast cultural area" derive from the peoples of the Central Coast of British Columbia. TTL the same happens, except the cultural spread is taken into overdrive through a combinatio of factors
[2] - Cape Fukiwa is Cape Caution in BC. Khugwa sits nearby
[3] - Hlawaak is Klawock, AK and Shaanseit is Craig, AK
[4] - Qhamadiis is Port Clements, BC and the Yagun River is the Yakoun River
[5] - Qinsii Q'iid is Rose Harbour, BC
[6] - Qaayuu is Kitkatla, BC
[7] - Qaahal is Banks Island in BC
[8] - The Kishina is the Skeena River and the Hakegetsu is the Bulkley River
[9] - See Chapter 11
[10] - The Nasu River is the Nass River
[11] - Lakhmaat is Kitimat, BC
[12] - OTL, the Haida, Tsimshians, and Tlingit all share many common cultural and societal elements that they borrowed from each other via assimilation and intermarriage. Other Central Coast peoples were largely left out of this particular interchange although evolved similar traditions and lifestyle. This likely dates to before or around this TL's POD so I have left it in here.
[13] - Kuromizu Island is Swindle Island in BC on which lays Klemtu, BC
[14] - Wanuku Fjord is Rivers Inlet (the body of water).
[15] - Qelts is just south of Bella Bella, BC, Katit is near Rivers Inlet, BC, and Laiq is on the mainland a little east of Princess Royal Island
[16] - Qeinaqs is Ward Cove, AK
[17] - Teishu is Haines, AK while Sheit'ka is Sitka, AK
[18] - One of TTL's Tlingit words for gold and silver (different from OTL's which are borrowed from European languages) has "t'eikh'" in it which means both "hardness" yet also means "ice".
[19] - Hatsunatsu Bay is Glacier Bay, AK
 
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Chapter 57-The Lands Sheltered From the Storm
-LVII-
"The Lands Sheltered From the Storm"

The journey of the greatest sailors of the New World began in disaster. The earth shook and belched forth great clouds of ash and the land froze even in the summer under the most frigid weather imaginable. These sailors of the Ringitsu people, wished to escape this destruction and braved the stormy, ice-ridden seas to cross into lands inhabited by their enemies so they might find shelter and new homes. From these intrepid refugees came the land of New Ringitania to whom derived their wealth and power from navigating the stormy and foggy seas of their homeland.

The Late Antique Little Ice Age of the late 1st millennium devastated the Ringitsu homeland with unpredictably cold weather that damaged harvests and killed livestock. Glaciers advanced and crowded the Ringitsu closer together. Worst of all, the great volcano Keretsuka erupted in 838 and deposited vast amounts of ash and chilled local climate even further for several years. The ash further killed crops and livestock and worst of all, poisoned rivers and devastated fisheries. Several years of famine occurred and at least half the Ringitsu population perished or migrated elsewhere in the aftermath of the eruption

Those Ringitsu closest to Keretsuka, such as those houses centered around the town of Yakwadat, suffered worst from this. They almost entirely abandoned their land for decades thanks to this disaster, seeking refuge among relatives or invading other lands so they might survive. Yet a few Ringitsu under the leadership of Yeilkichi and Guchdzini crossed the seas to the west, a decision considered nigh-suicidal at the time thanks to the enmity between the Ringitsu and the Guteikh people who lived in these lands.

The decision to abandon their homeland was not too radical. The Ringitsu only lived at Yakwadat and nearby villages for a few generations at that point, ruling over the local Iyaqwan people. It would be a few generations more before new and different houses of Ringitsu returned to this land. Those Ringitsu who fled westward thus preserved an early and distinct form of northwestern Ringitsu culture, including those elements from the Iyaqwan serfs who traveled with the Ringitsu.

Archaeology reconstructs the events of the westward settlement somewhat differently. It was preceded by over a century of increased trade and raiding in not just Kechaniya but the islands and land to the east around Hachigei Bay. Further, Ringitsu settlements with their characteristic fortifications occur in the vicinity of Hachigei Bay comtemporaneously with the first Ringitsu settlements on Kechaniya. These likely represent Ringitsu houses wiped out by later waves of Ringitsu settlement during the late 11th century which explain the closer relation in culture of that region to Old Ringitania rather than Kechaniya, or "New" Ringitania.

