Μηδίζω! The World of Achaemenid Hellas

Was the inclusion of Zoroastres as a sophoi of the Hellenes something that you'd always envisioned happening in this TL?

It was, though not one of the 'big' ideas that I had wanted to work in.

All of these bits of information are from, or regarding, what amounts to post-Achaemenid religious matters. This is because of when Buddhism actually starts to get impacted in this TL, which is the invasion of the Achaemenids by Agnemitra. So this is a world away from the 4th century BCE Hellenes who are still pulling together after their semi-forcible separation from one another, and why it might seem radically different to what's come before. Also this is one of the first 'Hellenistic' era Greek sources in the timeline at all, and it's a nice contrast to the 5th and 4th century BC perspectives, serving to indicate that the Hellenistic (so-called) in this world is... enormously different.

Various speculations as to religion in the timeline

There is a lot said by all that comes close to the nature of things, but because that update was focused on Buddhism it does not necessarily reveal the full context of things. I will say that Amida should not be necessarily taken as representative of 'winners' and 'losers' in the religious environment of the Near East...
 
Nominated this for a turtledove because it is perhaps the most amazing timeline about the ancient near east I've ever read, and while somebody else may have done the found documents/alternate primary source approach before, I think it really captures the voice of such things perfectly and there's something to be said for that.
 
Etruscan Religion
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI

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Extract from Archaeoteria Volume One by Lar Segeto (961 CE)
The Brontoscopia


Many ancient peoples have become forever associated with a basal element of the universe; the men of Carchedon and their forebears, for example, with the sea, the men of Aigyptos with the earth. With our ancestors, the ancient Rasna, they are forever tied to the sky, especially lightning. But many do not understand what causes this association, what the actual importance of these things was to the ancient Rasna. Collecting, as I have been, sources from diverse periods and with detailed information on the beliefs of the Rasna, I will endeavour to explain to the interested reader the basic form of the Rasnatic relationship with the sky, and their belief in fate. This assembled together is what we call the Brontoscopia, which is a Hellenic word in origin meaning to ‘predict by thunder’.

The ancient Rasna believed that the sky was the source of all knowledge and power. Not only did they believe the major Gods to dwell in the lofty heavens, as did many other ancient peoples, they believed that the Gods dwelled in different districts of the sky. They understood thunder and lightning to be divine emanations, enlightening those with the correct knowledge as to the future, to the very fate of all who walked on the earth. By mapping these emanations to the correct districts of the sky they would have true understanding of divine intentions. Those who possessed true knowledge would themselves be able to summon lightning at will, commanding a fraction of the power of the Gods. East was considered a blessed district of the sky, home to many of the most benevolent and wise of the Gods, whereas the West was home to those of ill-intent. It is perhaps this reason why the Rasna clung so to Hellenic culture and knowledge, which fed their growth in their time of gestation.

This belief in the summoning of lightning would become crucial on a fateful day, the Battle of Destiny as it has been known ever since. At Felsine a great army of barbarians was confronted by an assembled Rasna army. Its leader would become known to history as Larth Unalisa, but at the time he seems to have been known as Larth Tulumnes clan Aule Arnthalisa. He led the forces of Veii alongside those of other Rasna cities against the assembled barbarian hosts. However, the Miracle of Felsine turned the tide of the battle; Larth Unalisa was able to call down lightning to strike the barbarian king, who fell down dead. The barbarian hordes fled, and a new fate was revealed for the Rasna people; one of greatness, and strength. Things would never be the same again. The Rasna had long believed that their civilization had an allotted time, a specific number of generations before their collapse, but the Battle of Destiny led to the acclamation of a Golden Generation, one whose length was open-ended. This, then, is why we call the Rasnatic Empire’s dynasties the Three Golden Generations.


THE LAND OF THUNDER (253 BCE)​

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To the King Thrasymakhos, say this from his servant Deinos.

Matters arose in Massalia which I was unable to extricate myself from, but I will return to Syrakousai as soon as I am able, and rather than keep you waiting, my king, I elected to send you this letter with a trusted messenger. My findings will be given to you, my king, in full when I am able to return, but here are the most important of my discoveries.

The reports of the Tyrsenoi kingdom showing preference for gods of the sky and thunder are accurate, perhaps even understated. In the lands of the Tyrsenoi proper they value above all their Gods which are lightning-throwers, in particular the three Gods they call Tinia, Uni, and the Athana of the Tyrsenoi that they call Menerva. Indeed they hold that through reading lightning the fate of individuals and the world can be determined. They also exalt Zan, and encourage those Hellenes within their kingdom to exalt him above all other Gods of the Hellenes. In addition, they encourage Gods of thunder among the barbarians that they control, ones named this, that, and the other such as Taranis or Euspiter. Truly, the kingdom of the Tyrsenoi is become the land of thunder.

It is a custom among the Tyrsenoi to dine with their ancestors in special rooms designed for that purpose in tombs belonging to Tyrsenoi families. This is not unusual information, and is likely known to you my king, but please be patient because this is a necessary preface to the next part of my report. Accordingly, with this custom in mind, the king of the Tyrsenoi feasts so with his ancestors. What was once a private ritual has now become a public festival, celebrated across the kingdom of the Tyrsenoi, because they hold the king to be master of the fate of the kingdom, and accordingly it is pious to share in the feast of the king with his ancestors. There are thus festivals all across the different districts of his lands. If the king wishes a day to strike the Tyrsenoi, one where they are vulnerable at the same time each year, there is no more suitable time that I can determine than during this festival of the king. I am aware that this would present difficulties, due to the length of the journey from Sikelia to any lands of the Tyrsenoi bar the region of Kapua and Neapolis, but this nonetheless represents a rare opportunity to find the Tyrsenoi vulnerable at the same time each year. They are a vigilant people, and it cannot be predicted as to when some Keltoi or other barbarian people might assault their frontiers to the north.

