Μηδίζω! The World of Achaemenid Hellas

Introduction and Raison d'etre
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    INTRODUCTION

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    Welcome, one and all, to my newest alternate history concept! It's one that I've been circling around and avoiding for a little while now, but one that I've been brought back to time and time again; a successful (however you interpret that word) conquest of the Greek mainland by the Achaemenid Persian Empire. In addition, I work best when I have a cloud of projects to move between, and this one is very different from my last two alternate history ideas. In other words, if by chance you have read either of my other timelines and worry this signals their abandonment, it does not.

    I'm far from the first person on the website to write a timeline about the Achaemenids successfully conquering Greece, that's been attempted multiple times before. But it's a concept that seems to beg for certain very cliched developments most times it's presented, and I'm very keen on demonstrating that there's a lot of interesting ideas to be explored in such a scenario that do not rely on such things. The Achaemenid state is also one that I'm closely familiar with on an academic level, and have a lot of access to primary source material for, so I don't feel like I'm going to fall into the trap of viewing the Achaemenids through the Greek lens.

    That brings me on to the main conceits of the timeline. This is going to be like my earlier alternate history, and primarily presented through 'discovered' material. Some will be ancient material, particularly from faux-ancient historical works, but some of this material will also have 'commentary' from a later author in the timeline's universe which calls some of the actual stated narrative into question. Some will be direct historical commentary on the period in question by later authors. This means that some of the updates will be presenting matters in a way that is not actually 100% accurate to the 'real' events as they happened in this timeline, and this is entirely deliberate. So whilst I am not writing this timeline from a Hellenic perspective, a sizeable number of the updates will be! Others will not. There is also a third genre of material involved in the timeline, but I do not want to state what this is ahead of time. It will distinguish itself the moment it's presented.

    There is another major conceit as well, which is regarding transliterations of Greek and also some of the translation- they will not be following the norms that the English language has developed around Greek history. This is partially to emphasise that this is not humans from our timeline speaking and discussing the history. But it's also a reminder that the English transliterations we use have a particular historical existence in their own right, and are not always the closest to the original Greek in form. The pattern will not be uniform, some demonyms or city names will be more like our own or even identical. Some Greek terms will remain untranslated, whereas other Greek terms will never be used.

    My hope is that these elements will not interfere with this being enjoyable to read, and possibly even add to the experience. A controlled dislocation.

    For those curious, Μηδίζω transliterates loosely as Medizo, and means 'I medize'.
     
    The Shape of Greece to Come
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 1:NIKAO! or AVAJANAM!​

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    EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON THE XERXOU ANABASIS

    There exists two prevailing opinions about the matters of the Athenians that ensued. The first is that they were medising cowards, stout-hearted only when things were going their way and perfidious at the moment things turned otherwise. The second is that it was the Peloponnesians who failed the Athenians, by failing to recognise what a blow had been dealt to the morale of the citizens, and who trusted more to their Isthmian wall than to the arms of the Athenians. Thus, for some years afterwards, both the Athenians and Peloponnesians were of a tarnished reputation among the other Hellenes1. Regardless of these arguments, it is entirely without doubt that the Athenian decision came as a result of the defeat of Salamis, this cannot be argued against. Disheartened at defeat and at the deaths of many prominent citizens, they were moved to take the offer of peace extended by Mardonios. This thus sealed the course of the Thermopylaian phase of the war with the Persians2.

    But many Athenians could not stomach this arrangement, or bear to be part of a city which behaved in such a manner. Nor was this, as some other tellers of tales have said in error or malice, solely motivated by the poorer citizens being intimidated by the imminent revocation of their demokratic powers3. Some of the best among the Athenian community were those who rejected the peace with the Persians- Aiskhylos of Abdera, Sophokles son of Sephilos, Xanthippos son of Ariphron, Simonides of Keos, Phyrnikhos son of Polyphrasmon, and among those who fled were many children who would become great in later years. This also resulted in the division of the Athenian land and naval forces. Many of the men-at-arms were in the party resolved to leave, and the navy voted by trireme whether to leave or stay. This resulted in chaos for the remaining Athenians until it could be ascertained exactly who had left, for the exodos was conducted extremely abruptly. It was a good thing that the Athenians had already made peace with Mardonios, for once the exodos was complete they were no longer in any position to continue to resist the Persians. This, then, was the exodos of Athenians that would lead to the founding of Megathenai and many subsequent events, but that shall be dealt with in full later.

    Xerxes was extremely pleased at this turn of events. The task of admonishing the Athenians for their slights against the Akhaimenid dynasty had been, for the Great King, a legacy handed down to him from his mighty father, and this had at last been accomplished. He set a garrison in the city of Athens, but was otherwise minded to generous terms, leaving the city otherwise unmolested. Then came the matter of its manner of constitution. Xerxes was inclined to elevate one or other of the prominent citizens to the status of tyrannos, but Mardonios advised the Great King against such actions, correctly judging that the Athenians might again be excited to violence should their civic pride be humbled. Neither, at first, did they ask for land forces or triremes to aid them militarily. But the absence of these forces alongside the rest of those Hellenes opposed to the Persians was in itself a gain for the Persians, and so it was not generosity of spirit which stayed the hand of Xerxes, but the prudence of Mardonios4.

    The Peloponnesians reacted with alarm at this turn of events. Some of the Athenian ships had remained with the allied fleet, but after Salamis and the disappearance of most Athenian vessels the fleet was at greatly reduced strength. They feared that the Persians would imminently attack the Peloponnese by sea, bypassing the newly completed Isthmian defences. It was at this point that ambassadors were sent by Xerxes to the Lakedaimonians offering terms. The ambassadors told them that so long as they did not any longer take up arms against the Persians, Sparta would be left in peace, and their kings honoured as allies of the Great King. However, whilst this offer was being made, secret embassies were made to the Argeioi inducing them to attack the Lakedaimonians, who had been a thorn in their side for a considerable length of time. The Lakedaimonians refused the offer, citing that their forces were still intact along with the remaining allies, and that so long as Persian arms could not be carried on land it did not matter that they possessed mastery of the sea. But the Argeioi were more easily swayed to the Persian point of view, and so became enthusiastic at the notion of humbling their ancient foes. They then assembled an expedition of as many men-at-arms as expediency allowed, under the command of Alektor son of Meltas, and endeavoured to set out after winter. The Persian army wintered in Thessalia and Boiotia.

    This year, the Capuans elected as medix toutis Dekis Kalaviis5 son of Ofilis Calaviis, and the Athenians were required by special lot to appoint a new arkhon due to the departure of Xanthippos. The exiled Athenians continued to treat Xanthippos as their appointed Arkhon.

    When Xerxes and his army had returned to Thebes, the Peloponnesians and the other remaining allies had gathered with renewed fear. There was suspicion of the Argeioi, who continued to remain neutral. But there was suspicion too of the Lakedaimonians, for after the Athenians had made peace the smaller cities had become worried that the largest allies might similarly surrender to the Persians, or make alliances with them. But Leotykhidas the Lakedaimonian reassured them that Persian overtures would not work, and that the Isthmian wall would be held by Lakedaimonian arms. This calmed the nerves of many of the smaller confederates. The Korinthioi, now providing the largest contingent of ships, similarly reaffirmed their commitment to fighting the Persians6. But it was also resolved that new embassies would be sent to the Syrakusans, in the hope that their mighty fleet and arms could be brought to the rescue of matters in Hellas7.

    Notes

    1- This is the first antique source on the Helleno-Persian wars which mentions the idea that Peloponnesians were equally infamous among the Hellenes as the Athenians were, following the Athenian peace with King Xerxes. Surely, if the Peloponnesians were infamous among the Hellenes, it was for subsequent catastrophes? But it is also true that the ire for the Athenians burned so hot among other Hellenes that it clouds the judgement of many chroniclers in the subsequent era post-conquest. Herodotos of Halikarnassos being one of the more kindly disposed towards the Athenian decision, he nonetheless lavishes much of his attention and ire upon their cowardice, and is also primarily interested in the subsequent doings of the exiled Athenians. It is possible that, more removed from events as he was, Aristonikos consulted the reports of his ancient peers more carefully and objectively.

    2- This schema of dividing the war is a novelty of this work, and accordingly later establishes the later divisions of ‘Makedonian’, ‘Kretan’, and ‘Boiotian’. Thus at one stroke it is demonstrated the debt of scholarship to the mind and quill of Aristonikos.

    3- Here Aristonikos is actively seeking to correct a trend among the chronicles of his peers; the Kimonist school, being inclined to the oligarkic and seeking to rehabilitate the aristokratia of Athens, had sought to blame the division of the city squarely on the greedy of the poor and needy. But as Aristonikos indicates, this is a false reasoning- many great Athenians, or Athenians soon to become great, were party to the leaving of Athens, including the city’s own eponymos arkhon!

    4- The notion of Xerxes as King being imprudent, contrasted to Mardonios as satrap being impatient but wise, is present in all antique sources on these times. But the theme, I deem, is more subtly woven in Herodotos and other early sources, and becomes more bastardised and hyberbolic as time passes and the tale is retold. Nor am I aware of what the west Hellenic chroniclers’ source for this characterisation is exactly. But whilst in Herodotos Xerxes is presented as a wise and good king who suffers under a command of heaven to finish the tasks of his father, later it is purely portrayed as Xerxes being the unworthy offspring of his illustrious father, as well as less able than Mardonios.

    5- A mistake? The prainomina of this family is well explored, no other Dekis of this family in its unmixed days is known.

    6- Tis odd indeed that the Korinthioi be so enumerated here, until one realises that the author seeks to foreshadow their importance in events soon afterwards. Otherwise it would seem perverse to mention the Korinthioi and not other major allies, such as the Thespians and Plataieis. But Aristonikos has not forgotten these important peoples, and their seminal roles shall be remembered later.

    7- Note well the difference from Herodotos, compare ‘rescue matters in Hellas’ to ‘save the Hellenes’.


    EXTRACT FROM THE MILITARY OF THE AMAVADATID KINGDOM- ADMINISTRATION

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    A document from the Theban satrapal archives, dating to 381 BCE.​
    Side A
    In the month of Kislimu, year 1 of Amavadata the King.
    Provisions in Thebay for Amavadata when he passed from Buttaya to Makaduniya: 20 horses, 2 sheltered bovines, 4 grazing bovines, 2 donkeys, 40 lambs, 100 grazing sheep, 40 chickens, 4 ardab of fine flour, 70 ardab of white flour, 200 ardab of plain flour, 2 griv of olives, 1 griv of barley meal, 1 ardab of cheese, 10 sap of Kiu wine, 3 sap of vinegar, 2 sap of milk, 300 ardab of fodder.

    Side B
    Provisions to Amavadata in Thebay, when he passed from Buttaya to Makaduniya.

    The foremost quality of the Amavadatid military machine was its formidable logistics, and the root of that lay in the Akhaimenid era that preceded it. One cannot understand the former without the latter.

    Transforming the lands of the Hellenes, with their many and diverse states and peoples, into something capable of being harnessed in a single system of management was no easy feat, and should be understood as a difficult process. Traditionally, west Hellenic sources pointed to Mardonios as the principal person responsible for the initial taming of Greece. The reality is that this must equally have been the responsibility of the numerous governors and administrators who were brought into Hellas in the initial post-conquest period. The situation as presented in this period is patchwork, resembling less a system then a web with Thebes at its heart. Thebes, having been amenable to an alliance with the Akhaimenids, and also the winter capital of Xerxes expedition on multiple occasions, had established itself as the semi-permanent centre of Akhaimenid control of Hellas before Xerxes even returned home. But the growth of a Persian bureaucracy in Thebes was also seen as a method of repressing the ability of the Thebans to act independently, and the presence of a major Persian fortress kept them from thoughts of insurrection. Arrangements with other Hellenic states were very different- in Makedon, Alexandros continued to reign as king, albeit as the vassal of Xerxes. Some specific regions, like Lakedaimonia,had an actual Persian (or at least non-Hellenic) governor. But other cities or regions were governed by Hellenes. Some were led by a pet tyrant or a pet oligarchy. But in others, the Persians felt secure enough to only appoint an observer, or an extra official who served as the voice of Persia. In the case of Athens, for example, a 10th arkhon was created. This patchwork arrangement was not always successful, and was stressed multiple occasions in the initial post-conquest period.

    Then the synoikism of the Hellenes began, as a slow but firm acculturation. Roads were expanded and waystations were built upon them. Cities that rebelled were either punished harshly upon their continued resistance, or treated mercifully upon their capitulation, thus slowly reducing the array of forces that could be used to threaten Persian control. In addition, the boundaries of Persian control were expanded to deal with emergent threats. The Korkyran League, Taras, and the Epeirotes were all brought under Persian control, at least for a time. In addition, the initial xenophobia directed at the Persians began to ease, and vengeful attitudes from the Hellenic exiles began to reduce. Part of the populations who had left due to Persian control returned back to their home cities. This was, however, not without consequences. Not only did this increase the potency of a number of the areas under Persian control, but part of why comfort had increased was the adaptation of local Akhaimenid officials to Hellenic mores and customs. When Amavadata first declared independence by attacking the client state of Makedon, he did so with enormous resources at his disposal. The process of taming the Hellenes had resulted in the satrap of that area possessing a huge ability to resist and rebel from his Akhaimenid overlord, especially as Hellas was on the very margins of the Akhaimenid Empire in the first instance. The roads, fortresses, and other supply stations meant that he was able to muster his rebellious forces extremely quickly, and also they were able to attack outside of the traditional campaign season in Hellas. In its years of strength, this ability to quickly and efficiently mobilise would characterise he Amavadatid state that he created with his actions, carrying Perso-Hellenic arms across the Mediterranean.

    Neither did the Amavadatids rest on their laurels; ruler after ruler expanded the naval forces at the kingdom’s disposal, whilst also continuing to maintain the kingdom’s roads and infrastructure. New and enlarged ports were built at key locations, most famously at Korinthos which transitioned into being a secondary capital of the Amavadatid kingdom. But the Amavadatids were also able to create cultural capital; their satrapal predecessors had managed to maintain certain key Hellenic international institutions like Delphoi, Dodona, the pan-Hellenic games, and the Dionysia festival in Athens. How does this relate to logistics, it might be asked. It is relevant because this attracted Hellenes from outside the Kingdom into its borders, as visitors, traders, or settlers. It allowed the Amavadatids to build upon this, and establish genuinely friendly relationships with Greek communities in Sikelia, Kyrenaike, and elsewhere. This resulted in allied forces acting in concert with the Amavadatids without requiring the increasingly huge bureaucracy to involve itself. At all stages of its history, bar solely its ignominious final death throes, the Amavadatids were thus able to consistently able to punch above their weight in conflicts with other large powers, most infamously in the invasion of Akhaimenid Anatole.
     
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    Completing the Conquest of Hellas
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 1:NIKAO! or AVAJANAM!​

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    EXTRACT FROM A COMMENTARY ON XENOKRITOS' PERSIKA- ON THE BATTLE OF THE ISTHMUS

    At length, the Argeioi were finally persuaded to end their neutrality, and commit fully to the cause of the Great King. King Xerxes was under no illusions that they were acting out of anything other than self interest, however, for it was well known that the Argeioi and Lakedaimonians had a fierce rivalry(1). They would, nonetheless, contribute to the intricate plan which the King had woven. The attack on the Peloponnesians would be threefold- the Royal Army would advance under the command of King Xerxes and lay siege to the Isthmian defences which had been constructed; the Argeioi would launch an attack on the rear of the Isthmian defences; and an additional detachment of the Persian army would be landed in Argolis, moving south into Lakedaimonia itself.

    The Royal Army thus entered Megaris. The Megareis remained opposed to the King, and had evacuated their territory. Terms had been offered to them, as with the Athenians, but they continued to rebuff the King’s Peace(2). As with Athens in the previous year, Megara was reduced as punishment. The Royal Army then advanced to the Isthmian wall. Having used their northern allies as a shield, the Peloponnesians had indeed had time to create a most impressive set of fortifications.
    Such services could the Hellenes render in the cause of peace.” said the King.
    The King prudently advised the army to construct various ladders and other engines of siege(3) to breach the wall, but did not attack at first. Some chroniclers, opposed to the King’s Peace, have falsely mistaken this as a sign of weakness. It was instead a measure of respect towards noble opponents, and to allow time for final efforts to resolve the conflict with words and diplomacy(4). A tale that many accounts give is that Mardonios was sent to parley with the enemy, in which he said thus;
    Do not reconcile yourselves to oblivion, and to hatred. The Great King, king of lands, king of Sardis and Marakanda and all lands inbetween, seeks friendship and peace. He has come to punish those who have given him false friendship, and who have broken his peace, for we Persians are a people for whom justice is our foremost instinct. But behold; chief among those who have wronged the King were the Athenians and the Lakedaimonians. And observe the following carefully- are the Athenians not now returned to the city in which they rightly belong? Are they not now treated as true friends, unmolested, and accorded the right to govern themselves in whichever mode of constitution they choose? Others among you are sundered from your homes; the noble Plataieis, Megareis, and Thespieis. There is no need that this should continue to be the case. Even for the Lakedaimonians, for all their grievous offences against the King and fellow Hellenes, even for you there is friendship should you take the hand which is extended.”
    Many of those Peloponnesians listening found the words to be pleasing, but the hearts of the warlike Lakedaimonians were forever hardened against peace, and they commanded their confederates to refuse the offer.

    A tale is also preserved that says differently, that Xerxes himself was his own ambassador. And that he said thus;
    Here I speak for the Great King Xerxes, and I say this to you Hellenes; is Xerxes not head of the line of Perseus? Are the Hellenes and the Persians not brothers, defenders of the day against the night, beholders of truth, and haters of lies? Do we Persians not accord Delphoi the highest esteem and authority? Do we not honour the valour of the Hellenes, accord them rank, greet them as family? We are Eteokles and Polyneikes, cursed by others to fight! And the Hellenes are afflicted most of all, cursed to fight amongst themselves! But the Gods are kind, and they have brought King Xerxes before you to end it, and you know that is the opportunity that lies before you. And I say to you that it is the Lakedaimonians who prolong this curse of fighting, because they are given over to the love of it. The Gods love bravery, the Gods love valour, but all those on Olympos and on earth despise savagery. And savagery is what the Lakedaimonians ask you to commit to! If any of the noble spark of Herakles remains in your blood, Lakedaimonians, then cease your effrontery to the Gods lest they cast ye down! And those of ye who they lead by the nose, give in to nobler instincts, take the righteous course of action! Ye are no lesser than the children of Ion, and they recognised the value of what was offered! So I say unto ye that ye should take up your courage, and cast aside fratricide!
    All who listened were struck by the power of his words, and immediately there was dissent among the ranks of the confederates, for many recognised the righteousness of his words. But Pausanias the Lakedaimonian, a titan among them, had grown suspicious as to the majesty of this ambassador’s speech and bearing, and cried out;
    Mark well Hellenes, for among us walks the very King Xerxes himself, clad in poorer garments and naming himself falsely!
    And so Xerxes was forced to immediately flee to avoid capture, but his words were nonetheless spoken to his enemies face to face.

    Of these two tales, it is known not which is the true account, and so accordingly Xenokritos reports them both(5).

    The peaceful overtures made by the Persians being at the last rejected, principally by the Lakedaimonians, battle was inevitably given. But before the order was given for the mighty Royal Army to assault the fortifications, there was alarm among the confederates- the Argeioi had arrived with loud war cries and war horns at the rear, their spears biting bitterly as they attacked the vulnerable segments of the Peloponnesian camp. They were not numerous enough to defeat the assembled confederates- for there were Plataieis, and Megareis, and Thespieis, and Spartiates with their Heliotes, and Korinthioi, and Aiginetai, and Sikyonioi, and Tegeatai, and Mykenaioi, and Tirynthioi, and Epidaurioi, and Orkhomenioi, and Troizenioi, and Phleiasioi, and Hermioneis, and Keioi, and Malioi, and Tenioi, and Naxioi, and Eretreis, and Khalkideis, and Styreis, and Eleioi, and Poteidaiatai, and Leukadioi, and Anaktorieis, and Kythnioi, and Siphnioi, and Ambrakiotai, and Lepreatai(6). It was a gathering of the largest army a confederacy of Hellenes had ever assembled(7). But nonetheless the onset of the Argeioi was powerful and relentless, and defenders from the Isthmian wall began to desert it in order to defend against the newcomers. And King Xerxes knew it was time to take the wall.

    The siege engines were rushed to the wall, ramps and ladders and scaling ropes. The King sent in a division of his finest soldiers(8), along with the Theban hoplitai accompanying the army as his allies- the remaining defenders of the wall were mostly Spartiates with their Heilos slaves and other impressed warriors, and the Thebans were eager to prove themselves superior to the men accounted the bravest and strongest of all Hellenes. The fighting at the top of the wall was fierce, for the Lakedaimonians were nothing if not skilled in battle. But at length the gate of the fortifications was won, and the Great King sent forth the rest of his army through the Isthmian wall, though only one company at a time could pass through the narrow entrance(9). Despite the huge numbers of Peloponnesians present at this battle, being the largest assembly of Hellenic arms in history until this point, the valour of Persian arms and those of their allies proved the superior, for direction among the Hellenes was confused. The strategoi of the various contingents acted on their own instincts, not in consultation with their comrades, and thus a disciplined army defeated their battalions in detail. Some parts of the army never even engaged. Demoralised at the wall being bypassed and breached, and at the tide of battle, the Peloponnesians and their confederates began to rout.

    The Hellenes, of the two hundred thousand men they had assembled, lost half of their number, whereas of the King’s army of a hundred thousand only four thousand were lost(10). Last of the Hellenes to quit the field were the Plataioi and Thespieis, and they were allowed to pass out of battle unmolested in recognition of their high valour(11). Remaining on the field were Pausanias the Lakedaimonian and his remaining men, who had been surrounded by Thebans but fought on regardless. A parley was declared, for King Xerxes saw that there might be ways other than violence to finally end the battle. Pausanias was brought to the royal tent, to negotiate with the Great King, and if you believe the reports of some this was for the second time.

    Thou art here to settle the affairs of the Lakedaimonians with the King of Persia.” said King Xerxes.
    But sire, you speak only to a regent. I am not a King among my people, only its appointed general and servant of one too young to rule.” said Pausanias.
    When you capture a Persian commander, do you not make him answer for the slights you falsely hold against myself and the Persians? Thou art representative of the Lakedaimonians here, and answerable for their grievous behaviour in relation to myself and to other Hellenes. The Lakedaimonians reneged on sacred friendship with myself, you refused the hospitality accorded to me by that friendship. Not only that, the Lakedaimonians murdered inviolate ambassadors sent only to negotiate with you in fair terms. And as for other Hellenes, did you not violate sacrosanct law when you slaughtered Argeioi under the protection of Argus’ sanctuary(12)? Did you not make as your slaves those who are not servile, are the Heliotes not from the noble stock of Messenia and those places of Lakedaimonia who did not obtain favourable conditions from your ancient forebears(13)? Do you not seek the hegemonia of the rest of the Hellenes?” said the King.

    Is it not natural that those graced with bravery and skill would seek to lead those around them, particularly when your lands are given over to order when those of your neighbours are full of chaos and strife? Did Cyrus not bring the nobility and fair judgment of the Persians to the other peoples of Asia, stretching forth his hand not in aggression but in sincere love of peace? Are we Lakedaimonians not the Persians of Hellas? It is not wrong or unseemly to seek hegemonia in a world of chaos and lies(14). As for our sacred transgressions, the Gods have punished us accordingly, and no people among the Hellenes are so pious as the Spartans. But at times, duty to the state comes first. I did not seek battle with the Persians, or command that transgressons be made upon you, but it was my duty to be ordered into battle. Surely you shall not begrudge any Lakedaimonian this.” said Pausanias.

    Thou art of a nobler strain than many of thy people I have met and fought, and make fairer arguments than they. But look to how the vaulted Spartiates rest their weight upon the pillars of Heliotes and Periokoi, and at how they treat all other Hellenes as xenoi! King Xerxes treats those under his peace as brothers, in arms and in blood, not as slaves. If you seek to be Persians, we are proud in war but do not seek war, and we are just. Would you tell me that the Lakedaimonians are such?” said the King.

    No, but I would that Sparta was thus. The laws of Lykourgos are based on fair division and isonomia, and all Hellenes should experience justice, and no Hellenes should be treated as xenoi, and neither Persians. Persian friendship should not have been treated like the loyalty of a courtesan. But I am sworn to service the laws of Lykourgos, and those who execute them, and thus however rashly the Lakedaimonians act I must accordingly follow.” said Pausanias.

    Then go, son of Lykourgos, to thy home, and make it as you describe. This one last chance I offer to the Lakedaimonians, the chance to be brothers to the Persians. If ye betray my command and my trust, or if thy city rejects thy nobility, then the wisdom of Lykourgos was for naught, and the soil of Lakedaimonia and Messenia must be tilled anew. This then is the judgement of King Xerxes.”(15)


    Observations for this Section

    1- All sources, western and eastern, agree on this particularly heated relationship between the two warlike peoples. It dates to the reign of King Pheidon over Argos, in which he defeated the warriors of Sparta in pitched battle. The two were locked in combat over dominance of the Peloponnese, and in the latter days of this rivalry the men of Sparta had proved the superior. This is why the Argeioi had remained neutral in the the war, rather than siding with the other Peloponnesians, and why they so eagerly leapt to King Xerxes’ suggestion.

    2- Xenokritos once again proves unfavourable to the opponents of Xerxes the Great, even where this is not necessary. A more reasonable explanation for the recalcitrance of the citizens of Megara was the high place accorded to the Thebans among the allies of Xerxes- they feared, incorrectly, that the Thebans would be assigned the lordship over their lands.

    3- For those interested in artisanal history, it is not known precisely what all of these other siege engines were, though Xenokritos later mentions ramps and scaling hooks. The advanced artisanry of Persia may have resulted in the construction of stone-throwing engines, but it seems to me unlikely, due to the haste of the situation.

    4- Again, methinks that Xenokritos tries too hard to be of the King’s party, and avoids the truths of the matter. King Xerxes would have been perfectly prudent to take caution when approaching a well prepared fortification. In addition, his enemies had characterised the events at the Thermopylai as slaves being driven at a narrow fortified location, and having no wish to falsely be associated with this notion avoided an overly aggressive approach.

    5- Here, interestingly, is demonstrated how even in the most oppositional of times Hellenes from both pro and anti Persian parties influenced one another- here Xenokritos directly takes his cue from Herodotos, though elsewhere he maligns the Halikarnassian by name, and the two are most opposed on many key points.

    6- Herodotos names several other Hellenic states as taking part, but it is clear this was not considered accurate. Later sources which combine western and eastern Hellenic historiographia do not, notably, use Herodotos’ list but Xenokritos’.

    7- This question is fraught, that is to say if Xenokritos was correct in his estimate of the size of Hellenic forces and as to the truth of Homeros’ reports of the Akhaioi armament in his Ilias. See further at the tenth note.

    8- This is almost certainly the same company as identified as being ‘Immortals’ by Herodotos. Despite the utter fiction of the concept, the erudition of the Halikarnassian captured the imagination of Europa and Asia both- regardless of the truth of the matter, latter kingdoms and Empires really did muster ‘Immortal’ battalions, including the Capuans and Tyrsenoi (as they were then known to the Hellenes).

    9- Much mystery has existed in centuries since as to the exact nature of the entrance, for even fitting a Persian company though at a time would make the entrance very generous indeed. Perhaps Xenokritos was referring to the largest formation that would be able to quickly reform upon reaching the other side?

    10- So thus we turn properly to the matter of numbers. Here the western and eastern sources never reconciled, and those who created the New Historiographia had to endlessly regurgitate the topic simply to write upon the subject. The western sources, as a learned reader would note, consistently state that King Xerxes brought an enormous army to Hellas, and that he continued to outnumber the Hellenes at the Battle of the Isthmus by some margin. By contrast, eastern sources such as Xenokritos continually stress that the Hellenes, particularly in the final confrontations, actually outnumbered the royal army of Xerxes. Here I follow Datis of Sinope- Herodotos in particularly clearly exaggerated the size of the Persian army, in part due to fear at its unprecedented size for a parochial Greek. So we can safely discount the western counts of a million, two million, and so forth. But equally, it makes no sense that Xerxes with his immense army would end up at smaller numbers than the expedition in Darius I’s reign, and why would Xerxes have left the issue to chance when it was generally agreed upon that the Hellenes possessed the finest fighting infantry? Even with the deaths of soldiers, and their use as garrison forces, the King would still have had a sizeable army. Neither does the figure of two hundred thousand make any sense as the combined strength of all of the states which were named as taking part. So I hold Xenokritos to be in clear error, and deem that perhaps a hundred thousand Hellenes against a hundred and fifty thousand Persians and allies would make the most sense.

    11- Whilst the honour of King Xerxes, known to us as the Great, is not in question, methinks again does Xenikritos try too hard to be of the King’s party. For all that Xerxes was merciful and cognisant of bravery, these peoples were still in breach of his peace and fighting against his cause. He would not have left them leave the field unmolested. Instead, I deem that instead the rearguard actions of these two contingents were too fierce, and resisted all attempts to put them to full flight, and that this instead is why they were not overcome and withdrew in good order.