With this great crossing of the sea to escape destruction, the Ringitsu completed their first of many great voyages, voyages that marked them as alongside the Polynesians and Wakashans as the finest of seafaring cultures. On these journeys, the Ringitsu sailed further and further beyond what was common sense for their people and traveled deeper and deeper into the unknown. So far would these Ringitsu sail they would in time meet many peoples of a "new world" to them. In the meantime, the Ringitsu who journeyed so far brought prosperity to their houses and the houses around them as the trade tapped into much wealth.

In this new land lay many new and strange people. The Ringitsu called the seafaring peoples Guteikh and the more inland peoples Kh'adassak. They held a genetic, cultural, and linguistic relationship to the Yupik peoples and practiced a lifestyle centered around fishing, whaling, and hunting seals with some reindeer herding, although neither group built the earthworks for agriculture as characteristic of the Dena. The Ringitsu disdained these groups as barbarians, finding them animalistically violent and prone to cannibalism. The Ringitsu view on the appearance of these barbarians is reflected in the name "Kh'adassak" (literally "bones around mouth"), referring to the distasteful bone labrets and septum piercings worn by both sexes.

While times of peace with the Guteikh occurred in the past, by 850 the influx of Ringitsu into Guteikh lands around Kechaniya and Hachigei Bay resulted in constant warfare. Ringitsu oral records claim the war started long before they settled Kechaniya, originating from a dispute over a slave in which the Guteikh claimed the Ringitsu cheated them and raided a Ringitsu village in retaliation. The Ringitsu took revenge for this attack, and the war continued from there for decades. By the mid-9th century, the Guteikh committed so many offenses against the Ringitsu that it justified taking the entirety of their lands as payment. The invading Ringitsu houses fought mostly as one confederation with little internal dissent, while the Guteikh tribes divided into much smaller confederations.

Despite their disadvantages, the Guteikh fought back hard. With their knowledge of the land and superior numbers, they fought on an even footing against the Ringitsu. The Guteikh used all manner of guerilla tactics such as poisoned food caches, murdering Ringitsu leaders under the flag of peace, scorched earth warfare, and hiding in remote and isolated villages. If not for their superior metalworking, better weapons and armour, and the good logistics their domestic animals allowed, no doubt the Ringitsu would've lost. The Ringitsu noted the Guteikh tactic of the tree wall--carved logs of young trees tied together and carried by the war party. The tree wall formed the center of a unit and sheltered around forty men who threw javelins from behind it as they advanced toward the enemy.

However, peaceful mingling still occurred. Clan ties between several Guteikh chiefs and Ringitsu noble houses, most notably that of the Lynx House of Yeilkichi, allowed some Guteikh the opportunity to assimulate into the waves of oncoming Ringitsu. The impact of the Late Antique Little Ice Age caused a similar amount of tension and conflict in this region--the Ringitsu likely exploited it by offering Guteikh commoners better conditions than under their own rulers with their relative wealth and offering Guteikh rulers good alliances.

Through warfare and peaceful assimilation, by 1000 AD, the Ringitsu finished their conquest of the Guteikh in this region. They entirely displaced them from the best fishing, sealing, and hunting sites around both Hachigei Bay and Kechaniya. Legend holds that at a battle around 1000 AD, the surviving Guteikh assembled a great army and lured many Ringitsu leaders into an ambush on the pretense of surrender at a place called Yaakwshaa [1]. One Ringitsu war leader took charge and despite the disparity in troops, defeated the Guteikh and killed several of their chiefs. He spurred his men onward to their villages and destroyed several of them. For his ferocity he gained the name Stushataatogu-K'odas', or "shirt of scalps," a name passed down in his house and inherited by many successful Kechaniyan war leaders in centuries to come.