As for other kingdoms, do not trust to the Italiote League, disregard what anyone else has said to you about their willingness to attack the Tyrsenoi. On the one hand, the collapse of the kingdom of Amavadatos has robbed them of their main protector, and whilst this is in no way an insult directed towards my king and benefactor the Italiotes do not believe Syrakousai to be an equivalent protector to the now-collapsed Amavadatid kingdom. On the other hand, the followers of Pythagoras continue to grow in numbers and militancy in Italia, and many of the League’s members are concerned with suppressing any insurrection these cults might launch, in imitation of the last set of Pythagorean revolutions. My estimation is that such insurrections are likely to occur, but also that they might occur in the Hellenic poleis controlled by the Tyrsenoi. Speaking of Hellenic poleis, the polis of Massalia, from where this letter reaches you, is deeply unhappy with their conquest by the Tyrsenoi, even now, and would likely gladly revolt against their masters if they were attacked by a strong enough opponent.They believe that this or that apoikia founded by the Massaliotes in Iberia would aid them in this struggle, but I cannot determine if this is likely or not. The former territory of the Perseid kings is similarly an unknown quantity.


THE LEXICON OF HELLENIC RELIGION (1704 CE)
Απονοσ (Aponos): Aponos was originally a small urban area near to Patavion with a sanctuary dedicated to an eponymous God Aponos, of relatively obscure origins but probably a god relating to healing and waters. The Perseid kingdom, under Perseus II, transformed the site; his patronage resulted in the construction of a large temple to ‘Poseidon Aponos’, and it was promoted by Perseus as a unifying element in his diversely populated state, with right of access guaranteed to those who were allied to him or subject to his rule. This period also saw the prominence of Aponos’ oracular site rise, and by the end of the 4th century BCE there are references to it as a famed oracle in the literature of other Hellenic regions such as Italia and Hellas proper. When the Tinians conquered the Perseid state they absorbed many of its institutions wholesale, especially those that helped to glue their new territories together. This resulted in the profile of Aponos increasing even further, receiving pilgrimage and respect from the large territories of the Tinian state. This was despite its lack of association to any kind of thunder god, and was noted on this basis by several commentators, including Sethre Sethral, the famed Tinian philosopher.

The sanctuary survived the tumult of the Second Golden Generation’s ascent to power, and under Larth Tinial clan Unalisa II the sanctuary complex was expanded yet further, with the foundation of its sacred bath complex. It was under this period that the region of Patavion became one of the wealthiest parts of the Tinian Empire, with the growth of Empire and growth of Aponos’ importance dovetailing to mutual benefit. This period of prosperity came to an end, however, with the great Boii invasion of the eastern Tinian territories. Their raids penetrated as far as the district of Patavion, and the sanctuary was sacked for its riches. The defeat of the Boii put an end to the invasion but with the Second Golden Generation on the rocks, the future of Aponos grew uncertain, and it lay in semi-ruin for some time afterwards. However, after the ascension of the expansionist Third Golden Generation, the Temple was refounded, and enlarged to become even greater than it ever had been before. It was also given a circuit wall closer to a fortification than a marker of a sacred precinct, and it is believed that Aponos had a garrison independent of the larger military base in Patavion proper. This had the unintended affect of giving the priest of Poseidon Aponos military power, and upon the collapse of the Third (and final) Golden Generation the Priests of Aponos were one of several armed factions in the Adriatic districts of the former Tinian Empire. This was to prove the final downfall of the old temple, as the Wenetic Kingdom under Adnama defeated the army of Aponos, and dispersed the priests from the site. It remained a site of baths and a fortified garrison but the temple was left ruined, and used for stone. Eventually a new sanctuary, dedicated to the Olikan faith, was founded on the site of the old temple, as is the case with most of the early Olikos temples.


The Speeches of Hellenarkhs (1641 CE)
Leukippos of Naxos’ On the Piety of the Henetoi​

Introduction

This speech was delivered by Leukippos on the subject of a debate before Panhellen Kadmos, which was what the Symmachia’s policy towards the Henetic Kingdom, known as the Wenetic kingdom in the West, should be. There had been several recommendations of a friendly policy towards the kingdom, mostly because of its value as a bulwark against deeply unfriendly states to the Symmachia. Leukippos’ speech was delivered against the prevailing advice, and is the most stridently Olikan of all of his surviving speeches. Unlike many speeches delivered before the Panhellenic Bola we know the outcome of this speech, which successfully turned the tide of opinion towards the Henetoi, and resulted in a war between the two states. This is the moment in which Olikan religion was confirmed as a political force in Hellas and its territories, approaching a state of dominance it had hitherto not experienced.

Text

This advice I address to the Panhellen and his council, which I swear by all of the Gods is the best advice I have in my power to give. Panhellen Kadmos, foremost of the Hellenes, Defender of the Istros Frontier, Conqueror of Barbarians, I say this to you. I speak against this notion of allying with the Henetoi, entirely, utterly, without reserve and without hesitation. Those who have suggested otherwise are foolish and totally wrong about their suggestion. Why do I say this? Why do I speak against so many respected Hellarkhs? Because by this action we anger the Gods, and we anger the Gods because of the perfidious, sacrilegious Henetoi, because of the crimes against Gods and the cosmic order that they have committed in their time of unnatural governance over their corner of the world. Where is their usefulness when they destroy oracles and temples, as at Aponos? They are not bulwarks of strength against the forces ranged against our existence, against our mission to transform the world, they are one of those forces, for they threaten to upheave the entire cosmic order with their sacrilegious behaviour towards a sanctuary of Poseidon!

They expelled Hellenes that have dwelled in that district since the time of King Xerxes, priests who have worshipped and honoured the Gods in the same way, in the same time-honoured traditions that all of us acknowledge, respect, and conduct ourselves, for centuries! How can we consider them a potential ally when they treat our Gods this way? And make no mistake, when they treat our Gods this way they treat all Hellenes this way in exactly the same ugly, disrespectful and destructive way. Since time immemorial Hellenes have united by our language, our culture and education, and by our common worship of the proper Gods. An attack on the Gods is by its very definition an attack on all Hellenes, everywhere in the world! What qualities of the Henetoi set aside their profaning of the sacred and Hellenic sites which were set in their care? All kings, princes, and rulers have in their duty the sacred and unbreakable duty to preserve the temples to the Gods that exist in their territory, this cannot be abrogated! What respect do you, Panhellen Kadmos, owe a fellow king, this Adnama, if he does not value any of the sacred duties owed to his office!

The Tyrsenoi understood many things, and one of those things was the undertaking of proper respect towards the Gods, of honouring and displaying proper piety towards the Gods, but since the ending of their line their former territories are given over to disorder, to sacrilege and sack! How can we, the Hellenarkhs, stand before the Panhellen, stand in the sacred hall of the Panhellenic Assembly, and say that this bunch of immoral savages are better than this set of immoral savages? The Gods will not look kindly upon those who ignore profaners of the sacred, for there is a universal truth that lies upon all men, of all nations; the Gods must be respected. Men must respect their own Gods, and they must respect the precincts in their lands dedicated to the sacred Gods of other lands. This has been the law of civilized nations since before the ancient Kadmos gave us our writing and our civilized behaviour!