    12- This crime is, by earlier chroniclers, established as happening under the direction of Kleomenes and was never denied by the Lakedaimonians. But Kleomenes’ vicious end reflects that even among slavetaking warmongers, there remains a shred of piety.

    13- The origin of their Heliote class was uncontroversially that of other originally free Hellenes captured or conquered in war, especially the entire region of Messania and its cities which was entirely given over to providing agriculture and slaves to Lakedaimonia.

    14- If the dialogue is true to the character of Pausanias, bearing in mind that the western Hellenes were loathe to admit any righteous quality to him, then he had quite a clear understanding of Asian religion, in particular those of the Persians and those similar in culture.

    15- There is of course, the final question- is this even likely to have occurred as portrayed? Whilst Xenokritos is at pains to demonstrate what he understood to be the majesty of the Great King, he is also flattering the position of the Hellenes in relationship to King Xerxes, as the tale of King Xerxes as his own ambassador does earlier. The Hellenes are still elevated to being the level of equals to the Persians- earlier it’s all Hellenes who are the brothers of the Persians- and here it’s through the medium of the Lakedaimonians. King Xerxes is portrayed as being both foreigner and Hellene. Being of a lineage known for respect and knowledge of the traditions of other cultures, it is indeed possible that the Great King really did have that great an insight into the Lakedaimonian and Hellenic mindset. But the King is still made something other, familiar when useful to Xenokritos’ purpose, and alien when that is the more useful. As we have seen, however, Xenokritos was actively attempting to acclimatise the Hellenes to the rule of the Persians, and it is understandable why his approach is therefore as it is. As for the real meeting, I deem that Pausanias had likely been desirous of gaining permanent power over Lakedaimonia for a long time previously to these events, and that he saw the King as the main method of achieving this. His reluctance to fight against the Persians may thus have been genuine, at least, and he was certainly a talented strategos. He may well have been articulate and spirited with the Great King, and the one ring of truth here comes from how he is not portrayed as engaging in lakonic dialogue, which befits something improvised rather than a set of witticisms that has been considered for hours in advance. But nonetheless, it is difficult to perceive of him as the defiant yet noble heart of the Lakedaimonian people as he appears here.


    EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE'S HISTORIA
    A DESCRIPTION OF THE MILITARY OF HELLAS IN THE REIGN OF KING ARTAXSHAHYA


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    An ancient Persian saying attributed to the poet Uparivana (c.400-337 BCE).
    Like selling spears to a Yauna.”​

    We shall presently turn to the state of the land army fielded by the Haxamanishiyan satraps in Hellas at this time, for it was at this time that major changes occurred. Dahyubarzana (the Daieobazanes of the Hellenic historians) with the permission of King Artaxshahya, instituted changes to the military duties of Hellenes upon his arrival as the new satrap. He brought the position of tagus in Thessalia under the direct control of the Hellenic satrap, as a title that they possessed. Thus the Thessalioi knights were now a force that could be raised and commanded at any time, along with the hoplitai of that region. This ended the continual transgressions of the tagoi against the King and the satrap. Additionally, the now pacified Akarnanioi was given new military obligations- the kybernetes, during war, would be required to issue forth with at least five thousand promakhoi, being the famous hoplites-breaking formation of the Akarnanioi. This is because the initial peace settlement had solely concentrated on the navy of the Akarnanioi and their allies, in particular that of Korkyra. The full muster of the Messenioi was revised, due to their continued prosperity, and they were now required to assemble at least seven thousand infantry in times of war- of this, at least four thousand were to be hoplitai. The assize of the Boiotians was similarly altered, but this was also the first time that the noble estates of non-Hellenes near to Thebes were reckoned, and was thus the formal introduction of the Theban klerarkhal hetairoi to the satrapal army.

    The klerarkhal hetairoi were famously utilised by the Amavadatic kings, and the words of Thukydides on them also inform as to their purpose in the time of King Artaxshahya:
    Warriors of truth, their armour not merely of bronze but piety, and their swords are glimmering justice in the gathering night.”
    King Artaxshahya settled men of all nations in the area near the capital at Thebes, with plots of land, as in those times it was still continually suspected that the Hellenes were warlike and would not need much encouragement for a general revolt against the King’s Peace. These men were nobles among their peoples, and loyal to the ideals of the Haxamanishiyan Empire. But at first they would have been so small in number that they would have only been a small number of highly skilled retainers for the satrap and the King above him. At this time, the time of Dahyubarzana, their plots and families had grown numerous enough that they could be assized. And what an assembly they were, as shown in the days of Amavadata- Baktrioi, Babylonioi, Medoi, Persians, Kappadokians, Armenioi, Aiguptioi. They not only provided warriors and securities, they also broadcast to those Hellenes who were not serving in armies, trading goods, or serving in other parts of the Empire exactly what the full scope of the Empire’s domains were. This became Mikra Asia, as the former Thebais is now known in my days, and the Mikra Asians were thought to civilize the Hellenic barbarians.

    This is also the period in which Hellenes in the service of the King began to change their shields. In addition to their many and ancient symbols carried upon their bronze shields, some began to carry images of the King armed for war. This was considered pleasing and encouraging to those Persians who still believed Hellenes to be barbarians, and those cities and individuals who bore the King’s image were quietly rewarded. It was done quietly so as to guarantee that this was as a result of genuine friendly feeling among the Hellenes, and not instead as a means to accrue wealth and influence among the Persians (though this did not entirely succeed). This era also saw the reoncilement of Hellenes to the bow, for even though many famous bowmen lived in Hellas in ancient times the Hellenes had thought of it as a poor weapon. But, being exposed to the high esteem the weapon was given by the Persians and other Asians, and seeing that those Gods associated with bows were highly respected by Persians, the Hellenes began to think of it differently. This was of course never the case for the Kretans, the sole famed bowmen among the Hellenes in those days, but we have already discussed the armies of the Kretan satrapy. In all regards, this was the era in which the Hellenes for most parts became more friendly to Persians and Persian culture, and it is to that wider subject that I shall now turn as we continue the tale of Dahyubarzana’s time as satrap of Hellas.
     
    The Destruction of Sparta
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 1:NIKAO! or AVAJANAM!​

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    EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
    THE DESTRUCTION OF LAKEDAIMONIA

    After his meeting with Xerxes, Pausanias rode swiftly to Lakedaimonia. He soon caught up with those Lakedaimonian forces who had not been cornered at the Battle of the Isthmos, under the command of Leotykhidas. Now Pausanias, desirous of the position which had been offered to him as satrap, sought to bring in Leotykhidas into the arrangement, and explained to him the following on the road.
    The battle having been lost by our confederates, and with so many hoplitai dead on the battlefield, it is plain to see that many of them will accordingly capitulate to the Medes. Those without the stomach for defending their strongholds and firm walls against Xerxes’ army will seek equitable surrenders, especially with the example of the cowardice of the Athenians behind them. I say then that we Lakedaimonians, the natural hegemones of Hellas, cannot withstand the full might of Xerxes and his Hellenic allies by ourselves. But I also say that we are Lakedaimonians, and that we shall not sully our name with the ignominy of surrender. Rather than, as lesser Hellenes, pledging ourselves as meek vassals to the Mede and hoping for a few seeds to drop into our nest, I say that instead we become the viceroys for the Mede. It is plain that Xerxes will eventually quit Hellas, and equally plain that the task of managing the Hellenes will become the responsibility of whomever Xerxes trusts to act in his stead when he returns to Asia. Xerxes has brought such an offer to me, and holds the remaining Lakedaimonians under my command as hostage against my breach of it. The Mede shall not reign forever, and in secret preparations shall be made under our leadership for the liberation of Lakedaimonia and trustworthy Hellenes. We should take this offer, and secure the future of the Lakedaimonians against this high tide, then to prepare our boats for when it reduces.”

    Leotykhidas considered this offer, but as with Pausanias so it was with him; the hard shell of Lycourgos’ laws cracked, the corruption of power found the soft matter within. Rather than ruling jointly with Pausanias, he saw that he might instead remove the regent and exercise sole power over the Lakedaimonians as a Persian viceroy. Becoming certain that Xerxes would be equally favourable to this solution as to one of Pausanias as satrap, he had Pausanias killed in the night as the Lakedaimonians made camp. When the Lakedaimonians, in the morning, questioned what had happened, Leotykhidas said that Pausanias had committed suicide due to the shame of defeat, having first executed his duty by bringing a message from Xerxes. Due to the lingering shame of the defeat, the Lakedaimonians not involved in the murder did not question the story, and they proceeded back to their polis. But they were surprised, for as they neared their home they found that Persians were awaiting them, having overcome any forces guarding the Lakedaimonian borders. Artabazos had received a rider in the night about the negotiations with Pausanias, and was thus aware of the deal which had been reached, whilst Xerxes had also ordered him to observe the activities of the Lakedaimonians with his force. Not only that, Xerxes had also ordered him to use violence on the Lakedaimonians if something had gone awry with Pausanias. Thus was the situation as Artabazos intercepted the Lakedaimonians.

    At first Leotykhidas was confident that there would be no issue, for he believed still that he could simply make any commitments that Pausanias had done, with the Persians not caring who exactly it was that fulfilled them. He explained that Pausanias had committed suicide, but that he had explained Xerxes’ message beforehand, and that the Lakedaimonians would still settle affairs in a just manner. However, Artabazos said the following to him.
    The King, upon speaking with him, officially invested Pausanias as his ambassador to the Lakedaimonians, and once again we find the Lakedaimonians have harmed or allowed harm to come to the King’s ambassadors. Nor am I convinced of your explanation of his death, for was he not to become a King among the Hellenes? I also see no grief in your countenance, o King, despite the unlooked-for death of your colleague. I say to ye that ye have sought to displace Pausanias and usurp what was to become his position, and that ye seek to settle matters with King Xerxes so that he might depart for Asia, when your real intention is undoubtedly to gather forth an insurrection against the King without the royal army present, once again treating sacred vows as fair words to be heeded only when within sight. Witness, o Lakedaimonian, the fury of King Xerxes, and the end of Lakedaimonia.”

    Having said this, Artabazos rode back to his army, and then he ordered an attack. Even as demoralised as they were, the Spartiates and other hoplitai fought stubbornly and without yielding. But against such fierce onset and such numbers, they were unable to hold out; Artabazos first had the archers with him bombard the Lakedaimonians in their formation, and then ordered his weakest men to attack the Lakedaimonians in order to break their long spears. Then he sent in both cavalry and armoured infantry to finish the Lakedaimonians off, and at length despoiled the corpse of Leotykhidas. Not a single hoplitai in the column that had returned from the Isthmos to Lakedaimonia was left alive in this massacre, no clemency was considered, such was the power of Xerxes over his subordinates. Artabazos was not finished with the Lakedaimonians and their places. He had the remaining members of the Lakedaimonian ethnos in his hand to do with as he would, and he followed the orders of Xerxes- he crushed it. The villages and strong places of Lakedaimonia were stormed, all Spartiates that could be found were impaled for all to see, and those families of Lakedaimonians who were unable to flee witnessed their sons similarly executed. It is said that the bodies of Spartiate boys were piled outside the smouldering ruins of Sparta. But Artabazos, esteemed of Xerxes as few Persians were, had true foresight, for he ordered that not a single Heilos would be put to death. Indeed, identifying leaders and elders among the Heilotes, he began to award them the property of the Spartiates that had been so slaughtered. Neither were any Periokoi who surrendered put to death. And after the Lakedaimonian villages had been destroyed, and all of the Spartiates put to flight or executed, he restored to the Messenians their ancient lands and rights, with the protection of the King of Persia and his satraps. Indeed still is Artabazos held in high esteem by the Messenians, for they hold him to have been their liberator, and accordingly do they esteem Xerxes who later confirmed the decision. So by the sword and fire, but also by gold and subtlety, was Lakedaimonia ended. Many are those who dwell in other places who say they are of Spartiate stock, that they are of the line of this man of Sparta or that woman of Sparta, but none dare dwell in Lakedaimonia still, for the ban of Xerxes still lies upon the lands, and is still upheld to be the law of the Persians by his descendants.


    EXTRACT FROM XENOKRITOS’ PERSIKA
    THE MURDER OF PAUSANIAS AND THE VENGEANCE OF THE PERSIANS​

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    An inscription erected at the sanctuary of Olympia in 479 BCE, written with both Old Persian cuneiform and Greek letters.​
    A great god is Ahuramazda, the greatest of the gods, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created man, created happiness for man, who made Xshayarsha, king, one king of many, one lord of many.
    I am Xshayarsha, the great king, king of kings, king of all kinds of people, king on this earth far and wide, the son of Darayavaush the king, Haxamanishiya.
    Xsharyarsha the great king proclaims: King Darayavush, my father, by the favour of Ahuramazda, made much that is good, and this country he ordered to be conquered; as he did not complete a conquest, then I ordered that this conquest be made, and ordered this inscription be made in victory.
    Me may Ahuramazda protect, together with the gods, and my kingdom and what I have done

    Having dispatched himself to Lakedaimonia with great haste, Pausanias encountered that part of the Lakedaimonian army which his colleague Leotykhidas had successfully withdrawn from battle at the Isthmus. He and Leotykhidas had had cordial relations in the past, so Pausanias informed his colleague of King Xerxes’ judgement that Sparta must reform or be judged. What he said went something like this;
    Having had the power to destroy us utterly, King Xerxes has instead made demands of us. What it is he demands is nothing less than the reforging of Lakedaimonia, and that I accomplish this lest Sparta be utterly destroyed otherwise, for he does not entirely trust to our nobility, and seeks this proof that Lakedaimonians are capable of fair judgement alongside high valour. What he asks is not so terrible that I will not consider it, for even though the Lakedaimonians are rightly the most noble among all other Hellenes, we do not always fulfill that promise of fairness. We can be more than proud warriors, but upright sovereigns, commanding a peace that will be famed across the ages, whilst being no less firm and unbreaking in our undertakings of war. I ask, Leotykhidas, that to prevent the ending of our lines for all time that we aid one another in the execution of these reforms, whilst also giving thought to the matter of Hellas in the wake of the defeat that our confederates have just suffered; surely no resistance is plausible or desirable, as Sparta cannot fight alone against so determined, skilled, and numerous an adversary as King Xerxes and his army.”

    Whilst his speech was noble and eloquent, Leotykhidas set his heart against Pausanias, and against peace- the warmongering blood was too strong in his veins, but additional to that he was jealous that King Xerxes had made the offer to Pausanias, of royal blood but merely a regent, rather than to himself. He masked his intent with fair words and responses, but that night Leotykhidas slew Pausanias, and blamed the death on a heilos who was executed the next day. He had determined that the Lakedaimonians would continue to resist the Persians, come what may, and continued to march the army home with the intention of causing further mischief to territories that had allied with the Persian king. He reached Sparta successfully with his remaining soldiers, and did not cease in his transgressions, for Leotykhidas was soon convinced that he could exercise sole power in the Lakedaimonian state- he had Pleistarkhos, the infant for whom Pausanias was regent, killed. But he was not aware of the detachment of the King’s soldiers that, as previously mentioned, had been dispatched to Lakedaimonia. This detachment was commanded by the noble Artabazus, and had been sent orders in the night by the King- King Xerxes suspected that one Lakedaimonian or another would prove untrustworthy and bring harm to Pausanias, and had sent Artabazos to ensure that the Lakedaimonian was not harmed. Thus Leotykhidas was surprised when a detachment of Persians approached the villages of Sparta, and was caught off guard.
    Where is Pausanias the Lakedaimonian to be found?” said Artabazos.
    He was murdered in the night by a slave, cursed may his memory be by all the gods above. The slave has been executed, but the deed has been done, the pollution still fresh on the air.” said Leotykhidas.
    But Artabazos was immediately suspicious. He went among the Heilotes that had accompanied the Persians as guides, and picked out the noblest looking among them, who was named Xenokles.

    Tell me, o child of Messenia, would one among you have murdered Pausanias the Lakedaimonian? Is it in the nature of the Heilotes to countenance such,murderous acts against what must surely be your hated masters.” said Artabazos.
    The vengeance in our hearts cannot be banished, o Persian, whilst our unnatural condition remains upon us. But none among us would commit to violence so cravenly, descending at random upon a Lakedaimonian at night. That is the way of the dreadful Lakedaimonian Krypteia, who descend into our homesteads like wolves every year for sport and to inspire terror among our people. No, were we to give in to our righteous urges it would be on the battlefield, to demonstrate our valour and proudly display our standards once more.”
    Such was the directness and honesty of his speech that Artabazos immediately believed the Heilos, and became more convinced in his opinion that Leotykhidas had ordered the death of Pausanias.

    Thou art a liar, Leotykhidas the Lakedaimonian. King Xerxes knew that Pausanias might be in danger from his fellows, and entrusted me with seeing either to Pausanias made it to his homeland or that swift vengeance came to those that might harm him. And I find that not merely harm, but death, has befallen Pausanias at the hands of an alleged king of Lakedaimonia! Think not that I am unaware of the proposal which was discussed with Pausanias, and which he surely discussed with you before his demise, and think not that it escaped my notice that you avoided discussing this subject when I approached you. Ye had hoped to slip quietly into your valleys and fastnesses, and simply await King Xerxes and his loyal retainers forgetting that Lakedaimonia exists? The line of Dareios and Akhaimenes is not prone to dotage! But what of the line of Agis, what shall I say of that? What shall I say of a line where Leotykhidas is introduced to me as its first fruit? This is what I shall say; I pronounce that such a man as you is not fit to remain king, and any man who chooses to serve you is not fit to remain alive, and any state who chooses to crown you is not fit to continue to exist. In the name of King Xerxes, I declare Lakedaimonia an incorrigible enemy of peace, and a seat of lies, and that its sentence is death!”

    Upon delivering his sentence, Artabazos ordered his men to dismantle Sparta in order to carry it out, whilst ordering that any Heilotes were to be spared, and women where possible. The remaining warriors of Leotykhidas resisted, and there was fierce fighting, but they were overcome by the grace of the Gods and the skill of their captain. Artabazos himself struck down Leotykhidas, last king of Lakedaimonia, and oversaw the throwing down of the last Ephoros of Sparta. The oracle given to King Xerxes at Delphoi had indeed come to pass, and it is said that Zeus armed himself for battle alongside Artabasos, throwing down the city’s temple to Artemis with a might thunderbolt. So the Gods showed their thoughts on the matter of the Lakedaimonians, and through King Xerxes worked their will on the world. Many have argued over whether the story be true, or whether it should be interpreted so, but I believe it to be true and believe it to have been a sign from Zeus of the doom of Sparta. Once Sparta had been pacified, the men of Artabazos moved through the Lakedaimonian countryside, freeing Heilotes and slaughtering the Spartiates. Then we come to the matter of the Lakedaimonian women- they were held as exceedingly lovely by fellow Hellenes, but they were also fierce and strong-willed. It was debated as to what should be done with them, and many conflicting stories emerged regarding what happened to them.

    Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were all married to Heilotes, and to the other former servants of the Lakedaimonians. Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were all slaughtered by an errant captain among the Persians, named Gauzes, and that he for a time proclaimed himself as the new King at Sparta until Artabazos overcame him, and that the sons of Gauzes remained a threat to the peace for years afterwards. Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were taken to King Xerxes, and that he made the fiercest among them into a special unit of bodyguards, and that some among them married Persians, desirous as those Persians were for the martial ability of the extinct Lakedaimonians to enter their people. This last story has, within my lifetime, become the most popular story among the Hellenes for the fate of the Lakedaimonian women, even among the western Hellenes. For my part, I do not feel that Artabazos would have allowed the women to be slaughtered in such a way, but find evidence for either of the other stories- for their is a profusion of strong youths among the Messenians, but equally there are places in which it is known that such-and-such a Persian had a Lakedaimonian wife. More than this, Xenokritos does not know.

    After Lakedaimonia was pacified in its entirety, in every village, crag, and field, the task was then to resolve the situation with the many tens of thousands of freed Heilotes. The will of King Xerxes, as had been made clear to Pausanias and to Artabazos, had been that the former Heilotes be able to govern themselves, and not treated as slaves. But, with the notion of a reformed Lakedaimonia dead, the aims of Pausanias were thus crushed. Instead, noble Artabazos devised the next best solution, which was the restoration of Messenia. The Heilotes were gathered together in a great assembly; they were to decide what form of constitution they desired to live under in their new state. They were at first divided between those who wished to adopt some kind of monarkhic mode of government, and those who wished to adopt a demokratic franchise along the lines of some other Hellenes. But at length, the samesuch Xenokles that had assissted Artabazos made his presence known, and delivered a speech to his assembled compatriots.
    It seems to me that with our accursed conquerors vanquished our task is now to restore peace to our lands. What is it that will most result in peace among us? A demokratic situation would bring all of us together as Messenians, and would restore equality among those who have been degraded as slaves for many years, but that degradation is also a curse, for it fills us to anger quickly, and the new power in our hands is easily misused to fill the holes in our own hearts rather than to build our new walls. A king among us would be a strong leader, who would oversee such matters in our people in the manner of a single dedicated mind rather than many competing magistrates. But, having been slaves, we have known what it means to take orders from one man with no power of our own, to have those who control military force abusing our bodies for backbreaking labour and their own luxury. Thus I say to you, Messenians-to-be, that neither mode of settling affairs is to our satisfaction. But neither is lacking government, as though we were some tribe of wild men eating nuts, drinking milk, and raiding civilization for riches. It is my proposal that we can, with all of our newfound energy and resolve, combine both in a moderate monarkhia- where our popular assemblies work alongside a justly appointed king, who will be able to negotiate with the Persians as our representative and who will lead our armies in battle, but where the law is overseen by demokratic means, where juries decide the results of a court case and not a king. This is what I, Xenokles, say to you Messenians-to-be.”

    The Heilotes were all swayed by the words of Xenokles, who it seemed to them had dealt with their dilemma most satisfactorily with his proposed mixed constitution. In particular they recognised that King Xerxes was responsible for their newly freed state of affairs, and that it would be expedient to have a single person capable of negotiating with the Great King who was doing so with the authority of all of the Messenians. They also unanimously proposed that Xenokles himself become their new king, and would not be dissuaded by his attempts to refuse.


    EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE’S PERSIKA
    THE DESTRUCTION OF LAKEDAIMONIA IN THE REIGN OF KING XSHARYARSHA​

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    Opening line to Sophokles' Lakedaimonians.​
    Now thou mayest behold with thine eyes all that thy soul hath desired so long, for there is the ancient Sparta of thy yearning, and thy search for vengeance.

    We now come to the matter of Leotykhidas and Pausanias. Pausanias, having been offered his position as the satrap of King Xsharyarsha in the Peloponnese, certainly returned from the Isthmos and, upon coming across his colleague-in-arms Leotykhidas, desided to immediately conference with him. The nature of what he said to his colleague is the first major disagreement among many- the historians friendly to Persia, with their previously discussed portrayal of Pausanias as being in essence the only virtuous Lakedaimonian, have him wax eloquently to Leotykhidas as to the virtues of Persian rule. Meanwhile, those historians hostile to Persia portray Pausanias as a pragmatic politician first and foremost, presenting Leotykhidas with a plausible strategy to regroup before an eventual insurrection against King Xsharyarsha. In this I am moved to siding with the latter, for as we have already decided the character of Pausanias was that of an adaptable, if not entirely honest, Hellene. It most fits with the kind of offer that he received that Pausanias move to present this to Leotykhidas in the way most pleasing to Lakedaimonian values, as disgusting as those values were. Then we come to another certainty among all sources- that Leotykhidas had Pausanias murdered during the night- and then another disagreement; why was it that Leotykhidas made this momentous decision. Elements of truth are, we find, present in both schools. It is indeed likely that King Xsharyarsha possessed no great attachment to Pausanias, being a Lakedaimonian and at best a necessary tool in the pacification of Hellas. But it is also equally likely that Leotykhidas greatly resented that a negotiation for the entire future of Lakedaimonia had been conducted with a regent, and not with an actual king of Lakedaimonia. As to whether he believed he could negotiate with King Xsharyarsha in the stead of his colleague, or whether he believed that a quiet Lakedaimonia would simply be ignored, we find both explanations lacking. We should instead see that Pausanias was acting contrary to Lakedaimonian custom, and even if Leotykhidas had held enlightened values the other Lakedaimonians would not, and he must have realised this; that those who proposed such a method of escaping the situation would be treated as cowardly by the Spartiates and disregarded. Pausanias would have, if he had taken the proposed peace to the Lakedaimonians, found another method of rendering the situation to have made the potential reaction among them more amenable. This then is the truth of the matter regarding the death of Pausanias.

    Immediately afterwards, Artavazdah and his detachment of the royal army arrived in the aftermath of this murder, having been ordered by a suspicious King Xsharyarsha to observe the situation. This was likely an encounter on the road and not, as has been described by some past authors, a meeting at the (entirely figurative) gates of Sparta; what would the good have been of inspecting the state of Pausanias by arriving tardily to the city, with the initial reaction to his presence and his objectives already underway? So then, Artavazdah confronted Leotykhidas, and would have realised swiftly that Pausanias was not present. He certainly challenged Leotykhidas about his colleague’s whereabouts. Leotykhidas offered whatever explanation would satisfy Artavazdah, but Artavazdah had already been informed by his King that Pausanias was liable to be attacked, and was unlikely to believe Leotykhidas in the situation. His orders were probably open-ended, with permission to decide for himself as to what to do had any harm come to Pausanias; Artavazdah was particularly trusted by King Xsharyarsha, and in addition the King had been occupied with the rest of the aftermath of the battle of the Isthmos- Lakedaimonia was important, but not more so than resolving matters with the Korinthioi, for example. Artavazdah was of noble spirit, having never been able to stomach the Lakedaimonians, and was confronted with yet another transgression made against Persians by them. Herodotos of Halikarnassos uses this to continue his theme of the Lakedaimonians dooming themselves by ignoring their own religious instincts, and continually offending the gods by defiling sacred rules. It is more likely that Artavazdah evaluated the Lakedaimonians as permanent trouble-makers, never able to give the Persians peace so long as they were ignored for longer than a moment. In addition, Artavazdah was disgusted by the conditions of the Heilotes, who were in no way in a natural situation. With his cunning insight, he saw that Lakedaimonia’s destruction might be used to restore the Heilotes to Messenia, who would remain forever grateful to the Persians who had remedied their situation, and he knew that this would please King Xsharyarsha.

    Artavazdah duly began to slaughter the Lakedaimonians, though it seems that some women were spared and enslaved. It is likely that he spared any Heilotes serving with arms in the Lakedaimonian army present, for that would have made persuading the Heilotes of his genuine intentions much easier. This was certainly confirmed to be the will of the Gods when the main temple of Lakedaimonia, the Orthian temple at Sparta, was utterly destroyed by a thunderbolt. Artavazdah then continued his task with vigour throughout Lakedaimonia, although many Lakedaimonians escaped and sought refuge outside the reach of the the King. This was truly one of the most noble deeds the Persians performed in Hellas, and King Xsharyarsha’s accession to it vaunts him to the height of his dynasty. We know the Lakedaimonians to have been barbarians among barbarians, skilled only in war and possessing no other instincts considered civilized even among other Hellenes, as uncouth and impoverished as the Hellenes were in those days. They had reduced entire peoples to eternal bondage, and so the few Lakedaimonians profited from the misery of an entire nation crying out for vengeance. But at last, the Heilotes were restored to their rightful condition as free men, and Messenia was once again a jewel as Persian rulers continually restored and rejuvenated it. This was done by the destruction of the Lakedaimonians, and their state, and their cities. The Argeioi were awarded lands formerly belonging to the Lakedaimonian, but we shall turn more to the affairs of Argos in later years, merely remarking that at this date they remained the allies of King Xsharyarsha.

    There remains only one more tale to tell of ancient Lakedaimonia, and that is the fate of the Lakedaimonian hostages that had been kept by King Xsharyarsha when Pausanias returned to Lakedaimonia. No prior historical inquiry has ever mentioned what happened to them, due to a total lack of knowledge, though the tragedians have won many awards from their speculations upon the story. But we have access to information of a superior kind to previous attempts to tell the tale of the winning of Hellas. By consulting the diaries of the Haxamanishiyan Kings, we discover that the Lakedaimonian hostages were transplanted to parts far from Hellas, and were made a small regiment in the royal army. The reason that Hellenic authors never knew or mentioned this is that these men were kept far away from fellow Hellenes, being used in wars far from Hellenic settlement or from other Hellenic soldiers in the service of King Xsharyarsha. It is not known where they, at last, perished, for the diaries only recall a few incidents involving them. If we are generous with Lakedaimonia, perhaps this was a fitting end; they were after all a barbarian people, and they were unleashed in all of their warlike prowess at the enemies of King Xsharyarsha, and perhaps their restlessly savage needs were satisfied before they were taken to the afterlife.


    TELEO or AKUNAVAM: END OF CHAPTER 1​
     
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    Chapter 1 Epilogue
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 1
    EPILOGOS​

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    The interview begins now.