Regardless, enough Guteikh villages survived this conquest that into the 15th century, Gaiyuchul mentions the "ruled over Guteikh" in his late 15th century Saga of the Peoples of the World, a book based on his travels in the region in the 1440s. In isolated areas, the Guteikh likely persisted albeit Ringitanised and living a lifestyle akin to local Ringitsu peasants and paying tribute to Ringitsu nobles. The Guteikh only vanished in the 16th century, destroyed by epidemic and the harshness of the Little Ice Age, as evidenced by comments from Japanese explorers like Kouri Muneyuki and the historians of the era.

Guteikh culture survives into the present however as an integral part of New Ringitanian culture. The western Ringitsu languages all exhibit simplified phonology compared to Ringitsu proper. This Guteikh influence contributed to the historic marginalisation of these languages and association with commoners [2]. The Guteikhs gave the Ringitsu other important technology such as the aanyaakw (a skin boat akin to the Inuit umiak) or their characteristic bentwood hats called associated with seafaring and hunting throughout all Ringitania.

In Guteikh lands, the Ringitsu built a civilisation anew, settling in villages along the many fjords of Kechaniya and Hachigei Bay. This new land offered ample land for hunting and pastoralism, good volcanic soil (once treated) for farming river turnip, wokas, tehi, and other important crops, and rich waters full of fish, crab, and whales. Copper, gold, and other resources lay in the mountains, in particular on Kechaniya which became prized for copper production and export. Like the Yahanen Dena, they carefully managed the few stands of Wakashan spruce and yellow cedar that grew in this area to ensure a good supply of timber for shipbuilding and other needs. The houses which settled the land early became exceedingly wealthy thanks to their land, slaves, and trade links with nearby peoples, raising high their prestige in the Ringitsu world.

Republican systems predominated as they did in Old Ringitania by the time of state formation in the 12th century. In Hachigei Bay, diarchic rule predominated, with a council of nobles electing two rulers, one of both Wolf and Raven moeities. In Kechaniya however, the Yaakwadat system prevailed, where the moeities alternated power through a son of the previous ruler being elected by the council of nobles. Because the ruler in these systems never inherited the property of his father, this forced him to either be a successful man in his own right or marry into a powerful family, something which greatly pleased the noble houses of Kechaniya.

However, the commercial and maritime nature of these states led to lesser nobles dominating society in practice instead of the greater nobles who ruled houses. Often these nobles acquired greater wealth than their nominal overlord, and they relied on their ruler to protect them from tribute demands from their kinsmen. Houses who held knowledge in shipbuilding but especially trade and navigation became exceedingly wealthy, although they often suffered internal conflict between junior and senior lines over the rights to display crests and other regalia and how much tribute was owed. Many houses splintered over this, others simply departed elsewhere, and still others fought periodic internal conflicts resolved only by military intervention from the state.

Ship captains in particular held great prestige. Their ranks were divided into two groups, the greater kak'takweiy s'aati (conventionally translated Great Captains) and the lesser yaakw yasatani (conventionally translated Great Navigators). The Great Captains owned their own ships and supplied their crew while the Great Navigator knew the closely guarded secrets of navigation and served as a captain on behalf of a Great Captain. The most successful Great Navigators joined the ranks of the Great Captains, but the trading houses disliked the so-called "navigator houses" for overcharging on their services.

Hachigei Bay and Kechaniya's culture diverged in the 11th century. As Hachigei Bay lay closer to Old Ringitania, it received far more settlers, including entire houses of warriors. Some of them violently took over established governments, forever tying that land to Old Ringitania. Further, the economy differed. Hemmed in by the steep and glaciated Takugeisha Mountains [3] to the north and inhabiting windswept coasts and islands, they focused primarily on the maritime pursuits and trade inland rather than pastoralism or agriculture. Their position at the outlet of the Higini River and familial links between both Old and New Ringitania allowed them to become the perfect middlemen between the Atsuna Dena, Kechaniya, and Ringitania.