O Panhellen, named for this illustrious forebear, you cannot overlook this breach of the base laws of mankind. I have not now, nor ever, harmed any icon, ritual, or sanctuary of any Gods of the Henetoi in the lands of the Hellenes that I might have run across, and neither has any man who stands in this Assembly, for you are all excellent and civilized individuals who respect such things. These Henetoi have not accorded us and our Gods the same respect, and they must be punished accordingly! We must be the instrument of the Gods divine punishment, to restore the cosmic order, to make the Henetoi understand that the defiling of Hellenic sacred spaces will not go without divinely mandated justice, and to remind all the other savages that create disorder and moral disharmony in Hesperia that we are coming for them next! We shall be as King Xerxes, an agent of divine justice to punish crimes against the order of the universe and to keep the moral balance of the world intact! If some set of Keltoi or Germanoi or some other people far to our North were to some down, all of a sudden, in some great horde and pillage and defile Delphoi, or Dodona, or Lebedeia, would we simply sit and say that we should align with them, because their warriors are strong and they might prove useful against some other set of barbarians or the other? No! We would crush them with every armed Hellene, every armed ally of the Panhellen, that we could muster, from every corner of his domains! The Henetoi have destroyed the sacred oracle of Poseidon Aponos! This need not be repeated! This is a monstrous violation of sacred law and justice that has been perpetrated by this man who claims kingship over so much of the Adriatic coast. Talk no more of alliance, talk of how we shall uproot this king and destroy him and his confederates!

We are not in a position of weakness but strength, for not only are our armies well led and victorious, but we are a pious nation that respects the Gods of the Hellenes and those of others equally well. We are agents of restoration of the divine order of things, we are in the prime of a strength that is truly unprecedented, under Panhellen Kadmos we can say that the Hellenes and our allies are even stronger than the grand coalition of Agamemnon, and have a far more righteous cause. Let us use this strength, let the Panhellen reach out his mighty hand to restore divine justice, to renew the Gods’ faith in our ability to carry out their will, to punish the wicked and exalt the righteous. Speak no more of alliance with the Henetoi! Speak of the movement of armies and the punishing of the impious! Do what is right in the eyes of God, and man! Panhellen, I beseech you, heed not those who ignore the perfidies of the Henetoi, consider their chastisement in the manner that seems fittest to you.
 
Excellent to see this still going!

Also it's fantastic to see a timeline that focuses on the Rasna - one of the more criminally overlooked peoples in history. :D
 
I think my only true regret about this TL is that we don't have maps to see the changing circumstances through time.

But aside from that, this is an excellent timeline.

Keep up the good work. :)
 
After many requests, and after compromising my obsession with prettiness for something direct and usable, here is a map of the Mediterranean world upon the death of King Xerxes, 443 BCE. I just realised that I left a large blank yellow bit in Italy- those are meant to be 'misc Italic city-states and peoples'. Oh and I accidentally left the interior borders of Carthaginian Sardinia a bit 'fuzzy', woops!

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Oh my goodness...

This is an amazing map Daeres! :)

Thanks.

By the way, I voted for you in the last Turtledove. I just love what you are doing here.
 
Thank you for the (quite literal) vote of confidence!

The second and last map for now is of 330 BCE, and the Mediterranean world upon the Death of King Xerxes II, aka Xerxes the Last.

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The Agnimitrid borders in 330 look very unstable to me. That the territory that separates Iran and India is basically nothing more than Gedrosia seems like a recipe for the two parts of the empire splitting off from one another or one of the other of them failing.

While obviously there is a sea route, it just seems like a condition that wouldn't last - either the Asagarta get incorporated in some way, or India/Iran get tired of being ruled from such a great distance.
 
By the gods, I can't believe I only discovered this now. *cries in joy, remembering those ancient PoD TLs I've missed so dearly*
 
Popular Hellenic Religion
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI

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A Response to C. Larc Matta Regarding His Latest Archaeoteric Work by C. Banuna Bessa Bottal (1592 CE)​
Some would call the current age a golden era of understanding and scholarship, particularly in the realm of Archaeoteria. Senulogia, with its rediscovery of ancient monuments, tombs, and splendid artefacts has allegedly enabled us to, at last, surpass the knowledge of the ancients as to the deep past, the far corners of human civilization’s earliest incarnations. If this is the case, then perhaps somebody ought to inform C. Matta as to this being the case, for his latest volume is not so much a step backwards as an abdication of any useful scholarship of any kind, a wholescale retreat from relevancy that resembles nothing less than the final defeat of the Rasnatic armies by its encircling foes, the sack of Veii and its glories, as transferred to the study of ancient things. The aforementioned C. Matta has, on the whole, displayed many admirable qualities as a scholar in his previous work, some of which this author has had the good pleasure to recommend to peers of all nations. But perhaps we are forced to re-evaluate such a vastly overgenerous esteem when confronted by the contents of C. Matta’s Popular Religion Among the Ancient Hellenes, which represent nothing less than the wasting of valuable ink. There are perhaps latrines in which can be salvaged more numerous and useful contents than this purported work of archaeoteria. In case C. Matta or any others are curious as to why this work is so misliked by this author then, having somehow escaped the obvious, I will inform those curious what any nine year old boy would tell them; the consideration of the religion of the masses is an utterly irrelevant topic with neither application nor interest for any modern scholar, nay gentleman, of quality and upbringing. Even a dusty farmer, who had naught for scholarly peers but pigs and pear trees, would extoll similar receptions of this work for these very same reasons.