    Interview? What kind of interview? Why am I here? What have I done? I told the King the truth! I told the King the truth and… and… then… now I remember. I… I was… and now I’m here… Are you a demon? Are you a god? Should I be prostrating myself at your feet? You remain silent with me, why? I am here now and you say that this is an interview, yet you ask no questions, let alone answering any of mine! Where am I? What am I doing here? Why won’t you answer me?

    This is fruitless, I suppose. Here I am, and here you are, and I have no power over you. Do I? No, I don’t. This is not a situation in which I possess power, that much is clear. So, what is it you want, an interview?

    I am Marduniya, son of Gaubaruva. I served Darayavaush and his son Xshayarsha faithfully all of my life. Wait...you do know who Darayavaush and Xshayarsha are, don’t you? Even here, surely you must know who they are? The deeds of the men of Parsa resound across the lands, across the earth, and surely above and below as well? No, you will know the Kings of Parsa, through all ages, I need not doubt that. Well, of the kings of Parsa, it was those two that I served, faithfully and well. I was he who was trusted to assault the Yauna, twice, by two different Kings of Parsa. And when, at last, the Yauna were submitted, it was I who was trusted to rule over the main province we created in their territory. I was kind, and I was just, and I was loyal. I was loyal! I respected and understood that the Yauna were not the Parsa, I allowed them their little governments and arguments, I advised restraint in our dealings with them! I even called some of the Yauna friends, for even among barbarians there were those who possessed valour! I had to destroy Amphissa, don’t you understand? I had to do it! They would not surrender the rebels that had taken refuge within its walls, and they would not capitulate when besieged! Not even when I executed the hostages I kept, what monster doesn’t surrender when innocent men are dying because of their obstinacy?

    But Xsharyarsha… he didn’t see it that way. Especially not after the insurrection, not after the battles and the slaughters and sieges. Nor when I’d promised him that the Yauna were stable, not when he had told me… he had told me not to lay low any of the Yauna cities without his explicit permission. But I had no choice! They wouldn’t surrender, and I looked like an idiot child asking for his favourite toy back! Was I just supposed to wait for weeks until his instructions arrived? Was I? It needed doing, and I did it! I...

    What did I do? I had women and babes slaughtered for the insolence of their city’s leaders. I tore open their temples. I burned homes and hamlets until only ashes remained. I ignored what Xsharyarsha had said, the King of Parsa and the King of lands… Was it really worth it? Of course you won’t say anything, not even now. But even with your unchanging silence, I am brought to this point. I… had grown angry at their insolence, as the Lakedaimonians had tested me before. I descended to the level of a barbarian chieftain lusting after petty vengeance in restitution for petty slights, beholden to no laws of civilization bar my own. Part of me has always desired that. All men desire something which is forbidden. Even you, silent one. The desire that has lain inside myself is the one that desires a crown worthy of my capacities, to ruler over men as their beloved and mighty king. But I never desired to overthrow Xsharyarsha, I have known him since he was very young, I would wish no harm upon him, he was my sovereign! Or maybe the desire bided its time, kept itself quiet within whilst the power and majesty of Xsharyarsha were great. Once I was left outside of his presence, the beast began to uncoil, stirring me to dread acts. But I was weak, I suppose? I lacked the courage to declare myself king, to refuse Xsharyarsha’s summons, to make war?

    No. I did not do these things because civilization and decency would not let me descend so far either. I was not weak for not seizing lordship and defiling my oaths, I was weak for submitting to the tiniest parts of temptation. And returning to Xsharyarsha’s presence… that was my contrition. And sacrifice. And now here I am with you, though I know not your name, who it is you serve, what your function is. I know not the answers to any of those things. But I committed myself to ill deeds, and rather than escaping the bounds of decent men I have allowed myself to be punished for them. I did so not knowing what would await, it is only just that I know nothing about you or where I am right now. If this is where those who fail tests go, I belong. I am ready for whatever comes next.

    The interview is over.
     
    Foundation of Hellenic Italy
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 2:EIMI! or VARTAIYAIY!​

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    AESKHYLUS’ POEM KNOWN LATER AS EXODOS

    In bitterness and fright
    Hellenes took flight,
    Across the foamy sea,
    They made their winding way,
    And in the light of day
    Then found a foreign quay,
    And at the edge of foreign waters
    There would raise their sons and daughters;
    In fair Akrai
    And Syrakousai,
    The windows on the west
    would be those their children loved the best,
    Whatever lands that could be found,
    Whichever fields with watered soil
    Were tameable with worthy toil
    with harvest crops that would not spoil
    Hellenes would strike the ground.


    EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
    THE FATE OF EXILED HELLENES


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    There was then a great number of those Hellenes in the newly occupied portions of Hellas, including those from poleis damaged by fire or stasis, who were thus opposed to a state of affairs in which their fatherlands were ruled by Xerxes, but they had found themselves unable to liberate it. Unable to remain by discontent or fear in for their lives, they accordingly departed for those Hellenic communities that were not yet under the control of the Persians. These were Athenians, and Korinthioi, and escaped Spartiates, and men from Phokis, and Plataieis, and Thespieis, and multitudes more besides. Many of the Hellenes went to the colonies founded by their own kin- the Phokaians joined their kin from the city of Phokaia, journeying to Emporion and Massalia; the Spartiates and other Lakedaimonians went to Taras and Sikelian Herakleia; the Korinthioi went to Syrakousai and Arkarnania and Epeiros; the Akhaians to Metapontion and Pandosia and Zakynthos and Kroton and Kaulonia, and some to the scattered peoples of Sybaris; the Megareis to Megara Hyblaia and Selinous; the Lokrioi to Medma and Epizephyrian Lokroi and Hipponion; the Rhodiotes to Gela, eventually to be joined by Kretans; the Euboians to Zankle and Metauros and Sikelian Naxos and Kyme and Rhegion; the Aitolians to Temesa; the Aiginetai to Adria. Neither did those exiles all strictly arrive in those places inhabited by their close cousins- anywhere where Hellenes were accepted did Hellenes of all ethnoi gratefully rest from their weary travels.

    But not all Hellenes went to poleis that already existed. Some were determined to strike out into places of their own conquest or construction. Chief among them were the Athenians, along with the Plataieis, and the Thespieis, and a number of the non-Athenians who had been resident in their city. Led by Xanthippos son of Ariphron, they soon hatched plans with both the Sybaritai exiles and the Akhaians who had joined them to retake control over the city of Sybaris from Kroton. Such are matters among the Hellenes- it was not more than a few days before plots and schemes emerged to overcome rivals and acquire new power. In order to rally everyone to this goal, Xanthippos said the following things:

    Athens, our homeland, has been neutered and conquered by the Mede, the fertile lands of Attika now produce their bread for Persian mouths, the silver mines produce their billons for Mede governors, and the walls of Athens are now no longer keeping out foreigners but us. I am not resolved that you, Athenians and friends, shall now live out your days as huddled refugees reliant upon the benefaction of Italiotes whilst being used as manpower for their conflicts. If we are divorced from our home, then we will make ourselves a new one, in memory of Athens but in strength unreliant upon that which is now denied to us. ‘Should we found a new Athens in the west’ asked I of the Pythia, and she responded; ‘You should do so.’ This then is the task before us- we must make a new Athens of the west, and it is beyond doubt that we must make ourselves a dwelling place, a polis, that dwarfs our homeland in both grandeur and might. We all together will join in an equal share of this new enterprise, Athenians, Keioi, Akhaioi, Sybaritai, Plataieis, Thespieis alike. What it is that I propose is that Sybaris, currently occupied by Kroton, with its splended streets and buildings, be made into this new Athens, that we rescue its citizenry from their bondage and at once bring them into our new combined citizen body. We possess the finest crop of Athens’ martial strength, and far more besides capable of arming themselves as hoplitai, this enterprise is not simply attractive but eminently achievable.”

    With this, the treaty of sympoliteia was created between this collection of exiles, with Athenians making up the largest part. At first, only the cities of Laos, Poseidonia and Pyxous were directly territorially linked. But as he had said, the aim of Xanthippos son of Ariphron was to recapture Sybaris with its splendid streets, and that this would form the heart of a new, free polis in Italia. This plan was soon executed- Sybaritai exiles snuck into the city, established the nature of affairs within the city, enlisted the help of their countrymen within, and prepared to open the gates to the assembled allies. This was almost interrupted by a Krotoniatas sentry, but a Sybaritas exile named Philodamos fell upon him; having no weapons, he threw both of them from the city wall. This is the famous tale of Philodamos, who is considered emblematic among the current citizens of the city. At any rate, the city was made open, and the allies thus took possession of the city without a huge struggle. Those Krotoniatai who were within the city were ransomed to their kin, and afterwards there was a treaty drawn up in which the new community was recognised. In gratitude at their deliverance, and wishing to take part in the new community, the Sybaritai assented to the renaming of Sybaris to Dikaia, in honour of the restitution of the Sybaritai, but also in hope of the liberation of Hellas. It is often called Sybaritan Dikaia, but even more often is now referred to as Megathenai, and those united by the treaty of sympoliteia as Megatheniai.


    EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON ARISTONIKOS’ ITALIKA
    ON THE KYMAIAN GAMES


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    Whilst the Hellenes remained sundered into West and East, among the Western Hellenes the Kymaian Games were thus the sole panhellenic games available to them(1). Regardless of their circumstances of foundation, of which there has been no endless amounts of speculation and storytelling, whether or not it was Zeus Olympios that appeared and bade the Sibylla to rouse herself and begin the games, or whether or not it was a Priest of Apollo who came and persuaded the Kymaiotes that those Greeks outside of Persia required a new panhellenic festival(2), or whether or not there was some such person named ‘Hairy’ or ‘Fatso’ or ‘Dimwit’ who was being chased across a field which drew a crowd(3), it matters in the end not at all, though I do not doubt that some who are reading this work will nonetheless ignore this sincere pronouncement on the subject, what matters is that the Kymaian Games flourished. As with the Olympic Games, the Kymaian games had to judge who was a Hellene in order to be allowed to compete(4). In such time as these, when the Hellenes were sundered and in flux, this was not always easy. One tale, if we are permitted a brief indulgence(5), that illustrates this most clearly is that of Polykrates of the Keltic Akhaioi.

    As is well known, not all Hellenes that migrated away from Hellas migrated to Hellenic communities. Some, being freed (as they saw it) of political obligations, saw an opportunity in every sufficiently unguarded town between Neapolis and the wide and encircling Okeanos(6). But as they left their political ties by the wayside, it was soon impossible to tell exactly who had ended up where. More than a few chieftains among the Keltoi, Tyrsenoi, Ligues, Iberes over the years would claim to be a Hellene or the son of a Hellene, most especially claiming Lakedaimonian ancestry(7). If all of these tales were to be believed, all lands that give on to the sea would be the lands of Hellenes, which is patently false. But with Polykrates, matters were different. He arrived at Kyme in full panoply, bearing the arms of Sicyon. This immediately led credence to his claims of being a Hellene, as many barbarians tried to assert themselves as related to those Hellenic ethnoi of particular renown among the barbarians. Sicyon, whilst by no means obscure, was not one of these. In addition, he produced a detailed familial history which he personally recounted, and indeed produced a written letter from Sicyon stating that he was who he said he was(8). If, somehow, he had been forging all of these things, the process of doing so was so elaborate that none was realistically prepared to consider that it was a forgery. Polykrates then won the race-in-armour, which probably convinced any remaining doubters as to his quality. And so Kyme was, among the Western Hellenes, the first to recognise Keltic Akhaioi, and among the first to recognise Hellenes living among the barbarian ethnoi in the west(9).

    Notes

    1- This is not strictly true, other antique sources and preserved records of victors at the traditional four Panhellenic games show that participants outside of the Akhaimenid domains were actually allowed to compete. It seems instead as though the western Hellenes of this period maintained something akin to an embargo on principle, which would eventually be ended- cf the shift in tone of historians in the very late 5th and early 4th centuries BCE.

    2- These are direct references to Herodotos, and the two stories he provides of the founding of the Kymaian games.

    3- In this we see more than a little frustration erupt from Aristonikos, in what this author considers to be one of his most endearing, for though Aristonikos attempts to maintain a very distanced tone compared to that of many of his peers he nonetheless had moments where his personality could not help but express itself.

    4- The process of determining this is rather opaque to those of us looking back at antique periods, all that is known is that for a time the Kymaian panel had equal ability to pronounce an ethnos, polis, or eleutheros a ‘Hellene’ as the Olympian panel did.

    5- Here we find Aristonikos, the most ardent protester against Herodotian-style anecdotes and travelogues, going into an anecdote. Were he alive now, he would protest most ardently at his example of the importance of Kyme being classified as an anecdote, but that is precisely what it is.

    6- More information as to many of these adventures can be found in Herodotos, who delights in enumerating the many and splendid adventures of many individual Hellenes across the known world as pirates, bandits, merchants, lovers, kings, mercenaries, and explorers.

    7- This phenomenon is briefly referred to in Herodotos, but was evidently not as major a concern as it became to Aristonikos’ contemporaries, for his historical work is not the only such to refer to the preponderance of those claiming Lakedaimonian ancestry. This only increased across history, as the author and any reading this work will be well aware of, and so thus we are at the root of so many mythical ancestries among myriad peoples and dynasties.

    8- It is interesting that, despite the hostility between western and eastern Hellenes still evidenced in Aristonikos bearing towards his erstwhile compatriots, the word of the metropolis is still considered eminently trustworthy among the western Hellenes in certain matters.

    9- At first sight it is unusual that Aristonikos does not use this opportunity to discuss the related situation whereby certain barbarians would come to be considered Hellenes, or at least to share equally in citizenship with them as at Emporion. But what he describes here is a tacit admission, perhaps, of how certain Hellenes essentially barbarized and became merely altered versions of various non-Hellenic peoples, and what he describes is the middle ground by which the Hellenes in question did not forget their roots but did not entirely belong to the world of Hellenes as Aristonikos had been brought up to understand it.
     
    Politics of Hellenic Italy
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 2:EIMI! or VARTAIYAIY!​

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    EXCERPTS TAKEN FROM EXTRACTS FROM THE AFRICAN
    HELLENO-AFRICAN RELATIONS

    Now matters inevitably turn to that great crisis of the western Mediterranean, the exodos of Hellenes upon the capture of their homelands by the Persians. Great throngs of downcast men and women, clutching their babes, inevitably sought refuge with their kin in their old, powerful colonies. This, however, was no small matter for the Qarthastines; their defeat at the hands of Gelon had already cost them much in blood and treasure, and now the Hellenic communities were increasing their strength with the arrival of refugees. Syrakousai, already engorged with the spoils of Gelon’s victory, was swiftly becoming the master of the Western Mediterranean. Thus the crisis among the Hellenes became a crisis among the Qarthastines as well. But they were not hasty to action, being inclined to temperate behaviour and misliking rash acts. As we have already seen, the defeat at the hands of Gelon had weakened their powers and caused a revolution to depose the ailing monarchy. In addition, the Qarthastines were not characterised by their willingness to break treaties and oaths- their religious roles were taken with the most extreme seriousness, and their treaty with Gelon was thus considered unbreakable except in the direst of circumstances. The debate that ensued was about whether or not these circumstances were suitably dire. The great Bodmelqar, being of discriminating mind and keen empathy, had a more tolerant view of the arrival of the Hellenes.

    Now come the Hellenes from over the sea, cast out, as we were, from their homelands. Dwell we not in the ‘new city’? What of our old city? Conquered by Persians was our mother city, Ssur and its great ports all. Feel you not, my fellow Qarthastines, the pain which they undergo? Mark that our influence civilized the Hellenes, consider them not to be barbarians but civilized men. Have we no recourse but violence, are we not civilized? Will they not desire, as we do, to return to their homeland in a time of strength and deliver it from its occupiers? If so, recognise that we can live with them, but also recognise that the fire burns hot within them. Consider that they, being confronted by our armies that seek to expel them, would in great strength and fury descend upon us, expel us from all of Iqania, and leave affairs in an even worse state.”

    His wise words, for a time, prevailed. The vigour of Qarthast was restored, and carefully nourished with wise policy and fatherly direction. But the final plunge into renewed conflict was only delayed, not forestalled. The refugees from the Aigaion Sea had thoroughly disrupted affairs in Italia and Sikelia, and for years the political intricacies of the Greek city-states transformed. We find from Herodotos the emergence of Megathenai, the western Athens, and witness its first virginal taste of dominance over its neighbours. We see the dances played out among the western Hellenes, deadly entanglements and warm embraces alike, against the magnificent setting of the western Mediterranean. But it is affairs specifically in Syrakousai that once again awoke fire and death. Gelon died in 477 BCE, having established Syrakousai and its clients as the sovereigns of all of the Hellenes of Sikelia, and Syrakousai herself as the Queen of Hellenic cities. But, Syrakousai being such a rich prize, and so recently flooded with migrants, was a nervous hive of plots and schemes. So long as Hieron, brother of Gelon, remained as ruler all restlessness was stilled. His army and navy helped guard the Italiotes from the arms of the Tyrsenoi, who were still in their archaic and semi-piratical days. Hieron was regarded by later African authors with more than a little respect. But when Hieron died, in 465 BCE, matters swiftly spiralled out of control. Rival members of the Deinomenid dynasty began to fight with one another for control of the throne, and demokratic revolutionaries fought to gain control over the city. This resulted in a fearsome breach in relations between the citizens of Megathenai and the Deinomenids, for the latter suspected the former of actively providing support to the demokrats.

    Thus, with the major powers of the western Hellenes so disharmonious, the Qarthastines decided that the time was ready to strike back against their earlier injuries. In concert with the Tyrsenoi, anxious to avenge their defeat at the hands of Hieron, the Qarthastines appointed as commander of their expedition one Baalyaton, and furnished him with the finest warriors Qarthast could provide. ‘Baalyaton and his ten thousand’ would become a proverbial phrase among Africans, but not for the reasons he perhaps would have wished. As Herodotos tells us, a Hellenic merchant in Qarthast learned of these plans to invade, and warned the Hellenes in Sikelia of these goals. This excited grave alarm among all parties in Sikelia, and many in Italia equally. A party of the pro-demokratic Syrakousai desired to ally with the Qarthastines, in order to establish a demokratic regime, but Herodotos tells us this of their fate.

    This faction among the demokrats of Syrakousai had hoped to win over their fellows with adroit deployment of bribes, promises of magistracies, but also with exiling or if necessary murdering of their most intransigent opponents. But the larger part of the demokrats were patriotic, and in no short amount of time they discovered the plot of their former confederates. They expelled the greater part of the pro-Phoinike Syrakosioi, and thus established a fairer reputation among their fellow citizens.”

    The cause of demokratic governance having been so advanced, a general amnesty was called between the demokrats and the sole remaining Deinomenid claimant, one Polyzalos. Many of the Hellenic cities of Sikelia remained under the rule of Syrakousai, though in many cases only nominally due to the civil war, but even in those cities who sided with Qarthast (in the hope of gaining increased power) their ruling tyrants found that the ordinary people of those cities were not in support of such actions. The general feeling along the Hellenes of Sikelia was that it was bad enough that their homeland was now a possession of the Persians, and were unwilling to countenance a similar position of the Qarthastines in Sikelia, no matter what promises the sons of Tyre had made to increase their specific cities’ position among the other Hellenes. It is in this, the newfound reticence among ordinary Hellenes in the west to remotely consider foreign dominance of their city-states, that we find the early Qarthastine Republic unprepared. For many of the Italiote states rallied to Syrakousai; Kyme, newly demokratic Rhegion, Kroton, Kaulonia, Metapontion, Taras, and not least among them Megathenai. For if Syrakousai was the Queen of the independent Hellenes, Megathenai was for now the King among them, and this was the first occasion in which both acted in concert.

    If one wishes to consult more salacious or combat-drenched accounts of the wars of the Hellenes, they are free to do so. For the purpose of this account, focused as it is on the Qarthastines and not the innumerable doings of the Hellenes, we have developed sufficient context, and only need report that the Qarthastines lost the two-year war that ensued, and this led to the loss both of Sikelia in its entirety and the foundation of the Italiote League. Whilst on the surface, and particularly if Qarthast had sunk into obscurity, one would have been tempted to assume that this war would precipitate a dark age in Qarthastine affairs. Instead, it would be the making of Qarthast; free as they now were from being concerned over matters in Sikelia, their attention was free to wander elsewhere, whilst the increasingly powerful Hellenes on Sikelia served as a constant source of competition for prestige and opportunity, driving Qarthastine mercantile activity with real energy and purpose. Fortunately, this does not seem to have been accompanied by a loss in the noble Qarthastine virtue of multicultural tolerance; indeed, the height of cultural intercourse between Hellene and Qarthastine was not even remotely near, even including the long courtship between the children of Phoinikia and Hellas that we have already witnessed, and the era in which the Phoinikians lay the foundation of Hellenic culture, yet new heights of interconnection were to be achieved. But for now, all of this lay in the future. What we can say with surety is that the loss of Sikelia was as the removal of a millstone from the neck of Qarthast. It only behooves us to discuss the dealings of the archaic Tyrsenoi with Qarthast, and then we shall enter into the earliest stages of Africa’s classical era.


    EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
    THE FOUNDATION OF THE ITALIOTE LEAGUE

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    Dexai!
    An inscription on an early 5th century BCE lead sling bullet found in a field in Sicily. It translates as 'Catch!'​

    It was not long ere the conclusion of the war with the Iapyges that the Italiotes were troubled; Hieron, famed ruler of Syrakousai, died. He had a number of sons and brothers, among which the most prominent had been Thrasyboulos, who engineered to have the other heirs of Hieron and Gelon displaced from their rightful inheritance and claimed the throne for himself. But this had two unforeseen consequences, as not only did the other Deinomenidai round upon their alleged king, desirous of their rightful position, but also his unpopularity increased the boldness and numbers of the demokratic party of the city. It has often been stated that the Megathenians had some specific relationship to this; namely that certain of the exiled Athenians, having been interested in cultivating more demokratic constitutions among the remaining potent Hellenic states to ensure friendly relations, had sent certain prominent Sophists among them to encourage the Syrakosioi to adopt feelings friendly towards the notion of a demokratic means of governance. However, others have stated that groups of citizens friendly to the idea of demokratia had already existed among the Syrakosioi even before the invasion of Darieos, let alone the days of Xerxes, that the notion of this form of government had already gained popularity among the Syrakosioi even before the reign of Gelon. Regardless of which of these is the truth, there was a demokratic party within the Syrakosioi who saw, with the dynastic strife among the Deionomenidai, their chance to launch a revolution in the city and establish their desired form of constitution in Sikelia’s greatest city.

    But the Phoinikess, still smarting from their defeat at the hands of Gelon, now also saw their chance to launch an invasion of Sikelia and regain their former potency on the island. They sent embassies to both the Tyrsenoi and the Persians, who at that time remained their allies. From the Tyrsenoi, they received the following answer;

    The children of Hellas grow too much in strength, and the children of Ouni are not prepared to see this continue. We will aid this endeavour with our triremes and our best warriors.”

    In this way the Tyrsenoi indicated that they would join in an attack on the Hellenes in Italia and Sikelia. However, the Phonikes also sent missives to Xerxes, who they had aligned with during the invasion of Hellas by the Medes. This was the answer that they received.

    Say to the Phoinikes thus; King Xerxes has not forgotten the words of alliance struck between the Medes and the Phoinikes, and he notes how the men of Karkhedon only grow concerned with attracting the attention of the Persians now that thou art desirous of new territories. Where were thy ships and men in the days of war in Hellas, where was your victory over the Hellenes of Sikelia? Where have your ships and best men been while the Akarnanioi, Kretans, Epeirotes, Aitolians and Korkyraiotes have continued to defy the words of King Xerxes? The King of Persia is not thy follower, ye are not the hegemon over King Xerxes, nor is King Xerxes a criminal that would conspire with ye to make a theft for thy benefit at no gain for myself. For it is plain that Sikelia is meant to be a gem snatched from its owners and placed in your diadem, with the Persian swords you ask for present perhaps merely as camp followers, or perhaps to be thrown first into battle? King Xerxes, King of the World, will treat kindness with kindness; thou shalt have not any soldiers of mine, no coins of mine, not a single spear that bears the name ‘Xerxes the son of Dareios’.”

    In this manner was the alliance between the Phoinikes and the Medes dissolved. But nonetheless, the Phoinikes believed their forces, along with those of their Tyrsenoi allies, to be sufficient for the task at hand, trusting to the leadership of one Baliaton, and furnishing their appointed warriors in the finest and richest manner possible. The finest battalion in ornament was the most fearsome and disciplined among the Phoinikes of Karkhedon, anointed by their priests and dedicated to the Phoinikian Athena. The tale given to me by the priests in Karkhedon is that, in the time of their King Magon, he was approached by an oracle who bade him dedicate warriors to the service of Athena, and that she would render Karkhedon the same protection that she rendered to Kronos, who is considered the king of the Phoinikian gods and honoured in Karkhedon especially. Magon did not heed this oracle at first, but then the army of the Phoinikes lost an important battle against the Nomades despite having superiority of numbers and equipment. Visions of Athena among the Nomades were widely reported, and so Magon realised that the oracle had been truthful. Accordingly, he took a thousand of the finest and most experienced warriors of Karkhedon and swore them into the service of Athena, and made this sacred set of warriors a permanent institution in the city. The number was then increased to 2,000 at the time of Hamilkar, the same year as the expulsion of Hippias from Athens.

    The expedition under the command of Baliaton was launched, with 200,000 men under his command, and a further 30,000 Tyrsenoi sailed south to the northern parts of Kampania, where they would gather their fellows from the cities of Kapue and other southern Tyrsenoi colonies and launch an attack on Hellenic cities such as Kyme and Neapolis. Confidence among them was high that the expansion of the Hellenes would be halted for all time. However, what they had not counted upon was the patriotism of the Hellenes among the city, and how it might be possible that a message might reach the Italiotes and Syrakousai before the invasion fleet did. But this one Apollophanion of Gela did achieve, disguising himself as an Aigyptios and stealing a small ship before sailing straight for Syrakousai. Thus the Hellenes were warned that an invasion was imminent, and then came the matter of what action to take. It seemed at first that Sikelia would be divided- many of the local tyrants of the various Sikelian poleis, seeking to become independent of the Deinomenidai, aimed to align with the Phoinikes and thus establish their own poleis as independent from the aegis of the line of Deinomenes. But now we come to the Italiotes once more- there was great alarm at the approach of the Tyrsenoi, particularly among those cities in Kampania who were close in proximity to the southernmost Tyrsenian cities. The question arose, among the greatest poleis among the Italiotes, what to do. The most important poleis among them at those time were the Megathenai, the Epizephyrian Lokrioi, and the Tarantinotes. It was agreed by all that the opinion of these three poleis would determine where the other Italiote poleis stood on the issue of imminent war, barring those cities already targeted by the Tyrsenoi. Among the Megathenai it was Perikles the son of Xanthippos, newly elected as strategos, and Aiskhylos the son of Euphorion, victor and poet and playwright, who held most sway among the Megathenai at this time, by virtue of their successful handling of the war with the Iapyges which this inquiry has already covered. Both of them were inclined to defend Syrakousai, and Sikelia, against the Phoinikes, albeit for different reasons- Perikles believed that standing up against the Phoinikes would continue to increase the power of Megathenai, whereas instead Aiskhylos believed strongly in defending any Hellene from barbarian occupation, wherever it proved possible.The two of them gathered a meeting of all of the Italiote poleis, and then Perikles gave them this speech, which had been composed jointly between the two men:

    I shall begin with our ancestors, it is meet and correct that they be discussed at an occasion such as this one. There has never been a time in which they did not dwell our homelands which they passed down to us through their valour and strength of arms. And if our more remote ancestors deserve praise, much more do our own fathers, who added to their inheritance the lands which we now possess, but we have not yet won back our inheritance in full, the inheritance of the Hellenes. Yet we who are assembled here, who are in the prime and fullness of our lives, begun to carry out the work left to us. We have enriched our cities with all things, so that matters are sufficient for ourselves in peace and war. Of the military events by which our homelands were lost, by which cities were lost to the barbarian, I will not now discuss, for all here are familiar with the tales. Instead, it is seemly to remind ourselves of our deeds in recent times.
    We, the free Hellenes, far from submitting to barbarians, have cast their attempts to subvert our liberty and freedoms aside, we have raised our shields and have not since lowered them. We, together, met foes Hellenic and barbarian. Whether they are Tyrsenoi raiders, Iapgyes battalions, or bloodthirsty Sabinoi, they have been utterly repulsed by our might. Our military does not enter rivalry with others. Our military does not copy our neighbours, but is a shining example to them. But yet, we have not attained our dream- to liberate Hellas, to end its occupation by the Persians and their king, to restore our homelands to their prior splendour and status of freedom. And there will be those among us who will ask ‘how can we liberate our homelands if we also engage in war with our full strength against people other than the Persians?’.
    The rightful and dignified return of our motherlands is, as Hellenes, both our duty and our sacred vow. This shall not be in any way avoided or made less likely by our successful defence of other free Hellenes. It shall only be made more likely by our doing so, we shall grow in strength together by placing our lives in jeopardy via common cause, we shall increase the might of the free Hellenes by ensuring that not a single member among us is threatened by subjugation by barbarians.
    We have witnessed the lands of our ancestors subjugated by foreigners in agony and anger as they seek to displace and hamper the rightful growth in the strength of the Hellenes. In Ionia, and Kypros, and Pamphylia, and Doris, and Aeolis, and Argolis, and Khalkidike, and Thessalia, and Attika, and Boiotia, and Euboia, and Samos, and Krete, and Rhodos, and Lakedaimonia, and Achaia, and Phokea, and Lokris, and Argolis have we seen the dominance of the barbarian take hold. And I say to you, free Hellenes, that this shall occur no more! Not one free city of the Hellenes shall fall to a barbarian so long as we, the Hellenes, draw our spears and breath. This shall be our sacred vow. No matter whether the barbarians come from Persis, or Karkhedon, or Tyrsenia, or the twisted lands of India, we shall draw our shields and stand alongside one another in noble and endless strength.
    To you who are the sons and brothers of the departed, in all of the recent wars of the Hellenes, I see that the struggle to emulate them will be a trying one. For all praise the dead, and, however endless your virtue might be, I do not say to even approach them.The living have envy and rivalry to contend with, while those who are no longer in our path are honoured with a goodwill into which rivalry and mean-spiritedness does not and cannot enter. And, if I am to speak of womanly virtues to those of you who will henceforth be widows, let me sum them up in one short admonition: To a woman not to show more weakness than is natural to her sex is a great glory, and not to be talked about for good or for evil among men
    .”