Numerous city-states emerged in Hachigei Bay, both on the mainland and the islands. Over a dozen existed, but by the 13th century, a few rose above all others. Each city-state came to specialise in different crafts, although their core economic activities remained similar. Food dominated their concerns, both for their own needs and to trade with the Atsuna Dena and the Hentsuren Dena khanates. Perhaps 40,000 Ringitsu lived in and around the bay from the 13th to 15th centuries, a testimony to the rich productivity of the land and above all else, its economic importance.

However, Hachigei Bay held a negative reputation among the Ringitsu as a bay of pirates. The city-states regularly extorted tolls from foreign ships who passed too close to their coasts. House loyalties might change monthy depending on who owed them favours and who they owed favours. Those fishing in waters without their permission received even steeper penalties that often resulted in confiscation of ships or impressment of crews. Hachigei Bay's towns periodically conducted raids against each other, Kechaniya, or even as far afield as the Dekina lands to both weaken rivals and to obtain slaves and plunder for resale.

Much of this reputation came from Kechaniya, their bitter commercial rival. Kechaniya constantly sought to undermine the cities and promoted these rivalries as well as conflicts between the Hachigei Bay cities and Old Ringitania's houses. Among the earliest recorded full-scale wars fought by Kechaniya was the called the War of the Great Bear, fought around 1100. Here, Kechaniya's forces attacked Chilqaat, among the most powerful city-states of the bay, in support of Nuuwtakhk [4]. Kechaniya defeated Chilqaat at great cost, allegedly because one of their warriors Khutskusaicha (uncle of the legendary warlord Khutsaayi) disrespected a spiritual warning from a brown bear. For this, he and other captains in the war suffered exile to the west.

For Kechaniya, after the wars with the Guteikh they organised into a loose confederation that increasingly centered on the two cities of Kesukaan and Kanuu as well as the city of Taanyuukh on Yaakw'aneik Island (called in later times Yagane Island) [5]. These cities held fierce rivalries that periodically spilled over into open war when one confederation wronged a house allied to another, usually about once a generation or so. However, the three Kechaniyan confederations acted as allies in dealings with outsiders, at least when they were at peace.

The modern Republic of Kechaniya dates its foundation to the year 1162, although this date is legendary and the state likely did not coalesce until the end of the 12th century. According to Kechaniyan historian Kiitkuush, the republic emerged after a devastating war between the houses of the island that lasted ten years and one in which the Yahanen and Hachigei Bay cities intervened in. He records that 1/5 of the population died and 1/5 fled in this conflict and neither side emerged victorious. Although Kesukaan suffered much, it remained a potent force throughout the conflict thanks to its ample timber reserves and skilled shipbuilders who produced the ships that guarded the island and raided the coastal villages of enemies.

Kanuu suffered the worst in this war, and fearing the Hachigei Bay cities would take advantage of them, in 1158 the powerful Great Captain Taatwaaq overthrew the rulers of the city and submitted to Kesukaan in exchange for the nephew of the ruler of Kesukaan marrying his daughters. At the peace ceremony, Taatwaaq made several declarations that pledged loyalty to Kesukaan and as proof, he relocated to Kesukaan the house posts of the palace where the council of Kanuu met, transporting them over land and sea with his own ships and reindeer. In 1162, Yeilkichi of Kesukaan held a great potlatch and gave away much wealth along with titles and permissions [6]. From this, the nobles of Kechaniya granted him the title of aans'aati ("master of the land") which became associated with the rulership of Kechaniya.

Yagane Island remained independent from Kechaniya for several decades more but grew closer as an ally following defeat in a war against Kechaniya in 1190. The Yahanen Dena attacked Yagane in 1196 and devastated the island. Kechaniya's aid against the Yahanen resulted in the acquisition of much land there by Kechaniyan noble houses and in 1198 the formal submission of the island to the aans'aati of Kechaniya. This completed the formation of the Republic of Kechaniya.

Even before the unification of Kechaniya, the Ringitsu pushed westward for a variety of reasons, following the trade routes pioneered millennia ago by the Yupik and Unangakh peoples. In addition to land for raising animals, the seas around of Kechaniya and especially west of it hosted species of whale rarely found in Old Ringitania such as bowhead and the prized white beluga whale. Many whaling camps sprouted up as a result, many of which became villages and just as often hosted sealers, hunters, and woodsmen. These incipient villages tended to stumble across mineral deposits and transition to being centers for exporting metals back to Kechaniya or purchasing fine oxwool (qiviu) from those who traded with the Inuit.