There are not a surfeit of trained masters in the art of deciphering Imperial Tuscan, or any of the ancient Rasnatic tongues, neither still those who can also decipher ancient Hellenic languages of various provenances. C. Matta is one such individual, the beneficiary of an efficient and expensive education which appears to have been entirely wasted on him, it is a wonder that his parents do not leave the country for shame of the nonsense their eldest scion now produces. One can only wonder at the shame and fury felt by the universities of Crathi and Nemeso at having wasted so much tutelage on a scholar who now seems to miss the entirety of the fundamental notions governing his studies’ existence. Archaioteria is not a collection of trivias, or a school of architecture in which the minutiae of people’s lives are the building blocks, it is the study of ancient nations, their profound influence on the world around them and subsequent to them, of the individuals that moved and shaped those nations. When our own times are examined by Archaioterists in an era as removed from our own as ours is from the Archait era they will not be interested in the reason why a cobble was designed just so, what a tutannox eats for breakfast before milking his cows, or Gods forbid what passes for religion among the wretched of our society. This is Archaioteria as perhaps is imagined in such places as Pridia or even the sleepy coast of Armur, where entire regions filled with nothing but tutannix seek something to indicate their (false) relevance to goings on, but in Arvernia, Massalia, and all other places of civilization and import we pursue education for the purpose of bettering ourselves, our nations, and mankind. Perhaps, having seemingly forgotten this purpose, C. Matta would kindly return his nota to the relevant institutions, so as not to devalue the credence given to those who would ordinarily have received those qualifications.


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C. LARC MATTA’S POPULAR RELIGION AMONG THE ANCIENT HELLENES (1590)
EXTRACT FROM CHAPTER 2: ON MESSENIA

In its renewed state upon the coming of the Persians, the role of the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis becomes crucial in understanding the intersection of popular and state religion in Messenia. For some time this sanctuary had been held by the Spartiate regime despite being a major locale for the rituals of the Messenian people. Once this sanctuary became fully open to them, and no longer lay on the border with Lacedaimonia, it was at the centre of the newly formed Messenian kingdom that existed under Persian dominion. Pilgrimages to this temple became common, and inscriptions at the site have been found attesting to dedications from ordinary Messenians, most of them thanking Artemis for boons given and prayers answered. This is clearly a precursor to the more mobile Olikan faith in Hellas, whereby it became expected that a Hellene might well move outside their own region to properly dedicate themselves before one of the Olympian gods. But Artemis Limnatis was not solely a target of pilgrimage and prayer, she was also at the centre of Messenian state ritual, being the location of two major festivals; the Xerxeia, dedicated to remembering Xerxes’ liberation of the Messenians, and also the Limnaisia, the procession of the waters from Limnais to the sea at Abia. Some Messenians worshipped Xerxes at the former festival, and why not? As their perceived deliverer, at whose hand they received no punishment or censure, he would have seemed a divine figure from a far off, more civilized land. Indeed, a holiday on the behalf of Xerxes is still celebrated across Messenia. This introduction of Persian references in Messenian religion perhaps provides another plausible entry point for Persian custom into ancient Hellenic religion as surplus to Boiotia and Attica. Perhaps the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatus was the very first Hellenic practitioner of Persian sky-burials, knowing as we do that such burials became popular, if not dominant, in the region of Messenia in the centuries after the Conquest. We can permit ourselves to imagine a Persian presence at the Xerxeia, perhaps with Persians playing a role during the reconstruction of Xerxes’ liberation of the Messenians?

The sanctuary at Limnatis is also an example of continuum among a sea of change, as can be identified with other important religious sanctuaries across Hellas. In this way the Persians made the radical adjustment from Hellenic-ruled, polis-based sovereignty to Persian ruled hegemony easier, numbing the sensation by the continuance of popular Hellenic religion by its most visible physical centres. It is no accident that even Western Hellenic authors grudgingly admit that the old, proud sanctuaries of their ancient homelands reached their most splendid and magnificent forms under Persian rule. Limnais was a clear example of this, though in Herodotos we find reference to scurrilous rumours that this was a bribe to the king of the Messenians to ignore corruption and all sorts of other misdeeds by the Persian governors of Hellas. The importance of Limnatis to the renewed Messanian civic and political existence in this period is precisely why the Amavadatid state continued to patronise the sanctuary, for as the era of Achaemenid rule wound on this sanctuary represented a profound link between the general population of Messenia and the Achaemenid monarch himself, a link that the Amavadatids sought to supplant.

Indeed, in both Achaemenid and Amavadatid Hellas we can distinguish their relationship with temples into two kinds of different purpose; the first, representing their patronage of Delphoi and similar sites, is their patronage and protection of those sites with Panhellenic significance; the second, of which Limnais is representative, is their good will towards and protection of sites with specific significance to particular ethne within Hellas, connecting them to popular religion and allowing the monarchs a direct relationship with the ethne in question, subverting the ability of a polis, basileus, or similar societal institution to monopolise the ordinary citizens of Hellas. However, should one of these monarchs find themselves unable to prevent damage or destruction of one of these sanctuaries, their authority could collapse in Hellas overnight, as it would in later times; the beginning of the end of Imerian dominion over Hellas came with the sack of Limnais by the Tinians, not to mention the damage to other sanctuaries by the invasion of the Dardani shortly thereafter. This then is the intersect between popular religion and the affairs of state, where hegemonic monarchs were tolerated or even supported only for as long as they could guarantee the sacred integrity of the peoples that they ruled. This author advances the thesis that these sanctuaries in which popular and civic religion interacted, Limais being representative, are the key to the establishment of imperial states over populaces with no previous experience of interconnected governance.


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ALARIC LARSUNS’ RETROSPECTIVE ON LARC MATTA (1684 CE)

Lehtrtoi of the current era are living in extraordinary times. The Alfine peoples traffic in knowledge and understanding in a way that would have once seemed inconceivable, in such a way as to truly surpass the times of the Razna dominance over the Alfine regions, in my view for the first time in Alfine or perhaps Uropan history. We can point to, and graciously thank, many persons for creating this modern state of affairs, but, and here I confess full partiality, as a participant in the discipline of Popular Archaioteria I must assert my belief that Larc Matta, Cingeto of Arvernia, Didasklos of Crathi and Nemeso Universities, was perhaps the most responsible for bringing on this change by not only writing Popular Religion Among the Ancient Hellenes but, after publishing this work, also withstanding the unremitting and partial criticism launched at him for even conceiving of the work, let alone giving it form. Nothing can take this achievement away from C. Matta, not the cavalcade of Senological discoveries that greet us in the present age, nor in the relentless march of time itself. But if we are to commit to the present notion of rigour that rightly informs the modern understanding the lehtrtoi world then we must apply that same rigour to this foundational text. We must set ourselves to comprehend C. Matta’s work in a present age, and come to a direct conclusion as to what the cultured men of the era can actually gain from reading the text.