    This, then, amid all the speeches given by worthy men in the assembly of the free Hellenes, was the inspiration which, by debate but also fine endeavour, the first Italiote League was created, which has also been called the League of Kaulonia for the city in which the oaths were first sworn. As members were sworn the Megathenai, the Krotoniatai, the Tarantinotes, the Syrakosioi and all the poleis under its control, the Kymaiotes, the Rheginotes, the Lokrioi, the Medmaioi, the Terinaioi, the Metapontinotes, the Neapolitai, the Kauloniatai, the Siritai, the Temesaioi, and the Hipponiatai.
     
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    Stories of Western Colonisation
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 2:EIMI! or VARTAIYAIY!​

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    EXCERPTS TAKEN FROM THE STORY OF JUROPA
    HELLENIC ROOTS

    Of course, when the Illenic refugees departed their homeland for the shores of Italia, it was not to a land solely of their fellow civilized Illenes that they went. The Italiotes had already had dealings with a multitude of other peoples in the rest of the Iperik peninsula, treating or contending with them across innumerable generations, and of them we should discuss for a moment, but there are certain characteristics common to the entirety of non-Illenic Iperika. These peoples were all, to a man, tribal and savage in nature, barbarian chiefdoms content (as with all tribes) simply to go from passion to passion, organising solely in contention over bodily needs. Those with the greatest potential for civilization were those who proved most accepting to the Illenism on offer- the archaic Tinians, and the Iapogs, and even they were just as likely to descend upon Illenes with fire and sword as to study civilization in this period. The Tinians attempted, as best they could, to crudely imitate the acts and politics of the Illenes, with colonies and a loose notion of a federal league- but this league was not of poleis but of hill-forts, gaudily bedecked with trappings of nobler arts that were not fully understood by their owners. Everywhere else there was only local bullies with their strong armed retainers and their citadels, gathering in fear of their fellow brigand-kings and tribal war parties. But, as with all tribes, they had their virtues, and chief among them was freedom. This and the natural division of the country by valleys, rivers, and mountain ranges meant that an atmosphere prevailed not unlike that of primitive Ilas. The basis of all ordered civilization is in a period of disordered but directed competition, harnessed and alloyed into a competitive state or brotherhood. The Illenes had sought to harness the competition among them, creating individual sovereign communities which remained free and in rivalry with one another, but which also were ordered communities. Whether under the Paersins, or their own mastery, the Hellenes progressed themselves, along with hose others keen enough to listen to what they had to say, via this paradigm.

    So who, then, was there to be taught in this partially tamed peninsula that the new arrivals found themselves in? We find the aforementioned Iapogs, the most familiar of all of them with a Hellenic presence. Prior to this era, they were also so skilled in arms as to be a near match even for the warriors of Taras, in particular the race of the Messapi. But there were reasons that this was so- the Messapi were themselves descended from Illenes, a long lost tribe of Kretans who would later claim descent from Lakedaimonia. The wandering ancestors of the Messapi became trapped in what was later known as Kalavria, and there mixed with more barbarous stock. Their slight degeneration under the influence of tribal savages and wayward whores was not enough to entirely suppress their natural qualities, but enough to render them inferior to their Hellenic cousins. However, they did also cause an improvement to the stock of their newly adopted kinsmen- an increased potency among all of the Iapog tribes, a certain talent for war and arts so to speak, was clearly grafted on by the addition of Illenic blood. It was this that would later lead to their greatness. In addition, we find that even by this date petty-settlements operated as faux city-states, in imitation of their superior neighbours. The Iapogs were also well regarded at the art of improvisation, a positive harnessing of the momentary and ferocious passion of the tribal individual. Insofar as this does not lead to societal progress, this was of no real use to the Iapogs. But in terms of day-to-day survival, the raw stuff that such things as civilization are moulded from, it stood them in good stead. It also loaned to that otherwise barbaric race a keen wit and perceptive senses, both of these would enable the hard-chested Iapogs to adjust to the Illenic presence and benefit from it.

    We also find the Tinians in their spring days, a people almost unrecognisable than those that would reshape the lands of Juropa. Called at this time the Tyrsenoi or Tyrrhenoi by the Illenes, they were a people un-awoken to their promise and talents. They must, alas, be properly classed as barbaric along with all of the other non-Illenes of the peninsula, at least in this period. Illas and its arts was, to them, as a necklace from a distant lover, closely clutched to the bosom and fawned over restlessly. They certainly understood the value of what it is that they imitated- they injected literate behaviour into the heart of Juropa, they imitated the cream of Illenic arts, both literary and visual, they understood the significance of the Illenic myths that they illustrated in their own primitive style. Yet even that primitive style is not unlovely to the civilized eye, raw talent could eventually be burnished and sharpened into incisive engagement. The glimmerings of greatness glittered in the gloomy depths. The Tinians in these days were politically divided, again in imitation of the Illene- they were fiercely pious, but also opportunistic, a trait no doubt learned from the Cardastini to their South who they were often allied to in this period, the ‘Tyrsenoi’ were infamous to the Illenes as pirates as much as merchants of fortune. The Tinians were, in the early part of this period, a perennial menace to the Illenes of the peninsula, launching several expeditions or attacks during the time of Perikles and beyond. It is perhaps a wonder to men of our days that these folk, these tamers of thunder and mounters of mountains, are so rustic in such a formative period. But it is true, even by the admission of the great Tinian authors, that their long summer was not yet upon them in this period. One need not turn far to find other scholarly material, rich in the telling, that deal with the tale of the golden age of the Tinians, and I refer the interested reader to those fine works.

    We then come to the ruder masses of the peninsula, its brutes, bullies, and brigands. Foremost, and most numerous, among this disreputable category in this period are the collection of peoples known as the Iperikines, Ausones to the Illenes- among this set are classified the Laetines, the innumerable branches of the Savieni, the Oinotrioi, the Sikels, and the Sikanoi. They were numerous and warlike, especially the Savieni, and were an increasingly constant threat to the Illenes of Iperika. In this, their pre-civilized era of barbarism, it is not particularly expedient nor necessary to recall, by rote, the many tribes by which the Iperikines grouped themselves, for in doing so one would soon fall asleep on the work desk, one’s head fully flattened amid the pages of a weighty tome. Rather, we shall concern ourselves with several principal actors among these peoples. The Sikels were the eponymous inhabitants of the great isle Sikelie, and engaged in beneficial congress with the Illenes from ancient times on that fertile, sun-blessed island. Their story, as we shall see, is thus one of hope- of a civilizing process, of hilltop reivers turning into political individuals and contributing towards the progress of the human species. The Rhomaioi were the greatest of the minor powers among the Laetines, and later events would see them further promoted at the hands of Paersine potentates. They were not without a glimmer of civilization, having absorbed much from the archaic Tinians and from the Illenes- they conducted themselves with assemblies and magistrates, not with chieftains. But theirs is a story forgotten, and merely a long abandoned foothill in the great peaks of historical knowledge. But, as we shall see, they serve to indicate what the Iperikines would later become at the hands of more educated peoples. And, chief among the Savieni, we find the tribe called Saunitai by the Illenes. These inveterate bandits and reivers were a scourge even among their fellow Iperikines, and frequently the instigator of drama and crisis, both political and military. The taming of Iperika depended upon the the destruction and assimilation of these wild men.

    But none were so wild as the people known to the Illenes as the Keltoi, the Varvarines as they are known to our own history. They feature little in the early years of Illenic dominance of Italia and Iperika, save as a name of terror and brutality passed, by hurried lips, down through the hilltops, valleys, and dales of the peninsula. They are more of an interest to the scholar of the Tinaic than of the Hellenic in this period. But, as the Tinaic and the Illenic heritage of our civilization are inseparable from one another, so too are their histories intertwined, for the adventures and misadventures of the archaic Tinians against the Varvarines often had repercussions for the Illenes of Italia in some form or another. And, later on, the early Varvarines would indeed make incursions into Italia of various kinds. The grandmother of Juropa, Massalia, being located next to the heartland of the Keltoi according to Herodotos, was the first of the Illenic communities to feel the raw anger of the Varvarines in this era of our elaboration, and yet continued to resist every Varvarine attempt to subjugate Massalia. So what is there to say about the Varvarines of this era? One cannot doubt that they were skilled as war, acting as a seemingly insurmountable barrier to Tinaic power for the longest time, and much prized as mercenaries by any desirous of becoming a petty tyrant, or by any poor souls desperate to achieve victory by arms alone. But they were head takers, worshipping ruinous Gods who were mendicant for human sacrifice, and so divorced from any kind of settled life that they were prone to simply wander the wilds in order to find new grazing grounds for rape and pillage. The chronicles of the Antique are filled with the doings of this savage era of Varvarine marauders, and thus they enter into this history of the Illenes of Italia as well.


    EXTRACT FROM TARTAN’S ON THE HELLENES
    TRANSLATED BY ERMENRIH ADALBERTSUN
    ON THE CIVILIZATION OF HESPERIA


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    It matters not that the Old Iranian Empire did not conquer all of the Hellenes, we can still accept without question that the Hellenes were of fundamentally Asiatic culture and heritage, and that by conquering the heart of the Hellenic world the ancient Iranian kings restored a rightful connection between Hellas and the rest of Asia. Their fundamentally civilized, Asian character was irrepressible, even where they were not under the control of a Great King- the Hellenic exiles, rather than becoming barbarous, simply accelerated the great work of progress that their existing communities had begun,. And nowhere is that more closely, demonstrably evident than in the Hesperian peninsula, which also saw the greatest intake of Hellenic refugees. The backbone of Hesperia would become the spinal column of Europa’s civilization, the vigour of progress rushing through it as a great artery of knowledge. No matter that many of the Hellenes were still themselves teetering on the precipice of katakhresis on the matter of civil conduct and peaceful intentions, this was not enough to sour the milk that the infantile cultures of Europa suckled upon. The notion of a cultured lifestyle, in which peace was attainable, good governnance was plausible, and men lived in cities with streets rather than shacks, was firmly inculcated.

    And what savages they had to contend with! Is it not natural that Hellenes and Iranians would achieve so much in partnership, when we witness what wonders each could achieve on their own! Here we see almost friendly rivalry, such as when a sculptor produces a magnificent marble piece, brings it in front of his competitor, and says ‘surpass this if you can’. If the conquest of Hellas was the Old Iranian offering in the wager, then the taming of Hesperia was the response that the Hellenes provided, and what a masterwork that was. These are the savages that they had to contend with- the hundredform tribes of the Sabinoi, the petty chieftainships of the Latinoi, the Tinianiotes in their elder and primitive days playing at being mock-Hellenes, and the wild and wandering warbands of the Keltoi. They did, at times, have cause to contest with civilized powers as well. Their primary opponents were those other great Asiatic emigres, the Karkhedoniotes, usually over the island of Sikelia. But at times, the Old Iranians did manage to intrude into the life of the Italiote Greeks, peering in at their rival’s masterpiece whilst it was under construction. And, ironically enough, the civilizing of the Tinianiotes would continue to increase the amount of pressure those grandchildren of Asia could bring to bear on their adoptive parents. Yet, nonetheless, against all that could be thrown against them, the Hellenes remained, and thrived. What the Great Kings of Old Iran cursed and rued we, the beneficiaries of both legacies, can celebrate gleefully, for even in opposition they planted the seeds of a brighter, more civilized world.

    So, how was it that Hesperia was, at length, tamed? Even in those whose memory of their ancestral Asian heritage was slim, they nonetheless contained a spark which recognised the fruits of Babylon and Xume when they were brought into their presence. The Hellenes, without pause or hesitation, flung themselves into the task of bringing these splendid things into the presence of those of a more savage nature. Great stone buildings, animate and lovely sculpture, the production of cunning artifices, culture, the notion of ordered government, and above all the art of writing- these were the gifts that the Hellenes had already begun to introduce to Hesperia before their exodos accelerated the process. Twas the Latinoi and Tinianiotes who first proved receptive to the message, fashioning for themselves crude models of the spectacular original. But a good teacher is a patient teacher, ignoring the earliest clumsy productions and instead continuing to reinforce the correct message. They would prove the first non-Hellenic outposts of real civilization in Hesperia, and became a signal that a better life was possible. Even some among the Sabinoi would eventually see the light. But it was not through kindness alone that civilization was introduced into Europe- as the Old Iranians had discovered, even the most barbarous of the Hellenes had a real skill for the art of war, and it was Hesperia who was to witness what a full gathering of Hellenes could accomplish in unison. The Sabinoi who could not be tamed were cleansed, and those who would threaten the growth of Hellenic power were beaten back time and time again. They were not invincible, as proven when the Amavadatid splinter state was required to intervene in order to save Taras and the Rhomaioi from a horde of Keltoi, and indeed by the original Iranian conquest of Hellas. But they were certainly redoutable, particularly when sufficiently collected and motivated, even more so when led by a cunning and decisive general.

    Key milestones in the Asianising of Hesperia include the following- the inducement of the remaining Iapygoi in Italia to fully accomodate to an urban, Asiatic mode of life (which would eventually cause them to become indistinguishable from Hellenes), the final ruination of the dread Saunitai (the most warlike and savage of all the Sabinoi tribes), the successful defence of Massalia against the Ouolkai (which acted as a bastion against the Keltoi attacking via the sea), the first construction of a theatre in a Tinianiote city, the Amavadatid defence of Roma, the first time that Tinianiote actors were considered eligible to perform in Hellenic drama, the eventual unification of all the Tinianiotes following the Miracle of Felsine, and the foundation of the Second Italiote League. When this was all completed, Italia was a peaceful and powerful state of fundamentally Asiatic character, the Tinianiotes had created the earliest incarnation of their Empire and had become capable of creating their own variation of the song of Asia, and the stage was set for this process to repeat itself in the rest of Europa. Though Europa would never be part of Asia itself, it was now firmly established that congress between the two was not only possible but fruitful, that the Hellenes had been the custodians of Asian progress into Europa, and that Europa too could join the world of civilized states, albeit in a way that lagged behind the immense might and majesty of Asia.


    THE ATEKNATIDS OF MASSALIA

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    EXTRACT FROM THE ETEKHRONIKOS OF MASSALIA​

    There was a certain Ateknate the son of Ambiorix, who was called Diodoros as well by the citizens of Massalia. He had become a steward of Avenion, and was awarded proxenia in Massalia. He came to lead Cauaretai allies and the citizens of Massalia to victory against the Trikestinai in the year of Polemaios as timoukhos. He had two sons by his wife Phoibe, Nikagoras and Diodoros the younger, and a daughter Aella. After Ateknate died, Nikagoras inherited his arms, and became a steward himself. He gained victory against the Ligyes in the year of Zeuxias as timoukhos, and was awarded citizenship of Massalia due to the actions of himself and his deceased father. He was inducted into the eastern genos.

    AN EXTRACT FROM ON LIGYSTIKE BY DIEUKHIDAS OF MASSALIA
    ON THE ATEKNATIDS

    The Ateknatids were named for Ateknate, their eponymous ancestor. They had been a force in Massliote politics for some generations, repeatedly winning key military victories against aggressors. It was now, however, that they began to reach the highest rank of political and popular power within the Massliotes; Phoxinos, Ateknatid, was head of an armed expedition of Massliotes and Keltoi allies when an army of Ligyes attacked the fortress at Avenion. They were besieged by some 100,000 Ligyes with Iberian and Keltoi allies of their own. Immediately, Phoxinos rode with the army to meet this invasion in battle, and to rescue to polis at Avenion. The ire between those Keltoi on the side of the Massaliotes and those on the side of the Ligyes was fierce and lengthy, and accordingly they were eager to battle one another. So eager, in fact, that they charged at one another before the rest of either army could engage. However, Phoxinos was faster in improvising to this adverse change in circumstances than his opponent, the king of the Ligyes, and came crashing down with Massaliote hoplitai on the right flank of the enemy army. The discipline of the Ligyes being poor, the greater part of their army was forced to flight or rout, and their Keltoi allies were either dead on the field, induced to surrender, or executed. The Iberian allies of the enemy were content simply to be paid to leave. Phoxinos became determined to expand the power of the Massaliotes, great as it already had become, because he believed correctly that the Ligyes were a threat that needed to be ended. A large part of the Ligyes had survived their battle against the Massliotes, and so when the two armies met at the Rhodanos river it was once again a match of large armies, rather than simply mopping up the Ligyes and their warriors. The battle was fierce and hotly contested, until the king of the Ligyes was killed by a spear through the chest, at which point the Ligyes fully routed, and were driven off the field with great slaughter. Phoxinos then set about, each year, to occupy and garrison more and more of the strong places of Ligystike, which often involved garrisons of Keltoi loyal to the Massliotes by deed, treaty, or payment. The Massliotes were thus carried into dominance, over several years of campaigning, throughout most of the district of Ligystike. This was not without cost, for here lay the cause of both the War of the Allies and also the Great Ligye Revolt, which cost Massaliotes so much in blood and treasure. But Phoxinos had nonetheless done much to advance the cause of the Massaliotes and to carry it to new heights, and was duly honoured with the position of timoukhos. Struggles between the Ateknatids and the other great gene of Massalia were inevitable, due both to the success of Phoxinos and his habit of carrying out positive military actions that were nonetheless further than the desires expressed by the boule.

     
    Graffiti and Sacrifice
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 2:EIMI! or VARTAIYAIY!​

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    THE BOOK OF DAYS
    EXTRACT FROM THE LAY OF METIE TEITHURNA
    AULE TULUMNES’ WAR WITH THE HELLENES

    Said the Cumaeots, the men of the land of visions, “O strong-armed Aule Tulumnes, our sympathy for our countrymen, our fellow firm-helmed Hellenes, knows no bounds. O fierce king, the pain of our motherlands being given over to foreign kings rends our hearts, makes us gnaw our teeth, makes us pull our hair, makes us weep. But of the ten thousand cities of the Hellenes, from Athenae to Focaea, there is room for all the wailing warriors who flee from high-crowned Xerxes! Why must all the wailing warriors come to Italia, where already the Fifty Tribes bake their bread and sharpen their swords? We have not the wheat to feed them, nor the power to stay their recklessness. For among them come thrifty Corinthioe and savage Lacedaemonians, who will not respect the sanctity of the oracle in Cumae, the land of visions. Will you not help us, O fierce king, O wise king, O pious king? Even against our own brothers would we beg your help.”

    Said the Carthadastimes, the men of the East, “We too, endless and redoubtable friends of the Rasna, ask of you thick-shielded aid against the firm-helmed Hellenes, for their feud against our great ports is a tale of a thousand years. They do seek to descend upon the isle of Icania, the island of long wheat, they do seek to humble the city of Carthadast and its great ports, they do seek to drive we the men of the East away from the wine-dark seas that all of our ancestors traditionally shared between them, as sworn to Tinia, Uni, and Menrva. And have we not stood with our long spears and black-sailed ships against those who would similarly humble the Rasna, even the lofty city of Veia? Have we not made congress, the signs of peace, and mixed our soils? So then do we ask you to battle against the firm-helmed Hellenes.”

    Said strong-armed Aule Tulumnes, “O Cumaeots, o Carthadastimes, my red heart is set to following you to battle, to swear by Tinia, Uni, and Menvra to aid you in your struggles with the firm-helmed Hellenes, for though the Hellenes and their ten thousand cities be very great, the bread of Italia will not feed their hundred thousand hungry mouths. But I follow the laws of the lofty city of Veia, I do not take the men of Veia to war without being told that this is our fate, nor will the rest of the Rasna follow unless they know that the pious course of action has been taken. The priests shall read the entrails, and give their warnings, and we shall wear to the Gods who honour such things as these.”

    So the fierce king went to the priests, and he asked of them whether it was fated that the firm-helmed Hellenes be fought, whether it was fated that Cumae and Carthadast would survive, whether high Veia and the Rasna were fated to survive such a clash of arms as this. The entrails spoke thus to the priests, and thus did they speak to Aule Tulumnes:
    “Thou art a man of two fates, o red-hearted king. Thy choice is between these two things, whether to decline the battle, preserve thy life as the fierce king of ancient Veia, or whether to join the battle, and sacrifice thyself in thy cause. But if thou should choose the latter, if thou should choose to fate thy doom, then high Veia will be raised above even sacred Ulvmpus.”
    Aule Tulumnes was given this choice, and told none others that it had been uttered in this manner, but instead made his choice.

    Said Aule Tulumnes to fiery Laran, “I will indeed throw myself on thy pyre, O god, if thou will speak for the fate of Veia and the Rasna, if thy will ensure that their fate shall honour, and righteous power, and bread everlasting. I plunge willingly into the pool of fur-caped Aita if this is the fate that is chosen.” And upon saying those words, the braziers in the room all spontaneously lit themselves, in the middle of the day, and strong-armed Aule Tulumnes knew that Laran would speak for the fate of the men of high Veia and the Rasna.

    So then Aule Tulumnes, proud hearted, called the call of the king of Veia, summoning the men of the Rasna. They came from Arretim rich in orchards, hallowed Caisra, thick-walled Perusna, Clevsin seat of kings, Turan’s city Velch, orderly Tarchna, ancient Fufluna, gold-rich Vetluna , Voltumna’s sanctuary Velzna, and impregnable Velathri, and mighty Curtun. The northern allies came from riverine Manthava, from Mother Cel’s city Ceisna, from shaded Misa. They marched with their thick shields and their blinding bronze to their appointed fate. Fierce Aule Tulumnes led them, on black-sailed ships, to the south, to the splendid plains of Capeva, across the briny breakers of the sea. There they were joined by the hardy men of Capeva, and by the blood-loving men of Irna, and also by some of the foreign men of seven-hilled Ruma, and by foreign men from dazzling Herclena, and by foreign men of Anth where egrets roost. So great and mighty was the host that fierce Aule Tulumnes raised for war.

    So great and mighty was the host that fierce Aule Tulumnes took to battle that the city of Pumpai, Pumpai that sits under Sethlans’ cap, surrendered without giving battle. That was the fate of Pumpai. Then the firm-helmed Hellenes gave battle on the plain of Hercle; they came from once-decadent Subaris, they came from magnificent Croton, they came from Taras where the dolphins swim, and as allies to the Hellenes came the Messapi of the magnificent mares. The Hellenes were led by the silver-tongued Pericle, the son of Chanthipus, whose spear was straight. He had vanquished many, oh so many, and when the Rasna realised that Pericle was leader of the army of the Hellenes they became afraid for their fate. But not red-hearted Aule Tulumnes, he was not afraid for his fate or the fate of the Rasna. He stood tall and firm, and his warriors stood tall with him. Ten thousand tall Hellenes set against ten thousand tall Rasna. Before the horns of battle were sounded, the two mighty commanders sallied forth without fear of betrayal but with little hope of a negotiated solution.

    Said fierce Aule Tulumnes, “O Pericle, son of Chanthipus, we are called here by the men of Cumae of the land of visions, will you not depart these lands in peace? Are there not ten thousand cities of the Hellenes? Why must you come to this peninsula, why must your wandering be to these parts of the world?”

    Said straight speared Pericle, “O Aule Tulumnes, king of Veia, why do you forbear to allow us to settle in lands where Hellenes have settled for generations? I would heed your righteous presence were my people descending as locusts upon the ancient lands of the Rasna, but we settle exclusively in those lands where Hellene after Hellene has met their fate, and the fate of this land is bound to the fate of the Hellenes. Why ought we not to settle in these fair lands, among others of our people? We are chased out from our own houses and farms by the Medoe, do we not deserve rich fields and strong walls wherever we can make them, for to recover our power and to reconquer our ancient lands. We are barred from our fields with strong, guarded walls- are we not entitled to take a few apples from our neighbour’s garden to replenish our strength?”

    Said King Aule Tulumnes, “But are Hellenes not grasping, and strewn with momentary passions of a thousand kinds? The race of Hellas rarely keeps to a few apples, and more often takes every last fruit, cuts down the tree for firewood, and plants a sapling in their own garden when they return home. You come to these lands with tens of thousands of firm-helmed Hellenes in your wake, and not even your fellow Hellenes trust to the state of affairs that will result. We are called here by Cumaeots and Carthadastimes by sacred oaths and treaties that lie heavily upon these lands, and we fate ourselves to follow divine obligation placed by us. What fate brings you to battle with us, what calls the Hellenes forward?”

    Said Pericle, general of the Athenae, “It is not in our nature to doubt our passions, for rich have the Hellenes grown, are we not the Hellenes of the ten-thousand cities? Are we not the bringers of knowledge to the Rasna, your friends and your tutors? Why do you distrust our spears when they fly so far from your own lands? Jealousy lies heavily upon the Carthadastimes, and so it has ever been, so we are not surprised when the gold-eating Carthadastimes launch their warships and unsheathe their swords. Trust not to their envy at our every success, nay our survival.”

    Said red-hearted Aule Tulumnes, “Must all concern at the behaviour of firm-helmed Hellenes be provoked by jealousy? You displease divine Nurtia with your arrogance, that all quarrel must be generated by envy, as though the Carthadastimes or Rasna were a brood of bright-eyed brigands. You feel as though your fate is merely steered by your nobility and how this angers your neighbours, as though the jewels that line your scabbard are the source of the quarrel and not instead where the jewels were taken from. Hellas is a house of wisdom, and we have learned much from it, but we have learned more greatly than the reach of your lessons, and understood the tutoring more clearly than the tutor. We distrust your spears for we have seen how far the hands of the Hellenes would clasp onto the earth, how the Hellenes are drunkards for land. If ever you possessed wisdom, O son of Chanthipus, then turn your firm-helmed warriors around, and sail your people over to other lands of the Hellenes, where jewels run like rivers down snow topped mountains, and where grain fills granaries like endless rain. My fate is known, and knowing what that fate is I will face your ten thousand men with no fear.”

    Said Pericle this, “We shall not be kept from the lands that we are owed, and the Hellenes shall not be kept from mastery of the Great Sea. Battle shall be fought, and we shall fight for our fate.”

    The two commanders returned to their army, and the horns of battle sounded. The Hellenes advanced with cries and clamour, as a gathering storm batters upon sailors sheltering in strong ships so was the clamour of the firm-helmed Hellenes. But the Etruscans in their serried ranks held firm, as great cliffs in the bays of Kampania hold fast when battered with all the endless power of the sea so the Etruscans withstood the onset of the Hellenes. Laran urged on the Hellenes, and the Mari of the Vanquished were soon among both Hellenes and Rasna, guiding the souls of dying men onward to Aita’s pool deep in the underworld. They met in fury, the firm-helmed Hellenes and the thick-shielded Rasna, with a thunderous clash, two great clouds of lightning disgorging at one another with a fearful din of shields, spears, swords, axes, armour, victorious shouts, and dying wails. As a school of fish darts about in the bright sunlit sea, hither and thither to avoid predators, gleaming brightly in the light and pressing together for protection against dolphins and birds, so the two great armaments pressed at and around one another. Then, Laran let up his guard of the Rasna right flank, for the men of Clevsin were stationed there, and they had not given sufficient offering to the gods, sealing their fate. This is when the Messapi cavalry, with their crushing and thunderous galloping, charged at the the serried ranks of Rasna. The men of noble Clevsin were felled, as cormorants dive into the wine-dark sea, disappearing in flocks to the depths of the waters, so the men of Clevsin fell. Then, hurling his great form at the attack, there was Aule Tulumnes in his shining linen armour, standing strong with his thick shield. As the arm of a staunch, experienced fisherman grabs the fish from the deck and fills the crates with the bounty of the sea, so the arm of red-hearted Aule Tulumnes struck out with his spear, felling firm-helmed Hellenes and wild Messapi horsemen. But then Laran appeared to Clevsin, and Aule Tulumnes felt the fire rising within him; he knew that the fated time had come.