Mining drew many as well. Placer deposits of gold, copper, and silver could be found in many creeks, and at the richest sites large towns sprang up. The Ringitsu used local Yupiks for labour, paying them in food to mine the creeks as they profitted. A few of these mines produced platinum (often alloyed with iridium to a degree) which the Ringitsu used for ornamentation. The Ringitsu considered platinum a distinct metal ("white gold") thanks to both its rarity and the difficulty of working the metal.

Beyond all else however, ivory formed the dominant draw westwards for Ringitsu merchants. The Ringitsu placed great significance and value on ivory in their art and ceremonialism yet lacked any source besides the difficult to kill sperm whales (and orcas, which were never hunted due to religious taboos) and imported their ivory from the Guteikh or Dena. These peoples mostly obtained their ivory far to the west in the Sea of Ringitania where walruses lived. As the Ringitsu drew westward, they began hunting the walrus themselves and obtaining great profit from the sale of ivory.

Hunting rights were obtained through several means. Some aggressive Ringitsu houses simply mounted expeditions and seized the land through warfare or trickery. The House of Khutsaayi is the most famous example, whose founding member Khutskusaicha obtained rule over several Yupik villages by not only driving off supernatural evil in exchange for walrus tusks as the story goes, but driving out hostile Yupik. More common however was peaceful intermarriage into local families and the granting of hunting rights through this means. However, hunting rights often followed with more and more Ringitsu in the area and demand for other land rights.

Much of the walrus hunting in the 11th and 12th centuries centered around Takugei Bay, the "greatest of bays" both for its size and wealth in resources [7]. City-states like Khutsleinaan, independent from Kechaniya, sprang up to control this wealth, but the region remained politically divided. Life centered around the many villages of the area, often mixed in ethnicity or entirely Yupik or Unangakh, who traded with merchants from the larger city-states or directly from Ringitania.

While often the Ringitsu blended into the local population, Ringitsu presence persisted on larger islands. The Ringitsu preferred these islands as they kept hostile Yupik, Dena, or other Ringitsu at bay thanks to the challenging sea conditions and used them as bases for trade, whaling, and resupply. They introduced herds of reindeer and moose which they raised to great success. The wealth of ivory to be found enabled the Ringitsu settlers to continue purchasing goods they needed from Kechaniya or further abroad.

All of this trade gave the Anasugi Peninsula great strategic value, value exploited by the Ringitsu for all its was worth. Initial settlements in the 11th and 12th century focused on the coast--the western shore focused on walrus hunting, while the eastern side on pastoralism and agriculture, viable thanks to the more moderate climate. By the late 12th century, inland villages established for pastoralism, fishing, mining, and above all, trade became common. This brought an unwelcome guest to the land in the form of the Yahanen Dena.

The Anasugi Peninsula lay at the edge of lands the Yahanen inhabited, bordering the lands of the Unangakh to the south and the Yupik across the mountains to the west. Yahanen tribes moved to the area during their migration and retained much contact with the heartland of their kinsmen along Nuchi Bay. Early Ringitsu migrants blended with these Yahanen Dena, but later Ringitsu often clashed with them, particularly for control over the portages across the peninsula.

The most devastating of these conflicts was the Nengena War of the mid-12th century, fought over control of Lake Nengena [8] which was used as an important point for portaging across the Anasugi Peninsula. The Tikeneqh Khanate (a Hentsuren Dena khanate) and the Yahanen towns of the region clashed for decades with the descendents of Khutsaayi in Khutsleinaan and various Kechaniyan and Anasugi houses, yet gained the upper hand with the sack of Khutsleinaan in 1165 and peace treaties that gave much land to the Yahanen.