We must first come to terms with the fact that Senology has advanced our knowledge of archait era societies to a considerable degree. This has applied to the study of popular arkait history to an even greater degree than in other areas, for we need no longer rely on ancient authors alone to describe the history and layout of a given ancient sanctuary, or ancient city. We have uncovered inscriptions of religious significance that would have been too ordinary or beneath the notice of such authors. There remain many who try to ignore this evidence because of their faith in the ancient authors, but the tide of history does not flow in their favour. In this C. Matta was ahead of his peers by deeply incorporating the Senological evidence of his time with his work in archaioteria, and not only in doing so but realising the new opportunities which this would open up. The fundamental basis of popular archaioteria, that the popular realities, culture, and landmarks of a society not only interrelate with its general governance but to a great extent dictate the course of its existence as a nation, all come from this text, and the sound methodology which underlies them remains unimpeachable. We can say, of C. Matta’s interactions with Senological knowledge, that he came to sound conclusions from limited and misleading evidence, the fundamental logics were sound but the evidence with which he was working produced the wrong results. This does mean that much of his chapter on Macedonian popular culture, primarily evidenced as it was by non-Macedonian authors and finds at Amphipolis, is unfortunately quite incorrect in nearly all of its conclusions, as is the section on Pampyhlia.

In addition, we must unfortunately take issue with some of his specific claims and decisions. There is precisely no evidence of any participation of Persians in the Xerxeia festival held at Limnais in Messenia, and had we not found direct material references to the festival we might even be tempted to disqualify the festival from archait reality at all, due to its prominence among sources hostile or, subsquently, snobbish about Eastern Hellenic practices, and in particular Messenia. We must find also that C. Matta’s conclusions about temple courtesans in Corinthos are ill-founded by current understanding, and here we must explain in more detail; at the time of C. Matta’s magnum opus the concensus was that many features of Hellenic culture and society allegedly introduced by Asia in times past had actually been introduced under the Achaemenids, and these claims of antiquity had been an attempt to make these Asian cultural features ‘safe’ to the Hellenic world. We now realise that we have references to Corinthos’ temple courtesans predating the Conquest, predating even Dareios the Great, and that Herodotos was indeed to be trusted on this matter. Accordingly, rather than Matta’s assumptions that these courtesans were Mesopotamian colonists slowly Hellenised, we can assume that these courtesans were always Hellenic women from local families, which changes the nature of understanding pre and post-Conquest popular Corinthian religion.

Turning to the western Hellenes, in any area with Senulogical or Hellenic resources available we continue to find C. Matta nearly unimpeachable, given his peerless experience with Hesperia as a whole, from the Alfes to Italia. However, at the time in which he was engaging in research, we find that the appreciation for and engagement with ancient Carcedonian archaioteria (the viewpoint that the Carcedonians or, at the very least, the Phoinic people as a whole, were one of the classical archait peoples is beyond dispute in this author’s mind, regardless of how much ink Well Aulal wastes on arguing the contrary) was in its teething stages, and many important resources had not passed into the scholarship of Arvernia, Hesperia, or anywhere that the Alfes touched. The old Orezanian sources in particular have furnished modern archaioterists with a wealth of knowledge about Emporion which was not possessed before, and we may feel secure about calling many of the western Hellenic sources remiss for their scanty discussions of such a vibrant city. Thus C. Matta’s characterisation of the popular culture of the city as Hellenic in every way, shutting out the local influences, is almost certainly flawed, now that we understand instead the city to have slowly become a joint city, held in common between natives and Hellenes with an equal share of citizenship. Indeed, the Senulogical prospects for discovering the exact site of Old Emporion are as tantalising as discovering a real location of Troia. I also feel that, in trying to escape from the western Hellenic literature’s domination of opinions, the importance of the Dionysia festivals to Megathenai/Dikaia was radically understated and little examined by C. Matta. In fact it seems almost perverse that an Alfine scholar would not have dealt with the festivals when it came to the subject of western Hellenic and Tinian cultures intersecting, where we eventually find Tyrsenoi actors being admitted into the Dikaian Dionysia, and though it was at the point of imperial dominance by the Tinian Empire the eventual inclusion of Tyrsenoi playwrights in the Dionysia is likewise invaluable when discussing the intersect of the archait Hesperian peoples. C. Matta had also not developed his popular archait method as fully as possible, and had not thought to examine, for example, the changing Dikaian notions as to their homeland, and its progression from self regard as a community of exiles to primarily seeing Italia as their home, even if Athenai and a host of other cities were also their ancient homelands.

However, given the time that has passed, and the early juncture of populist methodology that C. Matta represents, he remains remarkable in his forward thinking, and his primary methodologies remain the building blocks for our own examinations of the past. He was himself not a proponent of Populism, as it existed at that point, and yet he was of that party simply by being forward thinking, rational, and inquisitive in superior abundance to his peers, concerned as they were with war, and princes, and priests. It brings me no doubt to establish a Cingeto as a principal source of Populism in archaioteria, and an inspiration for political Populism. His work in examining the deep roots of the Achaemenid and Amavadatid states, not to mention the morphing relationship of Hellenes with Tyrsenoi in the Tinian Empire, remains the best of its kind in any of the lehrtoi traditions of our great sea. Those who seek to understand the popular theories of archaioteria must read this book, and to everyone else it remains a detailed, well thought out, and comprehensive work with few competitors in any era of history.

 
I have some fear that if we don't comment on this fine piece of AH, it may wither. I had a rather long reply going to the post a couple back that introduced us to the "Olikan" religious tradition that had developed among the Hellenes, but I realized it was just so much verbal treading water; I was not sure what to think or say because we actually don't know enough about the movement yet to justify any of the tangents I was tending to take it on.

Now this post I certainly have some reactions to! (As I've had to others where I've stayed silent, perhaps after days of typing...:eek:) C. Bottal gives as eloquent and reasoned a defense of the practice of oligarchic history as I've ever seen, and in my opinion earns himself an honorable place up against a blood-stained wall to be rebutted by tutanoxoi (or whatever the proper plural would be, can't tell if it is a Greek, Celtic, or whatnot sort of word) in arms. After such an introduction (some of my favorite people have been introduced to me by the calumnies of their foes:D) I was rather hoping Matta would write in words of fire, a fire heated by and illuminating a devastating logic. That Matta himself is rather mild and unassuming after all this is not too much of a letdown either, like his century-later student and critic Larsun I see him as "a man of the people out of necessity, not inclination;" his insights were fundamentally true for the same reasons democracy is superior to oligarchy. In so speaking and feeling of course I speak and think as a polemical democrat!:p And perhaps in this ATL, "democrat" does not mean what it has come to mean in modern English; it could well be that the word is strictly and properly applied solely to the Athenian system that ITTL failed to defeat Xerxes, and the use of the term ITTL highlights the shortcomings rather than correspondences to TTL's populism.