    Said Aule Tulumnes, “O Laran, marcher of men, I am ready to meet my fate. My son, lucky Larth Tulumnes, is ready for the leadership of Veia and of the armies of the Rasna, he will lead them to victories and prosperity. It is as you showed to me? Though my final fate be bloody, though I be hewed at by shaft and spear, the Rasna will thrive, the Rasna shall live, Veia shall rule?”

    And Laran nodded his assent.

    Aule Tulumnes gave into the fire just as the wing of the Rasna army was about to give way. He gave orders for an ordered retreat to Pumpai, and for Cneve Vipina to take command of the army, and then he flung himself at the Hellenes; as a spar, by time and tide, crashes down headlong onto a beach, showering all in dust and rock and broaching no resistance, so red-hearted Aule Tulumnes attacked the Hellenes with the cries of wolves. The advance of the firm-helmed Hellenes was halted, for all around fierce Aule Tulumnes was death, with Vanth rising from the earth to gently guide the unthered souls to their resting places. None could overcome the king of Veia single-handedly, and fourscore men lay dead at his hands. At last the Hellenes sent thirty men at once to overcome the fierce king, and this he was unable to withstand. He fell with sword and spear piercing both of his elbow pits, and with his final breath his fate had been met, and the rest of the army had been saved without any further rout or slaughter. Thus perished the red-hearted King of Veia Aule Tulumnes.


    A Selection of Graffito from 5th Century BC Taras​

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    Here Lollianos screwed two boys.

    Perikles speaks forth winged words.

    Suffer your shrewish Athenian wife if you must, but spare us your foreplay.
    A reply to the previous graffito.

    If you are tired of the Pythagoreans, nothing keeps them away better than a priest or the smell of a roasted sausage.

    Gylkeria loves another, and my heart is broken.

    Adgennoriks.
    (Sic)

    Numphis is loved by both pretty boys and pretty girls.

    Numphis promises a hard screwing, but he finishes too quickly.

    A reply to the previous graffito.

    Platon I know that you are jealous of my success, there’s no need to make it more obvious.
    A reply to the previous graffito.

    Mnesagoras is a coward.

    The Ephoros Puthippos recommends that all sensible people of Taras avoid the food here, otherwise you won’t leave the toilet for hours.

    Whoever returns my copper pan that was stolen will be rewarded five silver drachmai.

    Aristogoras is a bad publik xpeaker.

    (Sic)

    But Philomenes is a really bad scholar.
    Reply to the above.

    Talaris has had no finer companion in life than his wonderful dog.

    May Zeus strike down these infernal Pythagoreans, who wail in the streets and wake me up during naps.

    Here Tarsas screwed.

    If any doubt Hephaistos, then gaze upon the wondrous works of Epharmostos in silver and iron two streets to the south. The girl Iole in the house next door is an excellent lover!

    Dadagos got me pregnant.

    There is no place for grief in a house which serves the Muse.

    If only she came nearer and took my soft hand, immediately I would become her suppliant.

    Damagoras loves Persians more than his fellow Hellenes, and departs back to Hellas in the hope of better company.


    I miss you, Kora.

    TELEO or AKUNAVAM: END OF CHAPTER 2​
     
    Chapter 2 Epilogue
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 2
    EPILOGOS​

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    The interview begins now.

    So, this is what happens. I must admit, you are not what I expected, but no matter. This is what it is, and I am here. This is what the Gods have willed, and so it is that it now comes to pass. I have long since ceased to sigh and fret as their decisions. Are you yourself going to speak? I shall take that as a no. No matter, I am used to the rigours of public speaking, where one does not expect responses to the thing that one says, unless one is stirring the heart or stoking wrath. Or simply being a bad speaker... Though speaking between individuals in such a manner can at times be just as nerve wracking, can it not?

    So, ‘the interview’ you say. What manner of information do you seek, I wonder? Perhaps you are one such as Sophrosnikos, who was always keen to see what could be revealed by men unintentionally. I see now that you do not respond to anything I say, it is up to me to dictate what questions I answer. Very well, I shall apply myself to the task at hand.

    I am Perikles, son of Xanthippos, son of Ariphron, Alkmaionidos. I was born Athenaios, and shall end my days Athenaios. But when the Persai came I relocated to Italia with my father, where we refounded the ancient and opulent city of Sybaris in memory and image of Athenai. There, after my father died in war, I became one of the most prominent of our body of politai. In my first election as strategos, I beat back the Tyrsenoi and their allies from the sack of Italia. I led the fleet that supported our intervention in Krete. I listened to Aiskylos talk as he lay dying in his bed. I stood firm when the supporters of oligarkhia tried to take power away from the demos, and I personally prosecuted every last one of them that I could get my hands on. I persuaded old Aristides to come to us at last, to die at peace and surrounded by free Athenaioi, and I persuaded Anaxagoras by the labour of my speech to depart Athenai and enrich us with his wisdom. I lifted the wavering hearts of the politai when tragedy, mishap, and dreadful war threatened to overwhelm their faith in our future. I sought power for my people not through excessive violence, whilst still resorting to measured violence when necessary, but through strength and wise diplomacy with other Hellenes, and where necessary even engaging those considered barbaroi by most thinking Hellenes.

    I also led thousands of young, brave men full of life to their deaths. It was always done with the intention of meaningful service, I never treated the lives of fellow politai or even our allies as being merely the cuttings from which a wreath was to be fashioned, but not all of those deaths were necessary. I made mistakes and errors, and I made decisions that ensured loss of life where perhaps I could have chosen a less deadly path. When you are young, proud, and imbued with the authority of the entirety of your fellow politai, seeking to fulfill duty and other obligations, it seems to come easily, the kind of decision where a life, or many lives, are exchanged for something valuable. But I am old, I am so very old, and the memories of vanished people gather around me as swallows gather around the edge of a lake. If you were the kind of person that was on speaking terms with Haides, I would ask of you to ensure that their afterlives are glorious and sweet. I did not save them in their days of living on Ge’s green fields, but at least I can say that I strove with every facility at my command to ensure that not a single Athenaios lost to war was ever lost in vain, or without swift vengeance following his departure. Then I steadily lost my facility to take part in battle directly, as though those spirits that gathered around me slowly drew out the vigour from my body, and I could only steer the other politai with my word-shaping skill, and my confident voice.

    What was the purpose of all this? That is perhaps what you think, in the midst of your silence. Why so much death, and plotting, and tragedy? There is no greater power in the universe than the need for freedom, and the price of freedom is one no intelligent being could dare hope to esteem, be they mortal or divine. Our freedom was taken from us at the hands of war and treachery, the lands we lived in forcibly subjugated to a king of the Persai. No cost was too high when it came to preserving an independent community of Athenaioi, no risk too daring, no emotion too passionate. Yet in our ultimate goal we have failed- we have not recovered the lands of Attika from the foe, nor freed any other land in which Hellenes dwell which the Persai have successfully conquered with military force or diplomacy. Is this a task that could even have been successfully completed, in the face of so mighty a force that stalks Ge as the Empire of the Persai? Perhaps it could not have, not in our current generation, not with so few set against so many. But though the King of the Persai remains the sovereign of our homeland, though he remains vigorous and mighty, we bloodied his nose in a way that has not been done since the battle at Marathon.

    Yet, now that I am come to this interview with you, I feel no anger towards the king of the Persai, nor his father or his father’s father. They were the curse of many lips, the cause of many a long and bloody story of vengeance. They conquered my homeland and those of many of our fellow Hellenes, and have sacked more than a few of the poleis of Hellas. And yet, now that we are at this point, I do not think of them as barbaroi. Who could look upon the splendour of the sons of Achaimenes, at the realm they have carved from man and marble alike, and not feel awe rising through both body and soul? There are the corrupt, the sycophantic, and the cruel among those that serve the king of the Persai, but there are also noble warriors, wise councillors, and inspired poets. To have stood against that and made something for ourselves was exhilarating, and perhaps something that addicted us. We, I, became drunkards for defiance. Perhaps that’s all our resistance to the Persai amounted to, the overwhelming need to take on the most powerful human force upon Ge and say “We defy you!”. No, I don’t think so, actually. It is true that the experience of standing against a great power is exhilarating, but that was not all of what we amounted to, nor the only reason that we have fought and will continue to fight on beyond my death. We have built, together, new societies and new possibilities in this land of Italia to which we came. We have defended those who sought our mighty arm, not simply for our benefit but because we know what it is to beg others for the survival of your community, and not all of those who we defended were Hellenes. Some may have held their noses when barbaroi fought alongside us, I did not, not in my heart. Athenai comes first, the Hellenes come first but there is still a place for basic ethics when it comes to barbaroi, of basic entitlements to fair treatment and avoidance of violence. I suppose I have always felt that, even when my hatred of the Persai drove me to say that no barbaroi could ever be fully trusted without superior strength in arms guarding against treachery. Even after decades of occupation of our ancestral lands by the Persai, even after stating such passionate anger over barbaroi and their behaviour, I could not overcome my own innate sense of justice. There is a need for freedom, but also a need for justice, is there not? It is justice that I wish for the Hellenes, and my instinct has been that only Hellenes can provide justice for other Hellenes. But perhaps a Perses, or a Medos, or a Babylonios can provide justice too. If anyone can provide justice for the Hellenes, perhaps that is enough for me.

    The interview is over.
     
    Persian beliefs on Kingship
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
    CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA​

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    EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON ARISTONIKOS’ XERXOU ANABASIS
    AFFAIRS IN MAKEDONIA

    The departure of Xerxes from the European side of the Aigaion Sea is also what signalled the beginning of the Makedonian phase of the war. This aspect of the conflict between Persians and Hellenes has, to my mind, been neglected considerably by previous accounts of this history, but here too we find Hellenes and Persians in conflict with one another. However, this was not in support of the defeated Hellenic League, and though related to the Thermopylaian phase by proximate cause and opportunity it was in essence an entirely distinct conflict between a certain number of Hellenes and the Persians. It was also caused by older rivalries between several peoples and the Makedones. What transpired is the following- Alexandros of Makedon, the first to make his kingdom of any importance(1), had angered many of the other ethnoi in that part of the world, for he had made war against them and taken their lands, at times sending the inhabitants away and instead sending Makedones to settle these territories. Thus, once Xerxes had departed, these peoples considered that this was an especially good time to make war upon Makedonia, and gathered in coalition. All gathered together were the Hellenic ethnoi of Almopes, Elmiotai, Lynkestai, Orestai, and Pelagones(2). They wished to settle their disputes with Alexandros and recover the lands which had been taken by the Temenidai, whilst also feeling threatened by the continual growth of Persian influence and control in the area. Once they had decided upon this course of action, and once Xerxes had returned to Asia with that segment of the Persian army, they assaulted Makedonia, besieging settlements, raiding the countryside, and attempting to cut off the roads that lead southwards into Thessalia. Upon the invasion beginning the Paiones, Thrakes, Eordoi, Pieres, and Bottiaioi all remained on the side of the Persians(3). These were the initial combatants of the war.

    As soon as Mardonios heard the news of the invasion, he began assembling his satrapal armies to march north and repel the invaders. Some have taken his initial tardiness as being an enmity with Alexandros of Makedonia, whereby he wished to see the latter killed or humiliated, whereas others have suggested incompetence(4). I am not personally convinced that the delay was due to either option, for the assembled army attacking Makedonia was sizeable- 100,000 fighting men. To assemble sufficient strength to repel these numbers would have taken time and attention, and so to my mind this is the likeliest reason why the satrap Mardonios would have delayed his departure to Makedonia. Meanwhile, whilst this was ongoing, Alexandros of Makedonia was thrust into command of the pro-Persian forces in his territory and surrounding areas, by virtue of the proper satrap being away, by being an acknowledged authority by the Persians, and by being the target of this armed invasion(5). Given that Alexandros was of a pro-Hellenic disposition this was an awkward scenario for him, whereby he was forced to further align himself alongside the Persians by virtue of the situation that he was confronted with, despite the fact that he had been anxious to expel the Persians from his kingdom when the right time arose(6). In addition, many of those that he commanded were not particularly fond of Makedones in their own right, having their own ancient disputes of various kinds with the men led by the line of Temenos. Nonetheless, need drove them to co-operating.

    Battle was joined between Alexandros and the anti-Makedonia coalition near to the place called Mieza, where the Makedones maintain a temple to the Nymphs(7). The battle was extremely confused, as it is agreed that a large part of the Hellenic army ambushed a segment of Alexandros’ troops in a place set aside from the main place of battle. Where exactly that place was is nearly impossible to fathom, for talking to Makedones is extremely unhelpful in trying to establish where the location was- some will say it was on this hillside overlooking the road, some will say it was by these woods overshadowing this little dip, and more besides. Regardless of this, this induced the main battle to be extremely closely fought, but in the end Alexandros and his men were able to get the better of their enemies. Alexandros then led his victorious men to the aid of his beleaguered allies, where success was once again achieved. However, this second battle was at the cost of Alexandros’ life, though his body was successfully recovered unspoiled of his panoply. This, more than anything of the rest of this war between Hellenes and Makedones, is what is chiefly remembered by the Hellenes- among the western Hellenes he was remembered as an ally who provided much needed assistance, even though the conflict had been ultimately unsuccessful for those Hellenes, and among the eastern Hellenes he was considered a philhellenos(8). The battle, although it had been won, had come at a heavy cost. It was in the aftermath of this that Mardonios entered into Makedonia. He launched punitive expeditions into the territory of those who had attacked Makedonia, and strengthened the garrisons of Persian troops in the kingdom. Being of crafty policy, he also took this opportunity to reassert that the satrap of Hellas was also the satrap over Makedonia(9). He did not abolish the kingdom of Makedonia, nor displace the Temenidai as rulers of Makedon. But Philippos, the son of Alexandros, was very young, and thus was swiftly brought under the control of Mardonios. He was not harmed or coerced, but neither was he free to do as he wished, and it would be partially at the whims of Persians that he would be educated so as to be more friendly than his father- though Xerxes had been given no direct cause to distrust Alexandros, and though the extent of his assistance to the Hellenes opposed to Persia had remained undiscovered, still was Mardonios aware of where Alexandros’ sympathies had been(10). However, whilst his decisions were of benefit to the Persians and to Mardonios, this was the beginning of troubles for the satrap, for it was at this point that some began to suggest that he was overstepping the boundaries of the authority bestowed upon him by Xerxes.


    Notes

    1- Perhaps dubious, given that Alexandros’ father Amyntas is often credited with this distinction as well, but it is perhaps notable that it is only later sources which credit Amyntas more greatly, despite Herodotos’ clear reference to him being the first king of the Makedones to engage in foreign relations.

    2- As ever, Aristonikos is uninterested in explaining ethnography where he is not required to do so. All of these peoples are, by Herodotos and others, clearly considered to be Hellenic by this stage in antique history, and all lived in various mountainous regions surrounding the plain of Makedonia proper. They are most oft said to be of a kin with the Molossoi.

    3- These peoples, by contrast to the earlier list, are usually consistently considered to be of an entirely different kind to the Hellenes, though some of them less so than others- the Bryges were oft linked to the Phrygioi, who were said to be distantly consanguineous to the Hellenes. Nonetheless, all were barbarians, living themselves in the regions surrounding Makedonia proper. Many of them feature in the much antique histories of the Hellenes, including the Homerik epics.

    4- Though no surviving source predating Aristonikos’ explicitly makes such claims, this may be evidenced by Herodotos’ claim that “all mourned the passing of the respected and valorous king of the Makedones, except those who had resented him and secretly sought his demise”.

    5- Other chronicles make abundant the notion that petit kings of the Persian state were capable of, and expected to, lead armed forces in times of dire need. The emphasis here seems to be instead to show why it was that Alexandros, so noted a philhellenos, would be placed in this position of command against other Hellenes.

    6- Again, the secret wishes of Alexandros to aid in the removal of the Hellenes is emphasised because of the contrast with his leading a campaign against a part of the Hellenes.

    7- This be the same temple that Amavadatos is said to have attended when seeking counsel as to whether to rebel against his Akhaimenid sovereign king.

    8- The distinction here is that even those Hellenes who were unopposed, neutral, or supportive regarding the Persians regarded Alexandros as being philhellenos, whereas those who had fought against Persia also valued his specific attempts to aid them.

    9- Herodotos too refers to a confusion as to whether or not Makedon was included within the satrapy of Hellas, and this action from Mardonios did not fully settle the issue. Though Makedon was now forever joined with the affairs of the Hellenes, the two sometimes danced together and sometimes apart in the ages that followed.

    10- This is once again an expression of the assertion by this lineage of antique sources that Mardonios was almost excessively wise, by contrast to Xerxes.


    EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE’S HISTORIA
    ON THE ORIGIN OF THE HAXAMANISHIYA


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    It is beyond doubt, to all that study the history of mankind, that the eponymous Haxamanish was the man for whom the dynasty was named. This fact was preserved by Hellene and Persian alike. King Haxamanish was the father of King Cishpish, who was the father of King Kurush of Anshan, who was the father of King Kambujiya, who was the father of King Kurush the Great King who united Asia for the first time. Haxamanish was also the father of King Ariyaramna, who was the father of King Arshama, who was the father of King Vishtaspa, who was the father of King Darayavaush the Great King. Who was Haxamanish, whose progeny would come to create a kingdom on the Earth? The Hellenes said that he was the son of Perses, the son of Perseus, with the Hellenes being the sons of Herakles. The men of Babylon and Asshur said that he was of the line of Gilgamesh. The Hujiyans, those whom the Hellenes call the Susianes, thought that he was the son of an eagle who rescued Gilgamesh from death as a boy. And the Persians? The Persians said nothing of his origins, a matter which has aroused much curiosity by those seeking to understand the founding dynasty of Asia. However, my attitude towards his origins is thus; the Persians were notoriously honest, even to the Hellenes that was their most defining trait as a people. I suspect that, in truth, not ever having known the full origins of Haxamanish, they declined to supply the gap with knowingly false tales, or at least tales that they themselves could not test the truth of.

    The line of Haxamanish were, for a time, the rulers of twin kingdoms- the line of Cishpish were the rulers of Anshan, and the line of Ariyaramna were the rulers of Parsa. Both were under the rulership of the kings of Mada, whom the Hellenes call the Medoi. The barbarism of the Hellenes at the time of King Darayavaush was so high that they could not distinguish between men of Mada and men of Parsa, referring to King Darayavaush and King Xshayarsha as Medoi and to the Persians as Medoi. Nonetheless, the Medoi were of an entirely different land and culture, having come to prominence upon the collapse of the mighty Kingdom of Assur. Unlike Persians the Mada were in lifestyle more akin to the Saka of the steppes than a civilized, civic lifestyle, maintaining their capital at Hamgmatana, that which the Hellenes call Ecbatana. The last of the line of Mada kings, Arshtivaiga, by cause of subterfuge and ugly excess of luxury caused the rebellion of both lines of Haxamanishiya royalty, of whom the greater in vigour and valour was King Kurush, who became Great King. His cousin King Arshama recognised this, and without scorn or jealousy Arshama abdicated any claim to the throne of Asia, leaving King Kurush as the sole holder of the office. It was with noble King Darayavaush that the line of Ariyaramna took up the diadem, so that the mighty Empire which Kurush had built would be preserved.

    How was it that King Kurush, at first only king of Anshan, became the Great King of Asia? As the histories say, first he conquered Mada, when he found he could no longer stomach the rule of Arshtivaiga. Then he conquered Sparda, that which the Hellenes call Lydia, when its king Kroisos attacked the lawful possessions of King Kurush. Then he conquered Babylon, when its people cried out for a saviour from their mad king. This was the very act by which Asia was first brought together in its chief parts, for though kings had in times past become dominant within Asia, or had stretched their dominion far beyond their original kingdom, never had they brought these three districts together into unity and peace. Without understanding the Haxamanishiya, without understanding Kurush, one cannot understand Amavadata and his progeny, nor Agnimitra and his progeny, nor Inaros and his progeny, and bit by bit one cannot understand anything about the world in which we dwell.

    What of Anshan and Parsa, wherefore did these kingdoms arise from that they would become the nursing grounds for the Haxamanishiya? And what of the Persians, from where did they come? In answering these questions one treads carefully, for the stories told about the origins of the Persians are as numerous as the stars. The Hellenes believe themselves and the Persians to be akin to one another, with the Persians the sons of Perses and the Hellenes the son of Herakles. Some Persians believe themselves and those who are most akin to them to come from the land of the Good River, that is the river Vakshu, and to be descended from the guardians of the Tree of All Seeds, and that it is from this that the Persians acquired their love of growing things and gardens. Then the Ariya spread themselves across the lands that Ahura Mazda had raised, and the Persians came to the land of the Hujiya, where all that had been glorious had been made barren and grey, and where they nurtured the lands back to life. Other Persians believe that they grew from seeds from the Tree of All Seeds dropped into the land of Hujiya, and by this account are therefore accounted the greatest of all the Ariya. Other Persians believe that their first king was Gayo Maretan, whose tears were gems and gold from which sprang the human race, and it was he who forged the land of Parsa to make it suitable for the Persians. As for myself, I am generally moved to the world where human beings are the cause of will in events, and where divine presences appear it is by incidental rather than deliberate means. It is well known that the Saka speak a tongue of the Ariya, and that they are the most primitive of peoples. The Ariyans are famed for their horses, and no people are more famous for their horses than those born to the saddle, the Saka. Given their primitiveness, it is my belief that this is the ancient lifestyle of all Ariyans, that Persians, Saka, the people of Mada, Suguda, Baxtrish, and all the other Ariyan countries were all were born from the saddle, and lived in the manner of the primitive Saka.


    BIBLIOTEKHE HISTORIKE BY MOHANE
    ON AMAVADATOS


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    Amavadatos was born in the 68th year after King Xerxes conquered the Hellenes, to two Persians of noble birth; his father was one Akhaimenes, not the aforementioned Akhaimenes the progenitor of the selfsame dynasty of Persian kings, and also not Akhaimenes the brother of Xerxes, but he was a distant member of the Akhaimenidai. He was born to two Persians but he was born on Hellenic soil, in the capital at Thebai. By his relation to the royal dynasty he gained attention from King Ariabignes, and from his deeds he received favour from Daieobazanes, who was the satrap of Hellas during this time. He was a general in the campaign against the men of Epeiros that occurred in the fourth year of Ariabignes’ kingship. But in addition to his qualities as a soldier and a commander, he was also learned- he spoke Hellenic fluently as well as his native tongue- and charismatic, being equally popular with Hellenes as he was with other Persians. However, a dispute over a girl caused a rift with Kyros the son of Ariabignes. Kyros was uninterested in the Hellenes, seeing them as soldiers for hire and not even the best of those, and when he came to power he appointed Amavadatos to Hellas as satrap, assuming that this post on the frontiers of the Akhaimenid domains would be a way to keep Amavadatos out of any influence at court wthout necessitating violence.

    However, Amavadatos had absorbed the lessons that Daeiobazanes had taught him about how to treat the Hellenes and other peoples under his command, and the Hellenes were increasingly disposed to trust to their satraps above their sovereign king. This came to a head by an unlikely series of events- a group of Keltoi, led by one calling himself Perseus, claimed ancestral rights over the city of Rome, because he claimed that Rome had originally been founded by Hellenes, the current occupants being Hesperai and Tyrsenoi bastards with no legitimate claim to the rulership of the city. Rome, in need, called for aid, and Amavadatos answered. The Tarantinotes were by this period extremely cordial towards the satrap of Hellas, and they also agreed to aid in the rescue of the Rome and more besides- other peoples besides the Romaioi had been attacked and savaged by the horde of Perseus. The assembled army then marched at breakneck speed across Italia to reach the city of Rome, where they found the city already partially sacked and occupied by Perseus’ army. But there Amavadatos and the Tarantinotes fell upon the Keltoi, and drove them out of Rome with great slaughter. There the Romaioi were said to have sworn fealty to Amavadatos in gratitude, and this is where King Ariabignes grew fearful of his relative for he instinctively believed the reports, and thought that this signalled the beginning of a revolt. He made orders to remove Amavadatos and arrest him, but they were not carried out- the entire part of the Persian army stationed in Hellas was loyal to Amavadatos who they saw as nobler and more fit for rulership. Upon their rejection of the terms, they declared him to be the rightful king, and he made for war with Ariabignes.

    The two armies clashed at Sardis, whereupon Amavadatos was victorious. King Ariobignes was forced to give up control over the Hellenic districts of Anatolia, which were conquered or surrendered to Amavadatos one by one, and also the entire region of Karia. However, whilst Ariobignes was unable to throw out Amavadatos from these territories, neither was Amavadatos able to gain further progress into Anatolia for the time being. Whilst the two men remained hostile to one another, conflict between the two swiftly became impossible, and an undeclared peace existed for some time. Upon Ariobignes’ death, he was due to be succeeded by one Artabana, who was acknowledged by all in the Empire to be noble and fair-minded, and Amavadatos was going to willingly cede control to him. But upon the beginning of his journey, in advanced years, Artabana was assassinated by the treacherous Dareios, who was the brother of Ariobignes. Amavadatos then once again led his armies forth, and this time there was no force that could stop the force of his approach. The news of this conquest reached the ears of one Agnemithra, a king among the Indoi. Seeking both riches and to emulate Amavadatos, he distracted the attention of Dareios whilst the conquest of Anatolia was underway at the hands of Amavadatos. However, the conquest was brought to a halt by the death of Amavadatos in his seventy-second year, and there was a dispute among the sons of Amavadatos as to who should inherit his title.

    Amavadatos was the founder of a mighty kingdom, uniting Hellenes, Persians, and others in common purpose. His instinct for fairness was as sharp as his ear for language, his love was for peace but he fought injustice with a mighty arm. He brought the Hellenes to the forefront of Asia for the first time, whilst continuing the noble lineage of Persia in a far away country. His weaknesses were that of women, and egotism, and an inability to preserve his life when it might well have been preserved. But when balanced against the sum of his achievements, Amavadatos was pious as few men are, and righteous in the tumult of countries and kings.
     
    Perspectives on Kingship
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA

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    EXTRACT FROM MITRADORA’S BOOK OF GAMES
    THE ROYAL GAME, ALSO KNOWN AS SHATRANJA OR XATARANA


    There exists no more universal marker of Asiatic civilization than this, the Royal Game. All who read this work know of its grandeur and sophistication, and we know the civilizing of Europa continues apace because the most cultured among them now too play Shatranja, Xatarana as it has been called by the Hellenes. I shall for a time describe its history, as all thinking Asiatic peoples should be aware of this marvelous game’s origins, particularly those coming from barbarous stock who aim to elevate themselves and their progeny to the heights of Asian sophistication.

    Shatranja comes from the lands of the Indos and Gange, which though not part of Asia is of a kind with it. It is a land of wisdom both subtle and ancient, ancient beyond the span of man’s measure of time. The Royal Game is but one of the exquisite gifts to the world that my ancestor’s homeland has provided to the civilized world. It originated from a region famous from India like no others, the region around the city of Ojain, Ozaine to the Hellenes, the motherland of Agnemitra the Great King of Asia. Being the most civilized part of India it attracted the greatest amount of wise people, advising the splendid kings that ruled from Ojain. One such person who is now, at last, known to Hellenes is the great Chanakya, and it was he who first devised the game of Shatranja. He, advisor to the king Mitrasena who was the father of Agnemitra, established the rules of the game and told it to the king. He established the board of eight by eight squares, each square measuring three angula on all sides. He created the division of pieces so as to be an accurate tool for considering military strategy, and so created the Archers, Boats, Horsemen, Elephants, Minister, and King. The Boats were, in ancient times, sometimes known as Guards, and the Horsemen as Chariots, but their movements and distinguishing features have not been altered across the long centuries. Being noble and intelligent Mitrasena and his advisor did not require different colours or flags to indicate the pieces’ ownership, they were able to keep track of the game state with memory alone, but the game was soon spread to those of less subtle arts, and they did require visual indication of the two different sides as present in Shatranja. This has now become the normal practice, and the art of crafting differentiated chess sets has become one of the most exquisite products of Asia in all its many countries and regions.

    Agnemitra, so noble, learned, and respectful towards his father, was taught the Royal Game, beginning its tradition of transmission from one King to the next. When he began his indomitable conquest of Asia from the corrupt Achaemenids he took his nobler arts with them, enriching Asia with a new cultivar of civilization and restoring its vigorous health. Among those noble arts was the art of Shatranja, which he shared with those kings and rulers in Asia and elsewhere that he found to be civilized, cultured men. In this way the baser but rousable races of the western world were slowly suckled to the milk of true civilization, resulting in the far more equitable situation of our present day. Even now the finest Shatranja craftsmen are to be found in Kypros and Kyrenaika, and if only those more pessimistic Asians in the past had known that the Hellenes would one day cast aside their barbarism for all time and stand alongside them as equals. Agnemitra duly passed on the game to his own son, Krishnamitra, who would become his successor as Great King, and he to his own sons Pushyamitra and Mitradatta who would both become Great Kings themselves. The days of the line of Agnemitra are passed now, but they remain in our memory as the most noble and excellent of kings of Asia until the coming of the present dynasty from Imera, who once more reinvigorated Asia from one of its extreme quarters and rule with wisdom from Amida. What more fitting legacy could there be to represent the eternal gift of India to Asia than the Royal Game, and what greater demonstration of the Amidani dynasty’s right to rule than their world renowned mastery of Shatranja.