The Ringitsu ultimately triumphed from this disaster. The dispersed Ringitsu consolidated their hold over the portions of the Anasugi Peninsula permitted to them. They brought in new allies from the then-newly formed Republic of Kechaniya, who began taking a greater interest in the mainland and increasing influence over the towns there. Periodically, Kechaniya raided the Dena near Lake Nengena and by the 13th century made open war on them. Slowly but surely, the Ringitsu resettled this area now under firm protection of Kechaniya. In addition, Ringitsu portages across the Anasugi Peninsula shifted south to use rivers and lakes just as advantageous for crossing.

The dispersal of people from this conflict proved more lasting. The Ringitsu trading posts in remote areas like the Yaigani Peninsula and the Manjimas [9] found many new settlers and workers and thrived as a result. This linked into greater volumes of trade with such remote locations, solidifying their identity as part of Ringitania and the Ringitsu world and spreading Ringitsu culture to the native Thulean-speaking [10] peoples.

Kechaniya held little influence over these settlements as their forces lacked the reach to collect tribute over what were largely marginal lands. Beyond the mountains of the Anasugi Peninsula on the coast of the Sea of Ringitania, agriculture proved capable of only supplementing the diet. For this reason, Kechaniya considered the houses which moved into this region as poor and barbarised. Additionally, merchants from Kechaniya's rivals in Hachigei Bay started many of these trading posts and invited in their own settler population to control the locals.

The dominance of Ringitsu traders in this ethnically diverse area created a creole language known as Yaakyoktankit (from Ringitsu yaakw yo kh'atank, meaning "boat language") a mixed language of Ringitsu, Hentsuren Dena, and several Thulean languages [11]. Ringitsu nouns and grammar formed the core of this language, although it was much simplified especially in the phonology for the sake of the phonologically simpler Thulean languages. It was much spoken around the Sea of Ringitania and the Lower Hentsuren as well as in Kechaniya and the cities of Hachigei Bay, although in Old Ringitania it was rarely understood. Isolated Ringitsu communities here and especially in the islands of the Sea of Ringitania descended mainly from non-Ringitsu slaves or commoners often spoke little but this language.

The expansion of Ringitsu influences brought the entire region into a new era. The Ringitsu took over all the old trading networks of the Sea of Ringitania from the Yaigani Peninsula to the Manjima Islands and even some of the overland networks, redirecting the wealth to numerous new ports and ultimately Kechaniya. Ringitsu technology and cultural influences found their way into many Inuit, Yupik, and Unangakh cultures. With this came increased employment of horticulture and metalworking, previously rare in this region, and with metalworking came the discovery that reshaped all Fusania--a new source of tin found in these remote areas.

In the early 13th century, Ringitsu miners discovered tin in the Yaigani Peninsula . Legend tells that Raven himself, clutching a shiny bronze pin in his break, led the miners to the creek where they found alluvial tin. Raven also informed the miners what this substance was and that it was akin to that used by the Dena to produce bronze. Returning to Kesukaan to seek the finest of smiths, they combined the tin with copper to produce what became known as the first igenachi ore which became a signature alloy of Ringitsu metalworking [12].

The houses who owned this land immediately sent in many of their followers and slaves to comb this land for more tin and set up mining operations. Other houses followed and brought in in livestock and established gardens and fishing operations to feed these miners. The archaeological record shows rapid settlement in the Yaigani Peninsula, with villages developing overnight and existing villages, notably becoming regional centers. Perhaps almost three thousand people migrated to these two regions over a span of a few years.

These far away lands became known as Far Ringitania (or in Ringitsu "Hlinkitaanilei" "Distant Ringitania"). The arrival of the tin trade and new merchants and settlers provoked their incorporation into the Ringitsu sphere. Yet the difficulties of living in this land and need to maintain family connections with the local Yupik and Inuit created cultural fusion. Over time, the Ringitsu of Far Ringitania became culturally and ethnically distinct from their kin elsewhere, living a life similar yet highly adapted to the cold, sparse environments they found themselves living in.