(And by the way, is "populism" itself a translation from some completely different term, because of course Rome is sidetracked ITTL? Or are other Latin languages close enough to OTL Roman Latin that the term has slipped into the linguistic stew of Etruscan, Greek, Italian dialects, Celtic and the Olikanian deities alone know what all else ("Larsun" seems to have a quite Germanic name--though it might just as well be Latin!:p) and the root still has its various branches here?)

Anyway it is plenty amusing to someone who has spent as much time as I have in the halls of academia, particularly in the company of an English major in the late 90s and early 2000s in schools where postmodernism reigned nearly supreme, to read the introductory polemics. In history, PoMo as I knew there seemed reasonable enough, if a bit flighty. But watching it run rampant in the English department might have outed my inner reactionary--though personally I felt then and feel now, it is extreme postmodernism that is reactionary and does not know it, that circles back to the reactionary stand of the Bottals they think they have left so far behind them.

It may be that I'm too hidebound in my materialism, perhaps. Yet I've never felt that sensible materialism must blind one to the purely cultural and superstructural, or to deny its importance--just that the importance of perceptions and frames of vision is relative to the material foundations, and relevant to them. One can't understand Rome solely by analysis of crops and dietary habits--but they sure do give us insights. As does the realization that lead poisoning was probably a pervasive thing.

So I'm not sure what to make of the academic quarrels of TTL's 1500s or the new, apparently more democratic, consensus (if consensus it is, but Larsun seems comfortable enough, not desperate) of the 1600s. Should I pigeonhole it in terms of a Marxist necessary infrastructural level of development and compare this TL's 17th Century to our 19th? Or reflect that had the British Commonwealth gone on a bit longer, a comfortable academic like Larsun might take as commonplace notions that would get his grandfathers (or grandchildren!) beheaded forlese majeste and high treason, and that it would not be too strange for something not entirely unlike Larsun's text to emerge in Cromwell's Commonwealth--which was firmly of its own Seventeenth Century?

I'm rather inclined to think that this TL's centuries are clearly somewhat more advanced than their OTL counterparts, that Larsun and even Matta must be the contemporaries of an advanced stage of development of science and scholarship in general at least comparable with the OTL early 19th Century, if not even later. For me that implies a connection with a highly technological and advancing society--indeed, the notion of progress, that with perseverance, faithful effort, and patience time will bring forth good and better things, seems essential to an optimistic populism. Otherwise the criticism that the rabble seek merely to Level their betters down to the same low level seems too pointed; it is important rather that the rabble should assume they have improved themselves and will continue to improve, and already surpass their self-named "betters" in important and relevant ways, and that they will master every art the aristocrats hold to their own forte, insofar as they are useful and good, while avoiding pitfalls and follies.

Can such a spirit be transposed to any age of human history, or must it necessarily wait until the rise of something very much like capitalism? I could go either way, honestly--I can imagine something like a Sparticist/Gracchi fusion movement, and a radicalized Rome that abolishes slavery and forms some sort of proto-socialist regime.

The thing is, such movements, which do exist in recorded history, do tend, until very modern times, to take the form of a religious movement, as indeed the English Commonwealth (and its most radical fringes) did. They tend to become the instruments whereby a new aristocracy and new monarchy are formed to supplant the old. Where they are not tricked or simply beaten into submission (and however brought down, a reign of terror of reaction always follows) they mutate over a generation or so into "meet the new boss, pretty much the same as the old boss." Perhaps the distinctions between old and new elite are significant, and key to how the new one survives while the old one could not. But the notion of a commonwealth of, by and for the people seems limited to poor rustics living in bastions, and vulnerable to being crushed, protected mainly by the undesirability of their hardscrabble holdings, and transitory and unstable among even them, until capitalism radically transforms the everyday conditions under which people live.
-------------------
In Larsun's retrospective on Matta, I wonder if he perhaps gives a little too much ground in places to Matta's latter-day critics and revisionists. He makes much of the fact that there is no evidence the Persians themselves participated in the twin rites of Messenia that Matta points to as mechanisms binding this particular Hellenic people (the former helots of the Spartans) to the Achaemenid regime. But so what if the Persians themselves didn't think of it, and had no hand in the evolution of the rites? The Messenians are the actors here; it was crystal clear to them they owed a great debt to Xerxes, and that their continued freedom and prosperity might well fail with the fall of the Achaemenids, their protectors. If Larsun feels it is a blow against Matta's arguments that the Achaemenid kings and their satraps and advisers themselves were not the stage managers of these Hellenic rites, but rather they were a movement of Hellenes toward identification with the great "Median" empire, I wonder if perhaps he doesn't understand his Matta! Or maybe Matta fell far short of the notion that the ruled are actors as well as the rulers, and merely opened doors he himself failed to step through--but reactionaries like Bottal could see gaping open, and recoiled from.
-----------------------
One thing I realized about academia in general, which might not apply or anyway not as much in the hard sciences, but certainly seems to everywhere else--one gets ahead by "debunking" and to one's own satisfaction, demolishing the conventional wisdom that one first finds in one's own education. A generation taught by Marxists can be expected to turn on Marx, not necessarily for any other reason than it is necessary for the new generation to make a new mark.

Larsun has to find fault with Matta somewhere, even if his main polemical thrust is against the anti-Mattaists. I fear it undermines him somewhat with me that he seems to overlook a very interesting point about the Messenians.
 

Faeelin

Banned
Fascinating as always. But unless I'm misunderstanding, the Carthaginians seem to have faded from history. This suggests there was some power that arose as significant as Rome in the Western Mediterranean. But who?
 
The implication is not meant to be that the Carthaginian legacy had no importance in the Western Med at all, but that for Italy and the Alpine region which was dominated by Greeks and Etruscans it was not something they paid much attention to for a long time, the Phoenician influence was mostly confined to the Atlantic coast of western Europe, along with Spain and North Africa. And eventually the Phoenician cultures do lose control over North Africa.
 