    For those young or previously ignorant enough to be unaware of the rules of Shatranja, Chanakya’s game, has the following rules. Each army is arranged on opposite sides of the board, occupying two raji in their entirety. At the front of each army are the eight Archers. They are the mass of the army, who protects its advance and screens it against charges. They may move one raji forward in each turn, and if another Archer is in his way then that which advances removes the other Archer from the battlefield. They may not do this to the greater pieces, which Archers can only capture by flanking. This is the one exception to their otherwise forward movement, the only rationale by which an Archer may move one square left or right along a raji rather than to the next one ahead. Then next come the Boats, found at either end of their raji behind the Archers. Boats, being swift, may move any number of raji ahead if they are not obstructed by a piece, or any number of spaces along a raji. They may take a piece of any kind along this range of movement. They are enormously manoeuvrable, as boats are, but they must be used carefully as they cannot bypass other pieces, and are trapped behind the Archers at the start. The act of allowing their movement is named ‘opening the dock’ for this reason. Next are the Horsemen. Their swift mounts enable them to move up to two ranji ahead, or in such a fashion as to move one ranji forward and then one space along the ranji. Any piece which sits on the second square may be removed from the battlefield by the Horsemen. They may also bypass a piece which seems to block them in order to complete this move, and they are used to penetrate the great regiments of Archers on the board, though they must be used carefully lest they be flanked and cut off by the enemy infantry. Next are the Elephants, which are the most difficult piece to utilise correctly- they ordinarily move one space in any direction, including diagonally, taking any piece found in this arc of movement. But, once during the battle, an Elephant may move as many spaces in a particular direction as his master likes. Thus Elephants can be the most devastating attackers of all the pieces, though to take advantage of this they must be directed with great care and timing. Then we come to the Minister, who is capable of two forms of movement. He may move two squares in any diagonal direction, and may capture any piece found in that range of movement. He may also choose to forgo this ability in order to move both himself and the King beside him one raji ahead. This move may only be utilised if the Minister and King are on the same raji, next to one another. In this way the Minister serves both the Kingdom and his King directly. The King may move on his own, and being the most fearsome warrior can move one square in any direction like the Elephant. The King is also too noble to be captured like any other piece. However, he is also no fool, avoiding death if he can, and so he must move out of the way if a piece would be able to capture his piece, as that is putting him in danger. The game is lost for the player who is no longer able to move the King away from such dangers, and whose Kingdom is now at the mercy of his opponent.

    Those who wish to learn the full subtle arts of this game are advised to practice a great deal, for as a blade is sharpened a mind must be kept keen by practice and regular use. But students are also advised to consult the Great Games, those most well fought Shatranja matches which are recorded below in their full subtlety and arts. Learn to appreciate the true mastery of the game, come to understand why a certain piece is used thusly and another is used another way, why certain Archers are chosen to be moved at the start of the game by their masters above others. The more cultured the mind, the more civilized the stock, the more potential the student has for becoming a true master of the game. Take heed, then, of the poor man who displays a total mastery of Shatranja, make him your advisor or your minister, or do anything but let him wallow in the cruel fate that he has somehow been consigned to by misfortune or malice on the part of others. Quality will always tell, and there is no better way to quickly find the quality of a man than to challenge him to the Royal Game
    .

    EXTRACT FROM THE PERSIANS BY KIMON
    ON KINGSHIP


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    What is it that drives the hubris, the unnatural lusts that make a man disposed to become a king over others, a father who treats his children as his slaves? For those of us born with the virtues that Hellas inculcated in her sons and daughters, who understand what liberty and proper conduct between human beings entails, it seems almost impossible to imagine. What monsters could be born into the human race, how could they remain human I hear you ask? The answer is that a King, such a wretched and avaricious creature as he, cannot be born, he must be made. Nothing whatsoever kingly about a person is determined by their birth, not their fitness to be a king nor their ability to become one. Who is he made by? He is made from the immoral, transgressive lusts of his parents and family, who goad him to seeking dominion, pleasures of all kinds, and tell him that this is what the Gods wish for him. The blasphemy of this is impossible to measure, the Gods are not using kings as their instrument of rule or division of humans, kings are a form of punishment on humankind meted out by the gods, and only the deserving are spared their presence. They are not marked as blessed, they are marked by the kakodaimones, who join forces with their parents in corrupting them to perverted, destructive ends. They are the rats that infiltrate the polis who, if allowed to bloat and become convinced of their own power, will devour all other things in their path. As rats chew away at barrels so do kings chew at polis walls.

    How then do such creatures become kings, those so twisted against nature as to wish to do so? They do so with all the basest measures known to man, the threat of violence, humiliation, bribery and gold. They forge armies and mint followers, relying also on those other humans too crude and stupid to even understand what they are looking at and who they are supporting. They become kings because other men allow such men to take what is not theirs. The size of the Akhaimenid domains is a measure of the weakness and corruption that lies at the heart of Asia, that so many men would capitulate, would allow themselves to watch the rape of their communities and families. The true Hellene is of a fundamentally different character altogether to such people, which is why it so hard for us to understand them and why they would desire a King to rule over them if they are such a just and noble people. I tell you that any ethnos upon this earth which so strongly desires a king has no justice in their awareness, only a natural desire for servitude, slavery, and the compulsion to abdicate their existence as true human beings. Treasure the barbarians who tolerate no kings among their presence, for no matter how savage such peoples are they are more civilized, more ethical than any civilized people who willingly call a man king, or a woman queen.

    The sheer numbers of such indolence-ridden people as support these kings leads me to but one solution- the cleansing from the world of those with such instincts, in the name of the Gods high on Olympos. We grant them mercy from their own broken nature by doing so, respite from their cracked, half-baked forms. It is a duty of every right thinking Hellene to do this thing, in concert with every right thinking barbarian in necessary. The chaff shall be removed, leaving only those people, constitutions, and ethneis which carry sustenance. The Persians are such chaff, and their rotten forms threaten to suffocate the life out of our homeland. Drive them back, with all strength in your arms and faith in your Gods, drive them into the sea, the welcoming arms of Poseidon. Leave no Persian alive to spread the disease, cut off the infected material, heal the body of humankind.


    EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
    ON KIMON OF SYBARIS

    It came to pass that the Dikaiotes wished an alliance with one king among the Messapi friendly to the Hellenes. But Kimon of Sybaris would not let this come to pass, for the older he grew the more he desired to destroy all monarkhia states, and to kill all kings. For his own polis to consider treating with a king was, for him, unacceptable. Being a people of free speech, as the Athenians had been, the Dikaiaotes were prepared to accept this opinion, but Kimon was not satisfied with simply sharing his opinion to those in an immediate area, his friends, or even simply discussing them in the Assembly. He did all in his power to sabotage talks with this Messapi king, physically restraining people to delay them, causing embarassing incidents, launching invectives at the Messapi king’s ambassadors. Given that this ignored the stated will of the Dikaiaotes, and the other poleis who formed the Italiote League, this was no longer considered an issue of sharing an opinion, and Kimon was arrested. His trial, it is said, was one where the jurors were disposed to division on the issue, and where they would likely have ruled in his favour. But his behaviour in the trial, featuring obscenities scarcely imaginable to jurors in such an environment, turned the jury against him definitively, and his rage at them grew so great and so uncontrolled that their chosen sentence was execution. Despite the nature of his behaviour and his transgressions there remained a sizeable portion of Dikaiotes who agreed with his views, though it was not considered prudent to air such views and thus this was not well known to the general Dikaiot population at the time. These who agreed with Kimon were enraged at the decision to prosecute him, let alone his execution, and so began to ensure that the compositions of Kimon, such as his speeches, poems, plays, and historia, became more widely known among the Dikaot population, and at this time at which Herodotos of Halikarnassos writes they have become very popular indeed.

    AULE TINNA'S LITANY OF KINGSHIP

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    Scores of men, across all peoples, have claimed to be kings, to be born and justly appointed rulers of men. Many of them were strong, and some even wise, it is clear that great destinies were determined for them by the Gods. But to be a true king, a king such as the Rasna possess, is to be more than marked for an unusual destiny, to be more than a great warrior or a wise minister, to be more than elevated by riches, pomp, and ceremony. The chosen of Tinia, son of Uni, he is the only real and true king among all the others, and one of their number is one day destined to rule the world. He is the will of the Gods made manifest, and this is not something that can be taught or imitated. Only the chosen of Tinia are marked by lightning, the champions of vaulted sky that sound the Gods’ thunder across all the realms of men. He, the King of the Rasna, is the crashing of relentless sea, the sudden onset of storms, the immovable mountain. No opponent shall master him, no foe shall delay him, no obstacle shall keep him from his destiny. Look at what destiny has determined that the chosen of Tinia shall achieve- the great union of all Rasna, who are become the children of Tinia and Uni, the defence of our lands against the depredations of northern barbarians, the conquest of rich lands not controlled by the Rasna for many centuries hence. Not the King of Persia could stand in the way of the chosen of Tinia, not all the Kings of India, not all the cities of the Hellenes standing together as one. His armies are as Myrmidones, invincible and peerless. Never before had we, the Rasna, dreamed of such lofty destiny, but now every man, woman, and child born to the Rasna knows our birthright is the world, that our borders are the seas and stars, that our hand stretches out and takes whatever we aim to grasp. Such power is this is only possible with the leadership of Tinia’s chosen representative on Earth, the power of god-elect kingship harnessed. No Rasna shall ever again accept a false king, however destined they be, nor any foreign master. Thus we truly know ourselves to be the superiors to the Hellenes, who despite their ancient wisdoms have remained a conquered people despite all their toings and froings. It shall be the task of the chosen of Tinia to redeem the Hellenes, that is his destiny, and the destiny of the Rasna.

    EXTRACT FROM AMASTA OF APPO’S HISTORIA
    ON CONSTITUTIONS

    See the Hellenes, and how they constantly argue among themselves on the matter of constitutions- which form of particular government is to be preferred, as though all exist at the expense of others. Realise then reader that this turmoil, this angst, is one that can be experienced by cultures that are less comfortable in themselves, less attuned to the reality of life and instead holding to impossible ethics, not to mention false ones. Witness that the Persians understood this too, for despite rule by king they also retained other ancient measures of rulership alongside their king, and were comfortable with mixed and diverse constitutions existing in their dependencies. Perfidious were the Persians, cruel and conquest hungry, but yet this understanding was granted to them, as it has been granted to those who call themselves the children of Qart-Hadast. Acknowledge that the Qarthadastim relieved their own kings of rulership but also that they would continue to call on kings during emergencies, and that they were happy to have kings as allies or servants during their time of dominion. This lesson have we, the citizens of Maziga, learned from the Qarthadastim, and adopted for our own, possessing a mixed constitution. Behold that such constitutions are not unusual, for they have been utilised by such famed peoples of the Tyrian Sea as the Messenioi, the subjects of the Battidai, and even the Spartiates utilised a mixed constitution, though mentioning these last Hellenes among scholars of Asia is rather akin to a meeting of sheep where one decides to casually bring up a ravenous wolf. Maziga possesses a perfect balance of monarch, assembly, and recognition of talent, combining the best qualities of our predecessors with the innate sense of justice bestowed upon the ‘Mazigen. Whilst all peoples strive for their own freedom and quality of life it is this, our ability to create a balanced constitution fair above all others, that shows why we are the worthy successors to the dominion of the Qarthadastim. A constitution that is solely of one kind or another, where its people refuse to even consider measures which could be construed as belonging to the other kinds of constitution, such a constitution is doomed to collapse, either from internal pressure or from the superior manoueverings of more flexible peoples around them. Not only that, such systems are strengthened by immorality among their rulers to the detriment of that country’s overall power, whereas with a mixed constitution virtue is encouraged, leading to a healthier motherland in the first instance.

    Let us, however, briefly consider those peoples who lack constitutions, those called barbarians. Note that they, uncivilized and rudimentary as they are, still form an innate understanding of government, and can be taught the constitutional form of conduct, showing that all humans with intellect available to them have a formative instinct to seek government, and to understand good government when it is presented to them. Not only that but, ignorant as they are, such barbarians can themselves create something not dissimilar to a mixed constitution, whereby multiple crude institutions are balanced against one another by fear of mutual annihilation. What they lack is an understanding of kingship beyond the idea of the strongest member of their community, which is not kingship as understood by the ‘Mazigen, nor even that as understood by Indians, Hellenes, and other civilized peoples of the Tyrian Sea. We understand kingship to be sacred direction, that kings are for more than military leadership but overseeing the health of the citizen body, and directing their subjects away from destructive conflicts amongst themselves, and moral leadership. In this they are supported by such institutions as we call part of Demokratia, whereby the morality of the king is supplemented by wisdom over the long and short term; if the king is the guardian of the motherland’s health then the assemblies and other instruments of demokratia are what produce the movements of the body, and a number of the instructions for what the body aims to do, understanding its hungers and passions more deeply than its ills. In this manner the body behaves as an entire organism, rather than an unthinking wretch or a cerebral recluse staggering through the world one struggle at a time.
     
    Peripheral Kingdoms
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA

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    BIBLIOTEKHE HISTORIKE BY MOHANE
    THE HADADIDAI

    Just when it seemed that all of Asia would become the domain of Agnemitra and the Amavadatiya, divided entirely in two, there arose a new force within the Asiatic realms. After the death of Xerxes the Last the final remnants of the Akhaimenid kingdom collapsed, though members of the dynasty remained the vigour which had conquered and ruled Asia had left them entirely, so that their remaining subjects deserted them in great numbers. In most cases this resulted in petty kings and little states of no consequence squabbling for position, who were then swiftly swallowed up by the mighty Amavadatiya. The sole exception to this was in the ancient lands of Idom. They are an ancient people, having lived in the lands south of the Asphalt Sea since the times of Ipilsharra the Great, and they say that they have lived there for countless generations before then. They call themselves the children of El, so that I believe that they are a kind to the Tyrians. In these lands there ruled a governor, one Ben-Hadad. The men of Idom have always had a strong desire for liberty and independence, and this Ben-Hadad saw that there lay a chance now for the Idomites to regain a state, if destiny was seized in the proper manner. Where he differed from his contemporaries was his piety, strong will, and his gathering of intelligent advisors from all across the remnants of the Akhaimenid domains. He did not make war on all of his neighbours all at once, instead only attacking those opponents whose defeat would accomplish the most at that particular time, and neither did he remain within the borders of his original territory as some others did.

    By the time that the Amavadatiya armies had overcome his rivals Ben-Hadad had conquered a kingdom stretching from South Judaea to the Sina, bordered to the west by the Great Sea, to the south by Arabia and the Erythyra sea, and to the east by the desert. Fierce and loyal Idomites formed part of Ben-Hadad’s army, but also key to his success were men of Gaza, Raphia, and Askelon who all served loyally in his campaigns of conquest. The Kingdom of Ben-Hadad soon gained riches, both from the acquisition of Akhaimenid territories and by encouraging incense merchants to come by land, across the desert, and by sea to the port of Aila. The domains of Ben-Hadad were small by comparison to those of the Amavadatiya, Agnemitra. They were also smaller than the lands of Aigyptos in that time, freshly independent of the Persian yoke. But, being pious themselves, the Amavadatiya were wary of war with such a man as Ben-Hadad, and it was left to Agnemitra, the great conqueror himself, to make an attempt on Ben-Hadad’s lands. As shall be discussed more below, Agnemitra was a remarkable man that nonetheless lacked piety, and forethought, and it was at the hands of Ben-Hadad that the gods finally made their displeasure known, for in the battle fought near Sakka the unstoppable conqueror was finally killed.

    Ben-Hadad was a man of piety, vision, and iron will. Uniting men of all nations together, harnessing the harsh desert, he was the founder of a great nation in a time filled with great nations. He embodied the Asiatic qualities of endurance and forging beauty from the harshest circumstances, brought his hitherto obscure people to the forefront of affairs in Asia, and distinguished himself among a sea of pretenders to the grandeur of the Akhaimenids. He suffered from a propensity to cruelty, and it can be said that he lacked the stomach to enact his vision on many more peoples that would have benefited from it, but his piety, like that of Amavadatos, elevates him, as does the tranquility of the realm that he left behind, the realm which raised up the world-famous port of Aila.


    EXTRACT FROM A COMMENTARY ON XENOKRITOS' PERSIKA
    ON KIMMERIA


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    The Great King had finally worn through his immense reserves of patience.
    “It is their own kind, their fellow Hellenes, that these men of Kimmeria starve. I am now the protector of these Hellenes, and I cannot countenance their starvation at the hands of those who should be their dependable, eternal friends. Every embassy rejected, every friendly gesture turned back with scorn(1), it is to dreadful war that we must turn.”
    So it came to be that the Great King Xerxes declared war upon the Hellenes of Kimmeria. He sought those of Kimmeria most noble, who would fight against the grain-tyranny of these unjust and unlawful kings. To them he sent overtures of friendship, and upon establishing their good intentions the King then assembled an army and a fleet for the purpose of prosecuting this war. Leader of this army was Gobryas, son of King Dareios who had served in the invasion of Hellas(2). He set sail with the King’s men to Kimmeria thirty-one years after the battle at Salamis, and successfully carried the arms of the King to a new part of the world. With the help of local allies and Hellenic hoplitai loyal to the King(3) the armies of this kingdom of Kimmeria were swiftly overcome. A part of the Hellenes there then attempted to induce Gobryas to become their king, and to rebel against the King, but these conspirators were arrested by Gobryas and sent to face trial in Persia(4). Hellenes more righteous and moral were then empowered in Kimmeria(5), and they were granted the freedom to determine their own constitution- whether they would remain a kingdom or adopt some other kind of constitution more fitting to their desires and needs.


    NOTATIONS
    1- Though the prospect is not entertained by Xenokritos we must assume it likely that Xerxes the Great offered terms unacceptable to the Kimmerians, for is it likely that such a small kingdom ever thought itself able to withstand a war against such force of arms?

    2- Not mentioned elsewhere by Xenokritos, this is either the Gobryas, son of Darius, who attempted to capture the island of Delos in the first invasion of Hellas, or he has been confused with Gobryas the father of Mardonios as other chroniclers have done.

    3- Once again note how Xenokritos finds opportunities to render the affair one in which Hellenes are prominent in furthering the cause of King Xerxes.

    4- It is remarkable that so little is spoken on this subject, one needs to consult other ancient chronicles in order to find out more. It is also remarkable that such divergent accounts are given of the same event, by contrast to this extremely brief summary by Xenokritos.

    5- Here we are empowered to call Xenokritos an active liar as to this point, or supremely confused, or entirely misinformed, given the entire long history of the kingdom of the Sindoi which was to immediately follow this period, though the Sindoi would come to become indistinguishable from Hellenes this would not occur for some time afterwards.


    EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
    THE DESTRUCTION OF KIMMERIA


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    This selfsame Leukios, foremost among the Arkhaianaktidai, now pursued a policy which was to lead to disaster for the Hellenes of Kimmeria. Believing himself beloved by the gods, utterly overestimating his kingdom’s strength of arms, and grossly misreading the political and military situation not just involving Hellas in particular but all affairs surrounding the Persians entirely, he decided that withholding the grain supply which he commanded by virtue of his tyranny of the Hellenic poleis was an intelligent plan of action. His aim was to aid the Hellenes that had been conquered by Xerxes but his result was to achieve precisely the opposite. This embargo upon the supply of grain did not affect the Persians, who did not in any way rely upon it, instead it principally affected Hellenes of all poleis who were dependent upon these imports. Now, when it came to gaining the ear of Xerxes few other Hellenes could match the influence of the Thebans, for their dedication to the cause of Xerxes and the Persians was trusted to a much greater degree as compared to the other poleis of Hellas. At length a great collection of these poleis approached Eteokles, who remained the tyrant of Thebes under the command of Hystaspes. They informed him, Eteokles, as to the drastic events taking place as a result of this blockade, that famine was likely and that many Hellenes would likely die as a result. They discussed whether the best course of action was to consult the Persians or to conduct a rebellion against them- finding themselves ill-equipped to do so, and much disinclined after the atrocities meted out to Amphissa only a few years previously. Instead they sent Eteokles to petition Hystapses, the satrap, at the court in Thebes.

    “O satrap, many favoured son of Xerxes, I come to you seeking urgent help. The Hellenes are dying in the streets, and they do so because our so-called brothers in Kimmeria withhold the grain that we rely upon to feed our many people. As our protector I ask that you use all of your might to reverse this blockade. Consider, great son of Xerxes, that you might conquer for yourself these Kimmerian lands, rule over them how you see fit, that this intervention on the behalf of the Hellenes will bring peace both at home and at abroad and will indebt the Hellenes as a body to your intervention.”
    But Hystapses remained cautious upon the example of Mardonios’ execution some years prior, and continued to assume that any particularly reckless action would result in his own execution, regardless of his own relation to the king. However, on this occasion he did see that the continued blockade of Hellas’ grain would cause unrest in his satrapy, and upon listening to Eteokles he sent a messenger to Xerxes, who at that time was in the city of Babylon. Upon receiving the message, Xerxes said thus.
    “Alas that my child, the seed of my line, would prove so craven as to not see the expediency of immediate action, must he ask permission for each and every individual pursuit of his duties as satrap? Will he send couriers seeking permission for him to dress, or eat meals, or sleep in a bed? It escapes the understanding even of the King of the World as to how this boy, my son, can be so disposed towards cautious action without merit as opposed to judicious analysis and prudence in evaluation, which are both traits of excellence among royalty. As I am now beseeched on behalf of all Hellenes, who even now continue to resent my rulership of their lands, I must accordingly respond to satisfy their fears and wishes. I will dispatch Gobryas, satrap of Kappadokia and loyal brother of mine, as a man suited to this task, to vanquish these Kimmerian Hellenes who challenge my dominion of the Earth. Moreover, it will be a precisely suited opportunity for relieving the Hellenes of the hegemony of these ports, and it will be expedient for wittling down the resistance to my rule if I, Xerxes, were to directly control this vital grain supply.”

    Having taken this decision, messages and supplies were sent to the eponymous Gobryas, the son of Dareios. His heart was hardened against the Hellenes, after his defeat in the expedition against Hellas sent by Dareios his father. This, Gobryas saw, was an opportunity for vengeance against Hellenes which were not already under the nominal protection of the King, his brother. Having assembled an army of a hundred thousand men, and a fleet of five hundred ships, he set sail towards Kimmeria. Upon arrival he found that the forces of Leukios, who had intended to prosecute the war fully, had in fact presented themselves in total disarray. A halfhearted battle was given near to the polis of Kimmerikon, but many of the Hellenes presented in battle order instead surrendered. Of these surrendering Gobryas killed half, stating that this was equal to the number of Hellenes that had been starved to death back in Hellas by the actions of Leukios, and the remaining half were pressed into service. They were used to partially sack Kimmerikon, where Gobryas was only dissuaded against a full sack by the advice of how necessary the port would be to any kind of Persian control over the area. The army of Gobryas then approached the capital of the Hellenes of Taurika, and the greatest city of that region, Pantikapaion. At that point a number of other peoples in that region, who either desired to make a pleasing arrangement with the Persians or who desired to punish the Hellenes there for previous ill-encounters, began to flock to Gobryas. This included the savage Tauri and the Sindoi. The Sindoi are direct descendants of the Kimmerioi that live on the northern shores of the Euxeinos Pontos, differing from the Tauri in that many of the Sindoi dwell in cities with their capital being Sindike, where they continue to live alongside Hellenes from Miletos. They by preference live underground, and discriminate between those able to live above the surface and those who gain an intolerance to light. They are warlike, though are more prone to conducting raids on their Skythian relatives than on Hellenes, and have lately begun to mint coins in the Hellenic fashion. Combined, the Sindoi and Tauri besieged Pantikapaion, where only those most dedicated to Leukios remained to withstand the forces ranged against him. After thirty days of siege an inhabitant of the city, in exchange for gold, betrayed the city gates, and the forces of Gobryas stormed in. The city was devastated, Leukios was found and killed, and the Kingdom of the Hellenes of Taurika was at an end, though a kolone in the local fashion was made for Leukios’ body where he remains housed.

    But all did not go to plan for Gobryas, because soon a conspiracy of Hellenes was created in order to assassinate him, due to his enormous cruelty and a hope that this would cause the Persians to go home and leave the Kingdom. This conspiracy succeeded, by means of poison. But rather than persuade the Persians that they should leave this instead enraged the remaining Persians, who exacted revenge against the conspirators, their families, and many other Hellenes of Kimmeria. Now there is a question as to whether or not they had planned on a similar arrangement to that of the Persians in Ionia, Aeolis, and Doris, whereby the poleis and their leagues were permitted to remain under the direction of the satrap at Sardis, or whether they had always intended to remove the control of Taurika from the Hellenes. If, as I suspect, they had intended the former, then the decision to assassinate Gobryas is what doomed the Kimmerian Hellenes to final irrelevance, because after this assassination had taken place the Persians elevated the Sindoi to the hegemony over Taurika, promising them garrisons in return for tribute and oaths not to make war upon the territories of Xerxes in Thraike. Then afterwards the Persian army quit Kimmeria, taking with them loot, Hellenes taken as slaves and hostages, and those contingents of Tauri who wished to continue in the service of the Persians went back with them over the sea. Many Hellenes fear still that these Tauri might be made to garrison a part of Hellas. Meanwhile, in these past years, the Hellenes of Taurika are still numerous but are of much reduced strength, and are no longer rulers of Kimmeria but subjects of a Sindoi kingdom that extends from the western coast of the Euxeinos Pontos to the lands of the Zygoi. Thus are the consequences of poorly thought out resistance to the Persians, only by the unity of all free Hellenes can the Medoi be removed from our homelands.


    THE TREATY OF SYMMAKHIA WITH PERSEUS SON OF PERSEUS

    By Zeus, Aphrodite, Herakles, and Poseidon the people of Hadria, Rauenna and Spina all swear to an alliance with Perseus, the son of Perseus, basileus of Patavion, with the following terms.

    Firstly, that whenever any of the signatories are attacked by a foreign foe all the other signatories immediately declare war on the aggressor and come to the aid of those who have been so attacked.
    Secondly, that no war shall occur between the signatories of the treaty, nor against the Lingones, Enetoi, Pikentes, and Umbri that are subject to the rule of Perseus the son of Perseus.
    Thirdly, that hospitality be granted in these cities to any that carries the token of Perseus son of Perseus’ friendship, and that such tokens as exist among Perseus other subjects be respected.
    Fourthly, that all signatories have equal access to the Temple of Poseidon Aponos.
    Fifthly, that a koinon be created among the cities that have signed this treaty with Perseus the son of Perseus, that they form a council with two representatives from each signatory and meet at least twice a year.
     
    Achaemenid Palaces
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA

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    THE LEXICON OF HELLENIC LITERATURE

    βασιλεία(Basileia) aka ἡ βᾰσῐλείᾱ (ho Basileia): A literary genre of Akhaemenid-era Hellas, appearing in the late 5th century BC. The first known example is the Basileia of Aphrodisios of Ephesos, written during the reign of Akhaimenes. The palace to which the genre title refers is that of the Akhaemenid kings, sometimes a basileia may name which of the Akhaemenid palaces is involved but even in those examples where it is not ‘the palace’ is always understood to be a place of court for an Akhaemenid king. Each basileia involves a Hellene. He begins the basileia living an ordinary life in his homeland before being whisked away to the Akhaemenid king for some hidden or unappreciated talent that the person possesses. The genre frequently blends fact and fiction, which left its Hellenic audience divided as to which works were celebrated; those that actually portrayed real events, or those which told the most enjoyable story. Some of the most quoted basileia of later periods are those that were entirely fiction.Though they were always written in prose most basileiai were intended to be read aloud, primarily in the symposia of Persian-friendly aristocrats. The genre did find some audience among Western Hellenes but, more frequently, it was the target of comedies (as in Megathenai) or satires (as in Sikelia). The genre morphed with the birth of the Amavadatid state, with the Hellene on his journey instead becoming incidental, a means by which to write a description of ideal estates, palaces, and banquets as the Hellenic character passes them by. In some cases these basileiai became guides used by Amavadatid aristocrats and potentates. By the late Amavadatid era a renewal of the genre had taken place, with the original basileiai taken to be a golden period of quality. The early Amavadatid iterations shifted into literary manuals, still used after the final fall of the Amavadatid dynasty, whilst the cultural reconciliation of Western and Eastern Hellenes shifted the renewed basileiai into the larger genre of historia, forming a large contribution to the anabasis style of historical presentation.

    EXTRACTS FROM ANAXANDRA’S BASILEIA
    By Zeus, Apollo, Artemis, and Athena I say that all of what follows are the true events that transpired in the life of Monimos of Syrakousai, son of Mousaios, in the reign of the Great King Artaxerxes. If others say that things happened differently, or that Monimos is an invention, or that I am a liar, then they speak falsely.