Yet even in these lands, the Ringitsu never lost their drive for exploration and mercentile concerns. In the early 13th century, the Ringitsu discovered a small source of tin on Seioka Island [13], an island known for its large walrus population. This sparked great explorations into the Sea of Ringitania, searching islands already known--and islands unknown--for similar deposits. This began the final phase of the Ringitsu expansion into the Sea of Ringitania and the lands even further beyond. With the lure of ivory, tin, and whales, the Ringitsu set course for a true unknown.

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Author's notes

This (and many other concepts related to the Ringitsu) are among the first topics I devised for A Horn of Bronze, so it's nice finally getting to write it. You might notice some parallels between the Phoenicians (i.e. tin traders) and Carthaginians with the Ringitsu of Old Ringitania and New Ringitania. This wasn't intentional at first (or else their founding myth might reference stories like Aeneas and Dido more) but I noticed it myself when I started fleshing out the concept. I think it's reasonable parallelism--OTL the Tlingit were skilled seafarers and also traded regularly (for many, many centuries as archaeology shows) deep inland (to the Yukon and its tributaries) and to places like Kodiak. It's quite interesting to flesh out this parallelism further yet making it quite distinct in its own way. The Vikings, constantly compared to PNW coastal peoples, of course did something similar in the British Isles and with Iceland.


Unfortunately I got carried away writing the political setup of the other parts of Ringitania that I neglected to discuss the technological aspects of it! Because I'd rather not make too long of an update, I will most certainly address this next update. It blends well as next update I actually will discuss more of the sailing due to the exploration of the Sea of Ringitania/Bering Sea and the challenges facing adapting Ringitsu culture to the mostly-treeless landscape they encounter.

As always, thank you for reading.

[1] - Yaakwshaa is Larsen Bay, AK
[2] - Ringitsu (Tlingit) has a far richer phonology than Eskimo-Aleut languages, including Alutiiq. The phonologically simpler Western Ringitsu languages (spoken every aside from Old Ringitania) end up associated with commoners and thus disdained by the elite
[3] - The Takugeisha Mountains are the Chugach Mountains, from the Ringitsu word Chaakugeiyishaakh, "mountains behind Takugei Bay" (an old term TTL for Prince William Sound, see below)
[4] - Chilqaat is Cordova, AK and Nuuwtakhk is Nuchek, AK
[5] - Kesukaan is Kodiak, AK, Kanuu is Karluk, AK, Taanyuukh is Afognak, AK, and Yaakw'aneik/Yagane Island is Afognak Island in Alaska just north of Kodiak Island.
[6] - He is an inheritor of the name Yeilkichi and would be a grandnephew of the Yeilkichi in Chapter 15
[7] - Takugei Bay is Bristol Bay, AK. The name comes from a Ringitsu term Chaakugeiyi meaning "greatest bay" which OTL was applied to Prince William Sound (TTL it is as well, but is superseded by Kh'aatkh'geiyi/Hachigei "bay of many islands", although that term survives in some contexts like Takugeisha/Chaakugeiyishaakh)
[8] - Lake Nengena is Lake Iliamna in Alaska
[9] - The Yaigani Peninsula is the Seward Peninsula while the Manjimas are the Aleutians
[10] - TTL's term for Eskimo-Aleut languages, so named for the Thule Culture and in general the concept of "Ultima Thule" (see Thule/Thule Air Base in Greenland) which fits the homeland of its speakers well. I'm using it because it sounds like a name 19th century linguists might've devised which would've stuck with us over the years and it sounds better than "Eskimo-Aleut" as it avoids the baggage associated with the term "Eskimo" and is more concise than "Inuit-Yupik-Unangan" as I've seen used as an alternative
[11] - For those curious, the Thulean/Eskimo-Aleut languages borrowed from are Aleut (TTL's Unangakh), Central Alaskan Yupik, and Inupiaq
[12] - Iganachi (a Ringitsu loanword from their word for bronze "iqnaach") is specifically used to refer to common formulations of Fusanian bronze, including fancier forms meant for artistic use
[13] - Seioka Island is St. Lawrence Island. There is indeed a source of alluvial tin on the island, although the portion accessible without a major mining operation (even by today's standards) is small.
 
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