April Fools
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
INTERMISSION

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EXTRACT FROM SOPHOKLES’ LAKONES (441 BCE)

ARKADIA: So here in Thule we dwell in harmony with the Gods, with all the kinds of animals that dwell in our lands, and with all of the peoples that neighbour us, such as the Eudokioi, Euloges, and the Anthanthropoi, dwelling in peace and reserving our time for song, philosophy, arts and crafts, and love-making. What about you, what of your homeland?

GLOUTOS: Well Lakonia is the most beautiful part of my homeland, shall I describe it to you in detail?

ARCADIA: Oh you surely must!

GLOUTOS: Well, first there is its fertility, which is so poor as to force us to conquer better lands in order to furnish our rough and readies with their daily meals, who could ask for a better homeland? Then there are the splendid views, of endless rocky gullies, and bitterly cold, craggy mountains, in which any number of dangerous beasts dwell which are likely to attack and eat passers by! Such views over unlovely groves and homesteads could not possibly be bettered! And speaking of our food, we subsist only on a foul black broth made from the least lovely parts of animals and enough supplementary ingredients to prevent vomiting, or at least to prevent vomiting after the third time eating the black broth. It is a feast fit for Zeus himself. We are a proud and noble people, constantly seeking to advance our nation’s glorious cause by subjugating weaker, lesser peoples, and to cause as much sacrilege when doing so as possible, for how else could we evidence our widely renowned piety and respect for our Gods but by defacing, destroying, and having ugly sex in all of the sacred groves and temples of other Hellenes? Our society is all harmony, where a very few families of ancient status rule over multitudes of fellow Hellenes, and where ancient and proud ethne of Hellas are reduced to slavery purely out of our own inability to feed ourselves with our own labour, and where naked women are made to exercise in public to evidence their worthiness for bearing children!

ARKADIA: Oh Gloutos, you are truly the greatest comedian that has ever lived, and far superior to that talentless Sophokles whose comedies are so legendarily bad that even here, in farthest Thule, we have banned their performance for fear of disrupting public order.

GLOUTOS: A sensible plan o beautiful Thulian, in Lakonia we ban all literature for fear of exhibiting too much imagination and interest at things other than killing the creatures and peoples of the world.

ARKADIA: Hark, who is it that approaches yonder? I recognise not this lovely form.

HELEN: Hail, most robust and firm buttocked warrior of Hellas, from which city do you come to this place of loveliness?

GLOUTOS: Greetings o fair stranger, I am from that most noble and righteous polis, that noble beacon of civilization shining above all others… Sparta!

HELEN: Sparta?! Where is a Trojan prince when you need one…

ARKADIA: Why do you flee in such haste, o fair maiden?

GLOUTOS: Perhaps my buttocks intimidated her.

ARKADIA: That is perhaps true, they are frighteningly large to those unused to their presence. Are such posteriors common to all those from Lakonia?

GLOUTOS: They are not common at all, in fact my own pertness is the cause of my current wandering across the earth, alas for my fate!

ARKADIA: But whyfore would such excellent and most rounded cheeks be of concern in such a lovely land as your homeland?

GLOUTOS: Well we are accustomed, in my homeland, to the attentions of the elder men of status in our society, and such firm and large buttocks as these prevent the penetration of my behind, despite the flames of lust it aroused in all who beheld it! Their frustration at being unable to hump this plumpest rump led to my banishment from Lakonia, for fear of the sexual frustration of all the other Lakones interfering with our wars against the other Hellenes. Such a fate to befall a warrior as I…

ARKADIA: Is there no way to increase the width of your cleft?

GLOUTOS: Not even the finest smiths in all of Hellas were able to enlarge the crevice of my arse, and man must surely have experienced few such disappointments in all of our history as a race than I have endured as a result of my over-tightness..

ARKADIA: Well then I must take you deeper into Thule, for the pleasant sights and diversions from the cruel world outside to relieve your suffering at the hands of such a cruel fate.

GLOUTOS: You are too kind, my lady.

MEDES: Halt!

ARKADIA: Who are you to tell us to halt, in my own country and lands?

MEDES: We’re the Medes!

GLOUTOS: Perfidious orientals! Stand back, Arkadia, they will attempt to conquer us with their money and pleasures!

ARKADIA: They have no pleasures with which to tempt a child of Thule, fair Lakon. Tell me Medes, however did you discover this land, kept as it is hidden from the rest of the world?

MEDES: We had heard reports of a wondrous backside wandering the lands hither and thither, distracting everyone in its wake. Our distant king had us pursue the reports of this backside, for nothing can be so splendid that it does not tempt the King of the Medes from desiring it in his own, already overlarge palace!

GLOUTOS: Alas, fair lady, I have led these ruffians into your home because of this pair of firm buttocks. They are truly my curse from the gods!

MEDES: So the tales were true, truly you have the most wondrous hind-quarters across all the quarters of the world. And you are a Hellene, that requires us to seek to take you away and subject you to the authority of our King!

GLOUTOS: Stand behind me fair lady, I must take out my shield blessed by the Gods.

ARKADIA: See, the Gods do not desert you in your time of need! Surely they have blessed you with such divine protections as you deserve.

MEDES: Ahhh! Careful where you point that shield, that erection will poke out someone’s eye!

ARKADIA: Such amazing sorcery, pray tell me which God blessed your shield so so that I might give them my offerings?

GLOUTOS: Priapos blessed my shield so, he said that my backside was more than deserving of such a charm to protect its integrity!

MEDES: We relent, we relent! Stab us not with your engorgement, and we shall cease to attempt to bring you back to our homeland, though we cannot promise to cease molesting your pleasantly plenteous posterior...
 
Phoenician Religion
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI


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Footsteps of Foinikia:The Rediscovery of Ancient Ebon Wicta by C. Lanuc (1564 CE)
Chapter 5: The Temple of Melkart

It was Enis Wicta alone of all Tartiz’s colonial foundations that merited a temple of Melkart, the great god of ancient and noble Sir, so it is known and so it is verified by Kippir and Zipur. Melkart was fundamentally a god of urban civilization, its placement on Wicta an assertment that this would be a great foundation that would stand the test of time, and also a statement on the quality of the lands they found before them, placing Wicta above Wenesika and the ancient Keitani littoral. The temple only fell to disrepair and rumour in the tragedy of the Saramatish invasion, its rediscovery a key goal of modern atrotorn. At last, the beauty and size of the temple can now be directly attested due to the careful excavations of C. Lanuc.