    Shall I tell of the family of Monimos? It is known to me that Mousaios of Syrakousai and his wife Artemisia were both of noble blood, if not noble circumstances; they were alike descended from ancient and noble families of Lakonia who fled the dominion of the Lakedaimonians long ago, to grain-rich Sikelia, where scandalous ancestors had long since wasted away their fortune and most of their land. But the virtue and intelligence of their line had not been spent, for Mousaios was a most excellent cook. Now hear me out, listeners, whilst I argue that a cook demonstrates nobility of birth, still your laughter a moment. A cook of the most excellent kind must demonstrate both patience and haste, unparalleled knowledge of edible things, and command legions of staff to create banquets and feasts. All successful poleis find their generals and arkhons from their cooking staff, I hear that only Perikles in Sybaris knows the best way to cook tuna and is planning on writing an epic, Ambrosia, about the best ways in which to gut shellfish. So to Mousaios and Artemisia was born a healthy baby boy, Monimos. Monimos was a stout, firm lad, as excellent a Hellene as could be asked for, raised on the good golden grain of Sikelia. But the sunnier parts of childhood do not often last, and his family was one of many forced to flee in the great stasis that gripped Syrakousai and the Kingdom of the Sikelian Hellenes. This friends, this is no laughing matter. Many good Hellenes died upon Sikelia’s fertile soil in pointless conflict. Like many residents of good character, and firm virtue, Mousaios knew that the time had come to return to his ancestral homeland, for peace was no longer to be found in Sikelia’s fair fields. He, with many thousands and thousands of others, returned to Hellas, the land of their birth and their ancestors, and pleaded with the Great King to have mercy upon them. And the Great King listened.

    Mousaios and Artemisia returned to their homeland of Lakonia, and were granted rights of settlement by King Artaxerxes, for though the unjustly enslaved had been freed from the dominion of the Spartans there remained many lands that were empty of people, and Artaxerxes the Great King saw a chance to both return rightful Hellenes to their birthplace and to make the land of the Spartans bloom anew. Mousaios and Artemisia moved to Sellasia, the gate of Lakonia, under the watchful gaze of Mount Parnon. Mousaios’ aristocratic sense of pride and competition soon manifested itself, for he felt that he was certainly the best cook in all of Lakonia, his family having been away for too long for him to realise what little competition he would have for that title. He arrived at Gytheion, where the governor was in residence, and challenged the head chef to a contest of cooking ability. Here was Menelaus, rescuing Helen (and the Hellenes) from the captivity of awful cooking. A thrust here, a crushing blow here, a neat trim here, every ounce of divine might that Mousaios’ possessed was hurled at his opponent. The governor at Gytheion, Oxathres of the belly-laugh, duly rewarded Mousaios’ skills by making him his personal cook. There Mousaios was able to use every ounce of esoteric cooking knowledge that he possessed, and soon began to earn a reputation among those with fine dining habits. Those with keen and sensitive appetites would start to find excuses to visit the governor of Lakonia in order to sample Mousaios’ cuisine. It was in this environment that Monimos was taught everything his father knew about the Hellenic culinary arts, and proved a natural adept. It came to be that Daiobazarnes, the satrap in Thebes, was in need of a cook. However, Mousaios’ had grown old, and was unable to travel to Thebes, and so it was the young Monimos who went north to attend the court at Thebes.

    Shall I describe the palace at Thebes to you all, or do you know of the great vaulted Apadane with its thousand coloured vault panelled with glass, rock crystal, agate, and obsidian, with the most magnificent Persian style columns in Hellas, each a hamma in length and made of the finest marbles, of its great tapestries sewn with every colour and fibre found in the known world? Do you already have intimate knowledge of the satrapal gardens, laid out by King Xerxes, filled with fruit from all four corners of the world that no Hellene had ever seen before, scented with fragrance enough to give a man sustenance as though the food was in his very mouth? Are you acquainted with the great hall of Kadmos, founder of Hellenic civilization, uniting as it does all the grandeur of Asia with the vibrancy of Hellenic architecture, containing more mosaics and murals in one building than can be found in the entirety of Ionia, showing every subject of the Great King across the entire world, and every ethnos of the Hellenes, all together in unity? It was this jewel, this paradeisos, that Monimos would have first encountered upon arriving at Thebes, and he was not unmoved by it. He knew at that moment that he was embarking on a very different life to that of his father, and becoming part of a more splendid world.


    EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE'S HISTORIA
    A DESCRIPTION OF THEBES AS IT WAS AS CAPITAL OF HELLAS​
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    We shall now turn to the ruling of Hellas by the Haxamanishiya. There were times in which the satrapy of Makedonia was ruled jointly with Hellas, as in the time of Marduniya, and times where it was not. Accounting for this toing and froing with Makedonia proves difficult, particularly given that the Persians at the time did not comprehend fully the differences between Makedonia and the other Hellenes in much the same way that the Hellenes could not at first distinguish the Persians from the Medioi. But for the most part, Makedonia was considered separate to the rest of Hellas for the purposes of governance. So too were the Hellenic colonies of Asia, which were governed within their own particular satrapies, and the Hellenic cities of Krete, as the particularly dense numbers of cities proved too difficult to govern from the far removed capital of Thebes. Now we come to the subject of Thebes, the preferred capital of Hellas. This state of affairs began during King Xshayarsha’s conquest of Hellas, when the Thebans decided to make alliance with the King. Being the largest of the Hellenic cities first taken intact it was the natural location for the initial governance of the area, especially because the Persians found that the innumerable cities and peoples of the Hellenes all had to be dealt with differently. In addition, it was only after the naval victory at Salamis that Athens became an inhabited city again, and it was not thought good to elevate the Athenians after their pretensions to lead the Hellenes that had allied against the king. Likewise, Korinthos had not yet been integrated into the Persian governance of Hellas, with the King’s Peace having made it instead a sovereign ally. Thebes also continued to hold the largest garrison among the newly conquered territories of Hellas, and Marduniya’s presence there, until his rebellion and execution, gave an air of permanence to Thebes. This was not without resistance in Thebes, for the leaders of Thebes had not reckoned with a permanent Persian presence in their polis. Those of the Theban aristokratia not disposed to the new situation thus became the centre of a general insurrection.

    After the death of Mardonios and the final defeat of the Great Revolt there came time for a decision- would Thebes remain the capital, or would it be moved elsewhere? It was noted that whilst Thebans had led the revolt they had actually been thrown out of Thebes by their compatriots, and Thebes itself had remained loyal on the whole. Given its strategic location, and after the numerous bloody events of the Great Revolt, the decision was taken to show mercy and to keep Thebes as the capital, though there was now a great fortress built near to Thebes with a significant permanent garrison. It is from this point that the governance of Hellas began to change- several regions formerly independent were now conquered, such as Korinthos and the Argolis, and some communities formerly autonomous now had appointed governors, such as Lakonia and Phokis. King Xshayarsha also began to invest in dedicated Haxamanishiya infrastructure in Hellas. He commissioned strategic forts besides that of Thebes, expanded and improved roads, and increased the garrisons present in Hellas. He also provided funds for the next satrap, Fradafarnah, to beautify those Hellenic cities that had proven most dedicated to the King’s cause. Between the total military defeat of the Great Revolt and these gifts and gestures it came to pass that a number of the Hellenes who had been opposed to the King, to the rule of Persians, came to feel differently. It was also the first experiment to see whether the Hellenes of Hellas were capable of anything other than military prowess and competition.

    Thebes was then progressively enhanced by the satraps that followed, particularly by the klerarkhal transplants implemented in the early reign of King Artaxshahya which is discussed elsewhere. Thebes was beautified but also elevated to the point of grand palaces capable of hosting a Haxamanishiya king if need be. The archives attached to Thebes also continued to grow in size, and this in turn created a library curated at the direction of the satrap, though which satrap of Hellas actually founded the library is difficult to prove. Thebes swiftly became one of the intellectual hearts of Hellas, as well as its capital. Its citizens were thoroughly integrated into an Asiatic mode of civilization, and it is the example of Thebes that began to persuade many thinkers over the other side of the sea that Hellenes were a natural component of Asiatic civilization as well, albeit Asians that had been isolated and thus made to become warlike and, at times, barbarous. But Thebes was also, at times, a dangerous city- many competed for the favour of the Great King, and the favour of the satrap as well, and in times of unwatchfullness this made political competition particularly bitter and violent. With places of power comes the desire to control it among many of an avaricious nature, and Thebes had become such a place. Indeed, its sumptuous palaces and great resources, linked as it now was to much of the rest of Hellas, had made it an ideal staging ground for a rebellion against the Haxamanishiya if there was any moment of weakness, and in the time of Amavadata as satrap of Hellas there came precisely that sort of moment, with precisely the kind of person who could take full advantage of the opportunity offered. Thebes had, without anyone realising it, been raised to become capable of housing a king’s habitation.


    EXTRACTS FROM ANAXANDRA’S BASILEIA

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    So word then reached the Great King, for a fisherman told a merchant, who told a butcher, who told a linen-maker, who told the wife of the vinter, who told the vinter, who told the satrap of Babylonia, who told the Great King. Word from such noble lips had reached the King of Persia, telling him of the quality of this Hellene cook, Monimos, and that he had actually been able to make Hellenic cuisine palatable for the rarefied tastes of noble Persians. King Artaxerxes was immediately intrigued by this, having an appreciation for Hellenic culture in general. He sent word to the satrap at Thebes that he desired to meet with this cook, in order to experience more of what his Hellenic subjects had to offer and become closer to Hellas. In other words, he poached him, and Daiobazarnes was pretty miffed about it. Monimos was one of his most favoured retainers, and he was loathe to release him, but Daiobazarnes was a loyal servant of the Great King, and with a heavy heart he released Monimos, who with a giddy heart began to make his way to Babylon accompanied by the royal messenger. He passed through many of the most beautiful lands of Asia on the way, filled with wine, and gentle wheat fields, and heavenly mountains, and gorgeous women, and beautiful boys, and ancient cities built so long ago that Gigantes played there as children. Then he came to the land between the two rivers of Tigris and Euphrates, where Babylon lies. Much like Aigyptos these lands are only fertile where the great rivers run, but these waters are tamed in massive networks of channels through which they run and nourish the soil, the first of these channels being built by Poseidon. There Babylon, once home to Herakles, sat, a city stretching from one horizon to the other. Here the Great King was staying, and to the Great King went Monimos, who presented himself in front of the King.

    “My king, what motivates you to reach out your long arm and move such a small one as me?”
    “All of creation is made from small ones, who come together to make big ones under the direction of the wise and powerful. You, who provide knowledge of foods from distant lands, are as interesting to me as any Persian, and the Hellenes are one among my many children. I would have you both closer to me.”
    “What would you have me do, my king?”
    “I would have you prepare a feast as is common in the fashion of your people, so that I may understand them better.”
    So Monimos began the preparations for a feast. He sampled all of the beautiful Persian wines whilst valiantly resisting total drunkenness, in order to find that which was most fitting. He tried all of the fruits which were unknown even in Thebes, to see which would be delicious in the dishes he already knew. He tested all the meats, vegetables, and grains that were available in the king’s larder. By the end of his preparations no man alive knew more about different foodstuffs, their properties, and their preparations than Monimos of Syrakousai. Then he gathered his staff together and arranged the feast, with a legion of other staff to help feed the court of the Great King. As with Hellenic feasts this feast was divided into two halves, with the symposion focusing on the wonderful Persian wine that was available. Monimos laboured all day preparing for the feast, and when at last it was ready the Great King experienced what it meant to eat like a Hellene. He was served beautiful prawns from the coast of Persia cooked with honey, olive oil, garon and black pepper, and served with barley grains; baked leeks and apples with honey and anise seeds; many different kinds of mashed beans, the kind that Herakles loved; at least twenty different kinds of fish, served with caper, pepper, and honey sauces; the finest wheat breads and delicate pieces of barley bread made from the finest Babylonian barley; salads of dandelion, turnip, and asparagus with a vinegar sauce; beautiful tender lamb baked and served with pine nuts, wine sauce, and a bean paste; honeycakes with the most delicate texture imaginable; wild boar meat studded with every spice imaginable. After all of this and more Monimos sent out the wine, which was to be moderated at the discretion of Monimos. Accompanying the hours of drinking were fruits, both honeyed and roasted, nuts of all kinds, and cheeses made of the most fat-filled, creamy milks you could imagine. That night, trust me, it is true, King Artaxerxes ate like a Hellene.
     
    Perspectives on Xerxes the Great
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA

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    HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA (c.440 BCE)
    ON XERXES

    Among all free Hellenes there are two questions which are asked endlessly in these present times; how was a barbarian, this Xerxes, able to overcome the coalition of poleis arrayed against him, and what shall we, the free Hellenes, do now? As for the first question, the answer is divided between circumstance and error. It was inevitable circumstance which drove many of the Hellenes to make peace or alliance with Xerxes, for they did not have the capacity to defend themselves and did not have the support of the Hellenic League. They do not deserve to be deemed Medizers, for they took the only remaining option that presented itself to them. It was error that caused so many wasted opportunities to defend Hellas to pass by, and that caused the battle at Salamis between the two assembled armadas to favour the Persians. The Spartiates have already paid for their misdeeds, and many other Hellenes have done so with their lives. But above all the Hellenes committed a universal error, and that was to underestimate and misunderstand Xerxes himself. They were, and some continue to be, seduced by the notion that Xerxes is a barbarian, that he relies on all of his servants being his obedient slaves, that he has no abilities of his own. This is folly of the highest kind in the face of the considerable abilities that Xerxes brings to bear.

    Xerxes rules the greatest Empire that has ever existed. As we have seen it was not created by him, nor much of its current extent added to the original Empire beyond Hellas and Makedonia, but he is of a bloodline of high kings, fierce in their martial prowess and wise in their governance. Xerxes is indeed a tyrant, a king of unnatural power ruling over hundreds of millions of men who could otherwise be free, but he is a wise king, who achieved the conquest of Hellas despite the questionable advisors who helped push him and Dareios, his father, into action against Hellas in the first place. He is cruel, unhesitant in throwing the lives of his lesser servants away to serve his greater purposes, as at the pass of Thermopylai, but will use clemency to weaken the resolve of his opponents, as with the Athenians following the defeat at Salamis. Countless times has Xerxes, king of the Persians, shown himself to be a powerful adversary, and evidence of these occasions have been demonstrated by myself in this undertaking. Those who underestimate him are doomed to fail in their endeavours against him, and doom those who follow them. But Xerxes is not immortal, not invincible, and for all that he possesses many abilities, possessions, and titles that most men would be envious of even individually, he is still consumed by hubris, for his ambitions outreach even the immense gifts that are his by birth, even those immense territories that are grossly swollen against all laws of nature.

    This then answers the second question, of what to do to recover our homelands from those who currently occupy them, for we must also resist the continuing ambitions of Xerxes even over the sea. His goal, surpassing nearly all others, is the total conquest of Europa, and he has not remained idle in moving towards this ambition, and when he eventually dies then his heir, if Xerxes has made no movements towards conquest of the free Hellenes by that point, will be driven towards this unfinished goal in precisely the same manner that Xerxes was driven towards completing the unattained conquest of Hellas that was first attempted by Dareios. In either case the means of resistance is twofold; the Italiote League must be preserved, so that all of the Hellenic poleis which even now in Italia growing in splendour and might will unify their forces against any Persian attempt to conquer the lands over the sea. Additionally, the Hellenes must launch expeditions to reconquer their lands, or to defend those Hellenes which are still free and are threatened by Xerxes who do not live over the sea. This aggression must only be conducted, however, when the time is right, when the Persians are lax, when their borders are poorly guarded, when they are distracted by barbarians to the east of their Empire. Under such a king as Xerxes these opportunities may only come rarely, so they must be seized with unparalleled speed when they do, at last, present themselves.


    EXTRACT FROM KADMOS’ LIVES OF KINGS (c.390 BCE)
    KING XERXES


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    Of all the kings listed by Kadmos in his work, none are so extraordinary as the first ruler of all the Hellenes who was not himself a Hellene, King Xerxes the Great. Xerxes, son of Dareios, was of an ancient line of kings in Persia, the Akhaimenidai. His father, King Dareios the Great, had made an attempt to conquer Hellas but departed this world before a second, more lasting expedition could be launched. King Xerxes took up this sacred duty, to unite the Hellenes and raise them to new heights, to avenge the depredations of the Spartiates and to tame the Athenians, to extend his dominion over those who would threaten his kingdom’s stability. This was achieved, his sacred duty fulfilled, and a union of Hellenes was born for the first time in the history of Hellas. Agamemnon assembled the first great panhellenic alliance, and the greatest armada and army of Hellenes that had ever been known at that time, but those assembled by Xerxes and his descendants would surpass even those achievements. Xerxes showed clemency to many of those who had fought against his conquest, and further clemency to those who rebelled against him in the Great Revolt, showing his compassion after the treachery and brutality of Mardonios’ atrocities. Those he did not show clemency towards were enemies of peace, inveterately warlike to the point where the only just action was to eliminate them from Hellas. Thus was Sparta reduced, delivering freedom to the Messenioi for the first time in centuries, and restoring a natural order in place of the slave-kingdom which had grown into Hellenic affairs like a weed.

    After Xerxes’ conquest of Hellas, and restoration of its affairs after the Great Revolt, he did not rest on his achievements. When the Hellenes of Taurika attempted to embargo Hellas, removing their grain supply and causing many to starve, Xerxes sent an expedition to force the restoration of the grain supply. He avenged the murder of his son, Dareios, by his traitorous advisor Autophradates, and put down a revolt in Armenia when it was rumoured that Xerxes himself had perished. His reign as King of Persia lasted for forty three years, and as King of the Hellenes for thirty seven years, and was known by some as Xerxes the Old towards the end of his life. There are only a few kings who compare to the greatness of King Xerxes Dikaios when it comes to the sum of their achievements, and the impact they had upon the strength of Hellas, and Kadmos will now explain King Xerxes’ achievements in greater detail.


    BIBLIOTEKHE HISTORIKE BY MOHANE (29 CE)
    ON XERXES THE GREAT

    There are few alive who have not heard the name Xerxes, or who are unfamiliar with King Xerxes the Great, but in the five centuries since his reign many myths and untrue deeds have been associated with this unparalleled King, and we must establish base truths about this titan of history. King Xerxes was born as son to King Dareios, and was not in any way fathered or mothered by a Hellene, as many have claimed. His father, as we have seen, had inherited and strengthened the great Empire founded by Kyros, and Xerxes would continue the legacy of the Akhaimenidai accordingly. When he became king the realm of Hellas had become a sore spot for the Akhaimenidai, frequently being the cause of warfare or diplomatic incidents on their western border. With Dareios’ expedition against the Hellenes having failed, Xerxes’ first goal as the next King of Persia was to finish what had been started, though he was interrupted in this by revolts in Babylon which occurred over a period of several years. To do this he assembled an immense army, not an army of ten million, nor one million, but an army of five hundred thousand gathered from all quarters of the Empire. He then bridged the Hellespont with an immense, man-created bridge, the like of which has never been seen or attempted since. He and his army passed through first the realms of the northern barbarians and then into Makedonia, whereby the King of the Makedonians Alexander was compelled to give allegiance to King Xerxes. Then began his expedition into Hellas.

    Those of small power or who valued survival aligned with Xerxes nearly immediately, and many of those who did not initially submit were quickly forced to do so by the progress of Xerxes’ forces and his installation of garrisons in key locations. There are many Hellenic poleis who claim to have submitted willingly but the histories speak differently. The Hellenes of potency who aligned against him adopted a strategy whereby they attempted to delay his advance through Hellas until he was forced to depart at the end of the campaign season, whereby they would launch a counterattack. This was a wise policy, but Xerxes was wise to it, and by defeating the navy of the Hellenes at Salamis he was able to subdue the Athenians, quickly occupy the Peloponnesos, and defeat the remaining forces ranged against him. It was not King Xerxes who personally destroyed Sparta, the most hated state in Hellas, but he had given authority to his general Artabazos to make such decisions, nor was he displeased when he learned that this decision had been taken. Neither did Xerxes personally order the Messenioi be restored to their independence, though he did affirm this decision. He then set about ordering Hellas as best he could before departing back to the rest of his Empire. Mardonios was initially appointed satrap of Hellas. Though he was not, as some have said, lacking in ability or entirely malicious, as can be evidenced from his earlier prudent tactics in the invasion of Hellas and a time as successful satrap of the Hellenes, he did cause a general revolt among the Hellenes and effectively revolted against Xerxes by ordering the destruction of Hellenic cities without seeking permission to take such drastic measures. Upon Xerxes arrival he executed Mardonios and restored peace to Hellas, though he did remove the formerly independent status of many regions in Hellas and make them a part of the satrapy proper. He made a visit to Messenia upon his second, and final, journey to Hellas, whereby he reaffirmed the rights and privileges of the Messenioi, and Messenia remains the region of Hellas in which Xerxes is most beloved.

    During Xerxes remaining years as king, which were many, there could not be found a foe to master him. The forces of the Hellenes who chose to resist him could not ultimately win out against him, though they fought bravely. Autophradates, who was an advisor to Xerxes and not his bastard son, killed Xerxes’ chosen heir and had aimed to take the throne himself, but King Xerxes utterly defeated Autophradates, and had his entire close family put to death in the cruelest possible fashions.The Hellenes in Taurika, who attempted to withhold vital grain supplies and who raised their banners against them, were crushed, and the more trustworthy Sindoi raised to masters of Taurika in their place. The revolts of Babylon in the early part of the king’s reign, before his expeditions to Hellas, were put down. The incursions of Saka on the north-eastern frontiers were beaten back, and many new tribes of Saka were made to become tributaries of Xerxes instead. The expedition of Perikles of Megathenai and Herodotos of Halikarnassos against Krete was the closest that any men came to mastering Xerxes on the field of battle. Many once said that the claims of victories on Krete by the Megathenian expedition were false, they were simply attempts to frighten those Hellenes that remained loyal to the Persians, but this is known to have been false, and those who still repeat it are poorly educated. Even then they were only able to conquer part of the island of Krete, and were forced to come to terms with Xerxes when both sides proved unable to be defeated in open warfare.

    Xerxes remains to this day the perfect example of a king. Indomitable warrior, consummate general, the preserver of his already vast kingdom and successful expander of its boundaries, and one of the most pious rulers that the world has ever seen. His dedication to gods and religious scruples are an example to all that have followed him, even before the coming of the teachings of Boda to Asia. Though this is not so well known in the west of Asia, many Asians elsewhere have claimed that Xerxes had already encountered the teachings of Boda, and made laws in accordance with them. This is not to be believed, and indeed it is to be lauded that such a pious grace could exist in a person, great as they were, who remained ignorant as to Boda and his teachings. The name of Xerxes shall forever provoke fear among the unrighteous, and awe among the morally great, and upon the great steppes of Asia, when a child misbehaves, their parents will get them to behave by saying that if they are disobedient that the great spirit Xeres will come for them.


    EXTRACT FROM XANTHIPPOS OF DIKAIA’S XERXES (319 BCE)​

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    In these times of discourse between the kingdom of the Hellenic Persians and the free Hellenes, of reconciliation between the Hellenes of the west and the Hellenes of the east, what are we to think of such a man, a king, as Xerxes? Not so long ago a man in my position, as a free citizen of Dikaia, would have declared him an enemy of all that is right in the world, a brutal conqueror and a tyrant and a glutton of all the world’s wealth. But I am not so sure that Herodotos was off the mark when he described Xerxes as wise but cruel, skilled but consumed with hubris. It is clear to any thinking man that Herodotos understood Xerxes far better than most, for it was only he, in conjunction with Perikles, who was able to roll back any of Xerxes’ conquests, and he bought the freedom of the western part of Krete for some time afterwards. It is also clear that Xerxes was impossible to defeat on the field, only to delay, and that he was far from stupid. One need only look at the history of all conflicts with that king to see the evidence of this. Those who believed Xerxes stupid fell before him, and those who relied purely on the idea that they were righteous and that he was an impious and barbarian king who would get his due fared equally poorly. He also had capable and skilled generals under his command, equally capable of gaining victories against the Hellenes even without the supervision of their King. Mardonios, Artabazos, Hystapses are all figures of some dread in the history of the free Hellenes, and for good reason. But those who claimed to write history and which tried to portray these men as the only reason that Xerxes ever won anything, as the sole reason for Xerxes’ success in Hellas, were liars, and guaranteed that further progress against the Persians would not be made.

    Nor is it possible, in good faith, to say that Hellas under the rule of Xerxes and his descendants, or under these newer rulers descended from Amavadatos, is desolate or entirely unhappy. There are many sycophants that dwell in the satrapy of Hellas, in the lands of our ancestors, and the worst of them are intolerable to deal with, a breed apart in their entirety, but most of the Hellenes who have been under the yoke of the Persians have simply tried to get by. Given the strength of their conquerors, and the brutal ways in which Hellenic revolts have been put down, who can blame them? Not only that, there are Hellenes who have cause to be grateful to the Persians, in particular the Messenioi who had been under the dominion of the Spartiates. They were raised up from their servitude, and gained freedom over their own lands once again. Now it is possible to say that it is only the fact that the Persians benefited them specifically that cause the Messenioi to respect them so, and this is nothing more than the most base kind of gratitude manifesting as respect, and that is not entirely without merit, but it is sufficient evidence to say that some of the eastern Hellenes enjoy more freedom and justice than they previously experienced. Others can report similar. In addition, the roads and similar construction projects that Xerxes and his descendants commissioned have enabled trade and discourse between landbound Hellenes on a scale our ancestors would not have known. Yet Mardonios and Xerxes caused a number of Hellenic cities to be razed, and this should not be forgotten, even though the Spartiates were disliked by most other Hellenes this must be included within this category of atrocity. Neither were the Hellenic cities freed from interference, and these eastern poleis no longer have freedom of foreign policy. In addition the mood is to celebrate kingship, even at times at the expense of those poleis who have retained their constitutions gained at the expense of kings. This attitude extended towards kingship is because of the visible strength of the kings like Xerxes, Artaxerxes, and once again because of these modern descendants of Amavadatos.

    We can and should still point to Xerxes as the cause of a lack of interest in general liberty that has become endemic throughout Hellas, which must be corrected in our dealings with our homelands. In addition, he is the reason that argument and debate have become muted, though not silenced, in Hellas proper, comparing the philosophical texts and histories written by those such as Xenokritos with those written in Italia and elsewhere is like comparing the speech of babes to that of fully grown adults. We must restore what has been lost. Xerxes was cruel, frequently, and we must never forget or forgive these things. We must remember all of the cities he caused to be knocked down, all of the prominent men and women he caused to be killed, and witness the multitudes that had to flee his imminent conquest. Neither must we ever allow ourselves to love his lust for conquest. But perhaps I can acknowledge his personal bravery, his martial skill, his political intelligence and his common sense, and also that he did not entirely treat the homeland of the Hellenes without respect.


    EXTRACT FROM THE ISONOMIK OF HISTORY (1679 CE)

    How the scholar’s heart leaps when they turn to the era of King Xerxes! An era of titanic struggles across the face of the earth, of great kings and noble demokrats, of vast armies, and the foundation of the world in which we live. What exemplary men there are to study! What talents! It is no wonder, therefore, that among the skeptikoi it is by far the preferred area of study, with the sole exception of the meteoric rise of the Tyrsenoi. It is the study of these two periods and places that forms the core of what we understand to be proper arkhaioteria, the necessary education of all of those who would become valuable in our society, and of these two periods the Xerxian is by far the most fascinating. Picture, if you will, King Xerxes, handsome specimen of a noble lineage of Asian kings, ruthless, determined, born to all the talents his ancestors commanded, long-lived beyond all expectation. The importance of this one man in our history cannot be understated, especially as we understand him to a more subtle and nuanced degree than those Hellenes which had initial cause to despise him for taking control of their homeland. He is also a picture of unequalled ambition which fascinates and which, to some degree, appals. His legacy shines through even into our history, in lands which never felt the touch of his boots or the presence of Persian soldiers.

    Then picture the quality of his opponents! Aiskhylos, the poet-warrior, veteran of the great battle of Marathon against Xerxes’ father, Dareios, hammer of the Persians until his dying day; Perikles son of Xanthippos, the arch-demokrat of early Megathenai, champion of the Italiote League and architect of Megathenai’s greatness, crafty beyond all measure; Herodotos, the prince of Halikarnassos who came among the exiled Athenians, who created the entire western tradition of historia, and who near the end of his life would lead armies in the struggle to liberate Krete; Kimon, the lifelong anti-monarchist, the great skeptikos of Megathenaic literature but also the firebrand who alienated his own patriotic fellows; Sophokles son of Sephilos, the first (and some would say greatest) dramatist of history, who wielded his stylus as his weapon against the might of Xerxes, and who carved up the face of his opponent with his satires, tragedies, and comedies; Phyrnikhos, Sophokles’ only rival for king of the tragedies, who sought to capture the grief of the Hellenes in exile and harness it into steely determination to reclaim their homeland. For all that King Xerxes was, by himself, a man of impossible power, he was also the making of his opponents, and much of the measure of the man is in the qualities he inspired among the western Hellenes after the disaster at Salamis. He inspired them to create new societies, stronger ones, in the lands of Hesperia and beyond, including the lands of my own people’s ancestors, the Massaliotes. The foundation of glorious Massalia rests on the determination instilled by Xerxes in the citizens of ancient Massalia, as does the foundation of our greatest friends and foes. He has as big a part to play in the creation of our arkhait culture as the Hellenes and the Tyrsenoi. The height of this legacy came with the reunion of western and eastern Hellenes, the Great Reconciliation. The best parts of what each had discovered were brought together and rose the world around them to new heights. Even the end of the arkhait world, with the collapse of both Tinian and Imerian Empires, would not undo the progress that had been made, and brought about a new, Hellenistic, world.