The temple is, as enumerated earlier, a distance of 220 metres from the coastal, western walls of Ebon Wicta. The full precinct is 51 metres by 53 metres, with the north-eastern edges damaged by later works. The precinct is divided into three zones, as would be expected for a Foiniki temple as described by ancient authors. The innermost zone is that of intimate worship with the most venerated objects, as comparable to the cruder Eleni naos. It is connected to the second zone by a set of stone stairs. The second zone is that of public prayer and sacrifice, and once again linked to the outermost zone by a set of stairs. The outermost zone is that of preparing the body for divine interaction. The steps leading into the temple are flanked by two columns, and the outer walls of the temple surrounded by a single colonnade.


The state of the temple is as follows; the damage by fire and pillage is evident in all places, and in particular the innermost zone, where it is clear that a concerted effort was made to render the space as ruinous as possible. Very little remains to indicate what venerated objects resided here at the time of the temple’s destruction. Some areas of pigmentation are still visible on the floor, which were copied by druwon before being re-covered with earth, so as to avoid unnecessary degradation. Most of the altars were damaged or deliberately destroyed but around one were found offerings. It would seem remarkable indeed that such offerings survived such a catastrophe, and instead C. Lanuc suggests that some worship continued at the ruined temple after its destruction. The water basins of the temple were more intact than had been suspected, mostly being damaged by the progress of time rather than deliberate destruction. This was likely due to the known Saramatish belief in water being sacred.


The offerings found were mostly small sacrifices of vegetable matter, of which very little remained, though it seems that the abal tree which grew so tall and proud over the ruins grew from a seed left as an offering, judging from its relative placement. Some other portable objects were discovered in the excavation. Many sherds were discovered, which offer very little to the imagination and are as ever a near useless mass present at every ancient site. Some coins were discovered, which were detailed by druwon before being taken as treasure. The coinage is much like that discovered elsewhere in Ebon Wicta, an illustration of the profound and far reaching trade connections that the colony possessed. Some coins are of that ancient Belgi standard, coming from eastern Enis Pridyn and Belgika. Others are of the late Foiniki standard, with those of Tartiz mixed with other of their colonies and those natively struck on Wicta. There are more than a few Wenesi coins as well, a coin whose ubiquity in Morika is only superseded by the coins of the Foiniki. A few Eleni drakmai are also among them, mostly those of civilized Oritain.


The temple would have been grand indeed in its heyday, and would have been a shock indeed for the Belgi of nearly Pridyn still in their nascence. Whilst only a few incomplete pieces remain, it is abundantly clear that magnificent mosaics carpeted the floor. Judging the full height of the structure is difficult with the temple in such a state of disrepair but it certainly towered over any contemporary structure of the Pridynish natives. We have already seen how Ebon Wicta’s walls would become a major fixture of the Pridynish imagination, for well justified reasons, and the Temple of Melkart at Wicta entered legend in its own right. The Ekeni druw Esu claimed that the gods would favour the Foiniki over the Pridynish if they did not learn to build equally opulent houses of worship. Esu, and those who agreed with him, helped change the face of the island’s architecture forever with this envious eye they cast over the Foiniki colonists and their sanctuary.


Momentum gathers among the faithful to embark on a reconstructed temple to Melkart on this site, and one sees daily offerings from nearby residents on the ruined site, now that it is clear that this is the site of Melkart’s house on Wicta. Melkart was never entirely forgotten on this island, but his image blended with that of Ogni, who has long since been favoured on this island even above Noda, a far more typical patron of islanders and dwellers of the littoral zones. Indeed, such time has passed that the Wicti, having reacquainted themselves with the Foiniki classics treat Melkart as another protector entirely to Ogni, and are in the process of constituting a new priest for Melkart on the island. The revival, both spiritual and cultural, of true Foiniki wisdom and culture continues apace, and speaks of the greatness that we Moriki have begun to tap into in this age of learning and renewed Olichan piety.


EXTRACT FROM THE YAUNA SATRAPAL DIARY VOLUME 2: ARTAXERXES (441-419 BCE)

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The Achaemenid layer of ancient Thebes

On this day in Thebai, Day 3, Month 5, in the 20th year of the reign of King Artaxerxes, the following. One thousand hoplitai and one cavalry squadron sent north under the command of Zanuzamaz of Babylon to Thessalia. Meeting with Akarnanioi delegation on assize strength, size, and immediacy. Seizure of all estates belonging to Xoadeios of Baktria. Assignment of orchards granted to Xenophanes son of Tillorobos, Landros son of Agathaios, Lagetas son of Agathaios, and Phranartes of Media. Permission granted by Daieobazanes and Boiotarkhes Dokimos for Phoinikian foundation of a temple to Bel-Zeus on Kadmeia.


THE LEXICON OF ASIAN RELIGION (1706 CE)

BAAL-BUDDA aka BEL-BUDDA, aka BAAL-BUDDO: A syncretic deity of Phoinikia, first appearing in the late Agnemitrid era. The first known epigraphical reference comes from Kyprus, in a liturgical calendar discovered in Old Kition. Baal-Budda fused notions of Buddhist behaviour and enlightenment with Phoinikian ideas of social status and godly behaviour. The centre of the cult in Phoinikia was Sidon, where the cult received official toleration. Acceptance was contentious in many of the other Phoinikian city-states, and never took hold in Africa. Traditional Buddisme avoided depictions of the Budda in human form, and Phoinikians did not usually depict their divinities directly, but both would become influenced by other cultures of the region, and the style of Buddiste forms that emerged out of Aigypt would come to dominate Phoinikian Buddisme, including the cult of Baal-Budda, which used the humanised depictions of Horus-Budda as a baseline. The cult was damaged during the purge of the early Gimi Empire, a purge supported by hardline supporters of traditional Phoinikian practice. However, Buddisme in the region would recover, along with the cult of Baal-Budda, which is mentioned by Bodorus’ survey of Asian Buddisme . In the formalisation of Buddiste schools during the Middle Iranian Empire the cult of Baal-Budda began to fade away, and begins to disappear from surveys of Buddisme in the west, along with many of the histories of older Asian Buddisme. Interest and knowledge of the cult has revived in recent years. A single shrine to Baal-Budda is maintained in the current era, but it is disputed whether this is a continuity of practice or an attempt to re-exotify western Buddisme with versions of more ancient practices.
 
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