    TELEO or AKUNAVAM: END OF CHAPTER 3
     
    Chapter 3 Epilogue
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 3
    EPILOGOS


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    The interview begins now.

    I beg your forgiveness for my laughter, nameless one, but I cannot remember the last time I was actually surprised by something! It’s been so long. Here I am, taught for my many years to expect particular things, and here you are, who are not, I believe, any of those particular things! I had forgotten what a joy it is to encounter the unexpected. Perhaps it is rare for you to be a welcome presence to those who meet you, but I, for one, am happy to meet you. I hope I find you well.

    An interview? But one without any questions I see. Or perhaps there is one question, unspoken; ‘what would you like to be interviewed about?’.

    Well, I’d like to be interviewed about the things I could never tell anyone, despite being surrounded by legions of people who constantly needed to talk to me about everything. You would be surprised how many such secrets I kept to myself, for when I was a younger man there was rarely a thought that I kept totally hidden. It was partially on purpose- the moods of someone in the public eye to my degree should bring terror in their wake- but some of it was my genuine rashness and eagerness to emulate my father’s magnificent deeds. But you discover that such things do not last when you gain in years, and one of the things which I have kept to myself my entire life is that there was a long time, a long time, where I lost my faith in the innate goodness of man. Or rather, in the existence of an innate goodness of man. I became too familiar with the ins and outs of selfish men, of all nations. Too aware of my own desires, many as they were. Too aware of the real, true necessities required to keep civilized societies on an even footing. Too acquainted with casual cruelty, including at times my own. The whole world seemed to be tinged with it, even those with nearly nothing to their name still committing countless cruelties to one another, betraying loved ones and family. Goodness was only created by Gods, and through them priests, as a decoration to human existence to make it bearable, an alcohol for the soul. My next secret is that I regained this faith, very late on. I was an old man by then. Yet I suddenly found myself confronted by an old man, and at his side another old man, both filled with passion and intelligence and humanity, after a fashion. Foreigners, foes, barbarians, but nonetheless they were dazzling. Surrounded by men who attached to their cause from a genuine belief in what they were doing, and why they were there, not simply a chance of power being offered to them. It was invigorating. I hadn’t felt so full of life for twenty years. It was my last great conflict, and perhaps my finest. Victory against the Hellenes was completing my father’s task in the world but felt unsatisfying, for there I was, King of Lands, with my armies from all of the finest civilizations and warrior peoples on the face of the Earth, against proud but primitive peoples who could not realistically hope to oppose me. There had been a spark there, a vitality that had impressed me. At the time I thought it a curiosity that would come to nothing. Perhaps it still will, but here, in this place, I wonder if those people simply need more time before they set the world on fire, for I saw the flames awoken in the march of Herodotos the scribe-prince and Perikles the king of the kingless.

    I have another secret that I was not sure I would share, even now. When I was young, and first gaining the throne, Artabarzana was detestable to me. He was my elder but of common origins, I saw him as ambitious above his station and claiming what had been rightfully mine by my talents and my father’s wishes, attempting to defy the natural order of things. As I grew older I came to envy him- I had thought my sacred duties to be glorious, and then swiftly found, after my wars came to an end, that in reality it was a burden, day in day out. Every little pore of skin subject to countless observations, every little movement analysed, every single decision affecting millions and millions. I do not regret holding power, because I took my sacred duty seriously, because it was my right to hold it, but… perhaps I grew to regret how it was used. I do not know if you have met many kings of such large domains before, but I wonder how many of them have told you how much time is wasted dealing with innumerable relatives, appeasing their whims, chastising their excesses, monitoring their activities in case of rebellion, granting them estates for sustenance. I did not realise how much time my father must have spent on petty dealings regarding some cousin’s gardens and mules, because the Gods know that I have spent an entire lifetime doing the same. Likewise, I did not recognise casual cruelty for what it was when I was younger, it was simply how one behaved as a king, how my father behaved as king, how everyone expected a king to behave. I do not know that I like how much time I spent on such cruelties, how much attention I devoted to them; once I had realised them to be the cruelties that they were I did not engage in them as frequently, but there was only so much cruelty that could be avoided whilst being King, some amount is necessary to maintain such a thing as an Empire stretching from the Yauna to the Hindush river. Perhaps creating such a thing in the first place was wrong, but that was not my choice to make, I came into the world with it already in place, and with sacred duties upon my head. I had not the gall to refuse them.

    I am finding myself strangely comforted, silent one, precisely because of the silence in fact. Your silence, the silence of this place. I do not know if it will last, but I will enjoy it while I may. True peace, and quiet when I desired it, are something that has escaped me for over forty years. Perhaps that is the description of monarchy which should be given to all prospective kings; ‘endless labour to create beautiful gardens whilst never having the time to ever enjoy them’. This is not a garden, but it is peaceful. Are you a king, I wonder? Guardian of the helpless, hammer of the evil, arbiter of the powerful? If you are then you have my commiserations, o King, and hope that you have time to rest in your gardens. Though I fear you have also met many of my foes, and may not take my wishes in the spirit in which they are intended. Though there are far fewer of them that died cruelly at my hands than many have said. The idea that such things were done at my order was far more infectious among my foes than the reality of my ordering them or not, that was perhaps the first realisation I had about cruelty. I also realised that many outside the Empire called me a cruel despot whilst committing far more naked indignities on their own peoples, and relying as they did on the slave labour of others. I rarely found I had the time for contempt but that, that made me shake my head, even as an old man. The world is a complex and often stupid space in which to live, and I have seen all of its complexities laid out before me. I am ready, I think, to leave it behind.

    The interview is over.
     
    Western Buddhism
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI

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    EXTRACTS FROM EXPLORATION OF KAUKASOS (1430 CE)
    OLD AMIDA
    There before me lay one of the great capitals of the antique world, the capital of Asia’s great Imerian dynasty, and a holy city of the Bodistai. An observer is immediately made aware of the richness of its surroundings- it is in this district that the river Tigris first starts to promote fertility on the surrounding banks, and it is a fecund land covered in diverse croppage. Wheat, dates, honey, zardaloi are all grown here in abundance. It is said that the district of Amida has never known a famine in its history. Its green wealth and copper mines are the constant in the history of Amida’s prosperity. But the grandeur of Amida is well in excess of even this material prosperity. Gone are the days when Amida was the Pillar of the World, Queen of Cities, but if this is Amida in her dotage then what a city she must have been in her young days! Even know she houses three hundred thousand persons. Grand palaces, called tachar by the locals, litter the city, associated both with the modern rulers of the city (in these present days it is the Amidna) and Amida’s rich and powerful. The houses even of the ordinary citizens are of beautiful stone, though not all are well kept by their owners. The city’s markets are a sea of colour and heady mixture of spices, and are the source of many of the spices to be found in our homeland, though I discovered that the rich men of the city are disdainful towards this market, associating it with immorality and vanity.

    Most grand of all, however, are the Bodistes complexes. In Amida. Such complexes are known there, and in the rest of the Kaukasos, by many names; Darbihara, Darbizachar, Bichara. The Bichara of Amida is known across Asia as the grandest of them all, having survived two attempts in Asia to purge the Bodistai, and indeed remained intact after both occasions. There are twelve bikus houses, and the oldest is said, by the Bodistai of Amida, to have been founded by the great king Bumemitra, grandson of the conqueror Agnemitra. All of these bikus houses draw their shrines and dwellings off a single great courtyard, and the sights within are concealed from the outside by a great door for a part of the day. I did make notice that this was generally the coldest parts of the day, particularly the night, and thought it comforting that even a bikus might find cold discomforting. I was permitted to stay in one of the bikus houses overnight, and was treated as a most welcome guest. This was the bikus house that, it is said, was founded by the Gimi king Moga after his recognition of the Boda. It is indeed unusual, in my experience, for the interior of a bikus house to be so richly decorated, in bright yellows, blues, and reds. As is the case with all grand buildings in the Kaukasos there is a ceiling window, through which light permeates the courtyard of this bikus house, and the rim of the window is decorated with golden illustrations of animals, which the bikuses did warn me caught the light at awkward angles across parts of the day. I enjoyed the same foods as the monks at dinner time, whereupon I was served a rice dish of the kind that all associate with the Bodistai. However, this dish included badenka, and lemon, and tasted as though it had been cooked in wine. I was most confused by this until I found out from a merchant of Amida that there is a kind of grape juice that is given or sold to the Bodistai in the Kaukasos to be used for cooking in imitation of wine. The rice dish was most exquisite, and the Bodistai cooks of the Kaukasos are more subtle than those of their western enclaves I deem, particularly with their spices. There were also the leaves of strawberries with dali wheat and herbs, and the most delightful candied lemon. They do not know the making of plakenta here but had heard of the practice among the western Bodistai, and were most curious to see what I knew of such things.

    The next day was when I visited the stopai of Amida. They are almost beyond count, as though the stopai that are in the west were infertile compared to their cousins further east. I have since found out that such plenteous stopai in such a small area is an ancient practice long fallen out of fashion among the Bodistai, which accords well with what the bikuses told me, that is that the stopai are mostly refoundations of those from the Imerian era. Those of the Kaukasos have a particular style, that is where the sloped body of the stopa is surmounted by a conical peak, sometimes surrounded by smaller such peaks on the lower reaches of the mound. The oldest are not particularly large or tall, the youngest are enormous creations of stone. Then there is the temple of Amida itself; the chambers extend ontwards from its central vault like the spokes of a wheel, which each chamber having its own conical dome, and then above the vault is a great round dome. Like many temples of the Bodistai most of the temple’s decoration is primarily rendered in stonework and inscription, lacking in precious materials or paintings, but upon entering I noted one of the eight chambers contained remnants of aged walls which illustrated scenes from the beliefs of the Bodistai, and I wonder if in a different time the Bodistai were less austere with their sacred spaces. The interior of the temple felt cavernous and unworldly, as a temple ought, with each of the eight chambers having a tall roof, and the central vault being extended aloft by the hollowed out interior of the dome that I had seen from the exterior. In the centre of that vaulted space was the statue of the Boda that one expects in all of their temples, and there I gave offerings and wellwishes to him. The bikuses were beginning one of their laughing prayers and I took my leave at that time, wishing them well, and avoided turning my back to the statue for some steps before going on my way. I am not, as I have said many times, a follower of the Boda or Bodistai, but in his own country it does well to respect the Boda, as the Bodistai that dwell among the Hellenes themselves respect the gods and sophoi in our homeland.


    THE REPORT OF MITRDATA ON ARABESTANA (c. 200 BCE)

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    To the king, my lord: your servant, Mitrdata. Good health to the king!

    Having arrived at Mariba on the 16th, and speaking with the King Anmar, I am ready to report on the piety of Arabestana and its general wellbeing. I find that the wihara are particularly healthy and respected in the following regions- Muscat, Haxar, Divva, and Mariba itself. However, the wihara at Divva has been damaged by an earthquake, and repairs are still underway. I am told that the local governor only reluctantly released the men and funds to repair it, and only after other local governors threatened to report him to yourself, the King of Kings. In general those who dwell in cities and the fertile parts of Arabestan are most receptive of Budda, especially in those areas where the priests have established friendly relationships with the priests of the Arab gods, or where they have been able to alleviate some amount of poverty. However, whilst they are not entirely unfriendly towards Budda, the Arabs of the deep desert remain at arm’s length, and some associate the acknowledgement of Budda with the civilized cultures that they are generally unfriendly with. Those who are more receptive are still leery, because they continue to find the customs associated with the Budda strange, but this will change in time. Pilgrimage from those Arabs who have become devout is increasing, and the revenues generated from this are being collected without corruption.

    As for the general state of Arabestana there is a good opinion as to the peace which the king and his esteemed fathers have established over the land. Many of the Arabs have themselves made far more profits from the trade in incense than ever before, and I might recommend that perhaps taxes be raised to prevent the undue clumping of wealth and coinage in Arabia. What causes discontent, of a sort, are affairs involving Axum and Mudraya. Previously Arab kings had enjoyed friendly relations with Axum but now, at this present time, the King of Axum is hostile to the king, my lord, for he fears the strength of your navy and the idea that the King might launch an expedition to conquer his kingdom. He tries as best as possible to cut off the lands of the king my lord from trade to the south and west, and to some degree succeeds. Mudraya says nothing outwardly unfriendly to King Anmar or to the king, my lord, but King Anmar is aware of attempts by agents of Mudraya to induce disorder in Arabestana. They believe that they can make war upon the Hadadu but only if the king, my lord, has his attention turned elsewhere.

    Should I send word to the King of the Hadadu my lord? Should King Anmar receive instructions as to Axum and Mudraya? Does the king wish for punitive measures on Axum or Mudraya?

    All garrisons and forts in Arabestana are reporting that things are well, the commander at Haxar in parcticular wishes me to send his eternal thanks for the reinforcements that were sent to him, just in case his own arrive after my message to you does by some unforseen chance. Things in Arabestan are prosperous and peaceful, you may be glad.


    THE SOPHOI BY KADMODOROS (88 CE)
    THE SOPHOI OF ASIA

    It was a central conceit of my ancestors that the Hellenes were the only civilized people, bar the Aigyptoi, in the world. It was after much hardship that we discovered that much of the Asian world thought of us as the uncivilized barbaroi knocking at the door of the peaceful world, the warrior savages good for fighting and little else. Both had much to learn from one another, it emerged, and both would find themselves changed. The Hellenes as in the days of Solon and Khilon are gone, though their wisdom remains with us, or even as in the days of Herodotos and Xenokritos. We are one, we are many, and we are together. We must also look to wisdom from abroad, in particular from Aigyptos and Asia, if the Hellenes are to continue their long-delayed rise that has, at last, come about, and we must acknowledge the Asian wisdom that has already changed our people so much.

    One of the Sophoi of ancient times who was not a Hellene was Kadmos, born Phoenician royalty but founder of Thebes and first king of that city, who also founded all of its temples. An incarnation of the Gods’ will, he slayed the dragon of the waters at Thebes, and wore the panoply of Hephaistos which marked him out as the instrument of the gods. He defended the Hellenes in ancient times from the demons that threatened to overrun it. Not least of all, he brought the divine art of writing to the Hellenes from the Phoenicians, through which we render law, no longer as in the most ancient times carried on by word of mouth, and also carry on our stories of the gods, and our sophoi.

    Another sophos of Asia was Bodda, who lived in India many centuries ago. It is he who first developed the school which bears his name, the school that teaches men that through ataraxia is a root to contentment and piety, and the first to desire his teachings be spread among all men. It is from his wisdom that we come to understand what a sophos is, and their place in the religious heritage of the Hellenes, that humankind is eternally blessed with the sophoi elevated by the gods, and the very best of them achieve ataraxia through their piety and devotion to the Hellenes and to all men. We must acknowledge Bodda to have been a sophos, for he is foremost among those Asians that we acknowledge as wise, even though devotion towards Bodda and his school is not common in Hellas. We need not built stopai and temples in his name to respect his wisdom.

    There is also Zoroastres, the great illuminator, who understood that the universe was a struggle between the forces of goodness and the forces of evil, and that all mankind should strive towards affecting the outcome of this conflict. It is from Zoroastres, an ancient Persian, that we gain meaning to our worship of the Gods beyond simple piety and fellowship, the brotherhood of humans who worship the Gods are a stand against the encroachment of demons who would drive the universe towards destruction. From him we began to truly understand how to value the Gods, and it is from Zoroastres and Bodda together that we realise that this knowledge must be extended towards as many as possible in the great, uncivilized wastes of Europa. The Istros river is a great road through which knowledge of humanity’s role in saving mankind must travel, touching the lives of the unilluminated, teaching them to understand their Gods as their protectors and, through devotion to them, their liberators.


    EXTRACTS FROM THE STORY OF THE BUDDHA (1655 CE)
    ORPHIC BUDDHISM​
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    Of all of the myriad interpretations of Buddhism that emerged in the antique world there are none so strange as that of the Orphics who converted to the ways of the Buddha. It is said that it was introduced to them by a tax collector, not long after the collapse of the Amavadatid state and soon after the formation of the Hellenic Symmachia, who himself was a Buddhist, and who had gone among their communities to talk with them about the teachings of the Buddha. This tax collector was named Eusebios, and names of such formulation (eus- prefixed compounds) were indeed common among the small communities of Hellenic Buddhistry. The sources that discuss such things indicate that Eusebios successfully convinced a number of the Hellenic Orphic communities to venerate and carry on the Buddha’s teachings, by virtue of their many seeming similarities to their own principles and because of the eminent wisdom in what he had said on various matters. But this was only a number, not all, and a sizeable (if lesser) number had a more angry reaction to this attempt at conversion, stating that Buddha was clearly a demon who attempted to take the devout away from a true understanding of the universe and piety. A number of these conservative Orphics would end up departing to Italia, where the Hellenic communities remained mostly untouched by the influence of any of Buddha’s followers. They came to join the remaining Pythagorean communities, and were probably an influence in the Second Pythagorean Revolution which broke out less than forty years later, which resulted in harsh measures from the Tinians and Hellenes alike.

    Orphic Buddhistes, meanwhile, were unalike all other Buddhistes in that at first they eschewed the Bihara, as they were called in the Kaukasos in imitation of the Indic Vihara, in favour of extremely decentralised complexes of austere housing amidst their sacred groves and forests. However, they are also the only Buddhistry community of the Hellenes in that time who had the wherewithal to construct a temple to Buddha, which they built at Dion because of the relics to Orpheus that lay nearby, and because it was his mythical place of death. It was said that nobody knew which was more curious, a Buddistric temple in Dion or the Orphics actually venturing forth from their small communities. The temple was far more akin to a Hellenic temple than those Buddistric temples of much of Asia, with the stopai (from Indic Stupa) being more akin to Hellenic stelai and statue-work, being described as ringed with statues and architectural illustrations of humans, but these were also foreign enough even for a Hellas that had seen both Akhaimenid and Amavadatid rule to be immediate curiosities. Some regarded them as an unacceptable foreign incursion, others as a harmless waste of money, others still as a sign of Hellenic integration into Asia, which was rapidly being equated with tolerance of the teachings of Buddha. Many Hellenes gave the temple respect, if not patronage or adoration, but the Makedonians in particular eventually became taken with it. The influence of Orphic Buddhistry on what became Makedonianist religion was quite profound, and a belief in reincarnation was first inculcated in Makedonia by the Orphic Buddhistes.

    The Orphic Buddhistes were not well known in the rest of Asia in those early days, apart from in the area of the Kaukasos around Kolkhis, where they had frequent intercourse with the Buddhistes of that region. However, this would change after the First Buddhistry Purge in Asia by the first of the Skythian dynasty, as they were known to the Hellenes and the western Mediterranean, or as they were known in the rest of Asia the Gimi dynasty. After this purge the more enlightened and tolerant king Moga came to the throne, who immediately set about restoring the Buddhistes in view of the cosmic order. He invited the Orphic Buddhistes, who had been made known to him, to come and aid in the rebuilding of Buddistry in those parts of Asia that his forerunners had put to sack. Thus was the Hellenic mode of Buddhistry placed into the heart of Asia, and influenced its subsequent appearance greatly. Orphic Buddhistry as it existed in this time came to an end in the next few centuries; its western outposts in Hellas morphed into what is known to us as Makedonianism, and its eastern members in Asia came to create a new mode of Buddistry there that then absorbed them. Makedonianism has not always been accepted as a mode of Buddhistry but, in my time, is accepted by the Asian Buddhistes as part of their community. The Hellenic influenced Buddistry that grew up in Asia has proven an unbreakable connection between Hellenes and Buddhistry, for though there are still few Buddhistes in Hellas there are many Buddhistes in Asia that are Hellenes or the descendants of Hellenes. This connection has withstood another purge of Buddhistry in the meantime.
     
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    Etruscan Religion
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI

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    Extract from Archaeoteria Volume One by Lar Segeto (961 CE)
    The Brontoscopia


    Many ancient peoples have become forever associated with a basal element of the universe; the men of Carchedon and their forebears, for example, with the sea, the men of Aigyptos with the earth. With our ancestors, the ancient Rasna, they are forever tied to the sky, especially lightning. But many do not understand what causes this association, what the actual importance of these things was to the ancient Rasna. Collecting, as I have been, sources from diverse periods and with detailed information on the beliefs of the Rasna, I will endeavour to explain to the interested reader the basic form of the Rasnatic relationship with the sky, and their belief in fate. This assembled together is what we call the Brontoscopia, which is a Hellenic word in origin meaning to ‘predict by thunder’.

    The ancient Rasna believed that the sky was the source of all knowledge and power. Not only did they believe the major Gods to dwell in the lofty heavens, as did many other ancient peoples, they believed that the Gods dwelled in different districts of the sky. They understood thunder and lightning to be divine emanations, enlightening those with the correct knowledge as to the future, to the very fate of all who walked on the earth. By mapping these emanations to the correct districts of the sky they would have true understanding of divine intentions. Those who possessed true knowledge would themselves be able to summon lightning at will, commanding a fraction of the power of the Gods. East was considered a blessed district of the sky, home to many of the most benevolent and wise of the Gods, whereas the West was home to those of ill-intent. It is perhaps this reason why the Rasna clung so to Hellenic culture and knowledge, which fed their growth in their time of gestation.

    This belief in the summoning of lightning would become crucial on a fateful day, the Battle of Destiny as it has been known ever since. At Felsine a great army of barbarians was confronted by an assembled Rasna army. Its leader would become known to history as Larth Unalisa, but at the time he seems to have been known as Larth Tulumnes clan Aule Arnthalisa. He led the forces of Veii alongside those of other Rasna cities against the assembled barbarian hosts. However, the Miracle of Felsine turned the tide of the battle; Larth Unalisa was able to call down lightning to strike the barbarian king, who fell down dead. The barbarian hordes fled, and a new fate was revealed for the Rasna people; one of greatness, and strength. Things would never be the same again. The Rasna had long believed that their civilization had an allotted time, a specific number of generations before their collapse, but the Battle of Destiny led to the acclamation of a Golden Generation, one whose length was open-ended. This, then, is why we call the Rasnatic Empire’s dynasties the Three Golden Generations.


    THE LAND OF THUNDER (253 BCE)​

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    To the King Thrasymakhos, say this from his servant Deinos.

    Matters arose in Massalia which I was unable to extricate myself from, but I will return to Syrakousai as soon as I am able, and rather than keep you waiting, my king, I elected to send you this letter with a trusted messenger. My findings will be given to you, my king, in full when I am able to return, but here are the most important of my discoveries.

    The reports of the Tyrsenoi kingdom showing preference for gods of the sky and thunder are accurate, perhaps even understated. In the lands of the Tyrsenoi proper they value above all their Gods which are lightning-throwers, in particular the three Gods they call Tinia, Uni, and the Athana of the Tyrsenoi that they call Menerva. Indeed they hold that through reading lightning the fate of individuals and the world can be determined. They also exalt Zan, and encourage those Hellenes within their kingdom to exalt him above all other Gods of the Hellenes. In addition, they encourage Gods of thunder among the barbarians that they control, ones named this, that, and the other such as Taranis or Euspiter. Truly, the kingdom of the Tyrsenoi is become the land of thunder.

    It is a custom among the Tyrsenoi to dine with their ancestors in special rooms designed for that purpose in tombs belonging to Tyrsenoi families. This is not unusual information, and is likely known to you my king, but please be patient because this is a necessary preface to the next part of my report. Accordingly, with this custom in mind, the king of the Tyrsenoi feasts so with his ancestors. What was once a private ritual has now become a public festival, celebrated across the kingdom of the Tyrsenoi, because they hold the king to be master of the fate of the kingdom, and accordingly it is pious to share in the feast of the king with his ancestors. There are thus festivals all across the different districts of his lands. If the king wishes a day to strike the Tyrsenoi, one where they are vulnerable at the same time each year, there is no more suitable time that I can determine than during this festival of the king. I am aware that this would present difficulties, due to the length of the journey from Sikelia to any lands of the Tyrsenoi bar the region of Kapua and Neapolis, but this nonetheless represents a rare opportunity to find the Tyrsenoi vulnerable at the same time each year. They are a vigilant people, and it cannot be predicted as to when some Keltoi or other barbarian people might assault their frontiers to the north.

    As for other kingdoms, do not trust to the Italiote League, disregard what anyone else has said to you about their willingness to attack the Tyrsenoi. On the one hand, the collapse of the kingdom of Amavadatos has robbed them of their main protector, and whilst this is in no way an insult directed towards my king and benefactor the Italiotes do not believe Syrakousai to be an equivalent protector to the now-collapsed Amavadatid kingdom. On the other hand, the followers of Pythagoras continue to grow in numbers and militancy in Italia, and many of the League’s members are concerned with suppressing any insurrection these cults might launch, in imitation of the last set of Pythagorean revolutions. My estimation is that such insurrections are likely to occur, but also that they might occur in the Hellenic poleis controlled by the Tyrsenoi. Speaking of Hellenic poleis, the polis of Massalia, from where this letter reaches you, is deeply unhappy with their conquest by the Tyrsenoi, even now, and would likely gladly revolt against their masters if they were attacked by a strong enough opponent.They believe that this or that apoikia founded by the Massaliotes in Iberia would aid them in this struggle, but I cannot determine if this is likely or not. The former territory of the Perseid kings is similarly an unknown quantity.


    THE LEXICON OF HELLENIC RELIGION (1704 CE)
    Απονοσ (Aponos): Aponos was originally a small urban area near to Patavion with a sanctuary dedicated to an eponymous God Aponos, of relatively obscure origins but probably a god relating to healing and waters. The Perseid kingdom, under Perseus II, transformed the site; his patronage resulted in the construction of a large temple to ‘Poseidon Aponos’, and it was promoted by Perseus as a unifying element in his diversely populated state, with right of access guaranteed to those who were allied to him or subject to his rule. This period also saw the prominence of Aponos’ oracular site rise, and by the end of the 4th century BCE there are references to it as a famed oracle in the literature of other Hellenic regions such as Italia and Hellas proper. When the Tinians conquered the Perseid state they absorbed many of its institutions wholesale, especially those that helped to glue their new territories together. This resulted in the profile of Aponos increasing even further, receiving pilgrimage and respect from the large territories of the Tinian state. This was despite its lack of association to any kind of thunder god, and was noted on this basis by several commentators, including Sethre Sethral, the famed Tinian philosopher.

    The sanctuary survived the tumult of the Second Golden Generation’s ascent to power, and under Larth Tinial clan Unalisa II the sanctuary complex was expanded yet further, with the foundation of its sacred bath complex. It was under this period that the region of Patavion became one of the wealthiest parts of the Tinian Empire, with the growth of Empire and growth of Aponos’ importance dovetailing to mutual benefit. This period of prosperity came to an end, however, with the great Boii invasion of the eastern Tinian territories. Their raids penetrated as far as the district of Patavion, and the sanctuary was sacked for its riches. The defeat of the Boii put an end to the invasion but with the Second Golden Generation on the rocks, the future of Aponos grew uncertain, and it lay in semi-ruin for some time afterwards. However, after the ascension of the expansionist Third Golden Generation, the Temple was refounded, and enlarged to become even greater than it ever had been before. It was also given a circuit wall closer to a fortification than a marker of a sacred precinct, and it is believed that Aponos had a garrison independent of the larger military base in Patavion proper. This had the unintended affect of giving the priest of Poseidon Aponos military power, and upon the collapse of the Third (and final) Golden Generation the Priests of Aponos were one of several armed factions in the Adriatic districts of the former Tinian Empire. This was to prove the final downfall of the old temple, as the Wenetic Kingdom under Adnama defeated the army of Aponos, and dispersed the priests from the site. It remained a site of baths and a fortified garrison but the temple was left ruined, and used for stone. Eventually a new sanctuary, dedicated to the Olikan faith, was founded on the site of the old temple, as is the case with most of the early Olikos temples.


    The Speeches of Hellenarkhs (1641 CE)
    Leukippos of Naxos’ On the Piety of the Henetoi​

    Introduction

    This speech was delivered by Leukippos on the subject of a debate before Panhellen Kadmos, which was what the Symmachia’s policy towards the Henetic Kingdom, known as the Wenetic kingdom in the West, should be. There had been several recommendations of a friendly policy towards the kingdom, mostly because of its value as a bulwark against deeply unfriendly states to the Symmachia. Leukippos’ speech was delivered against the prevailing advice, and is the most stridently Olikan of all of his surviving speeches. Unlike many speeches delivered before the Panhellenic Bola we know the outcome of this speech, which successfully turned the tide of opinion towards the Henetoi, and resulted in a war between the two states. This is the moment in which Olikan religion was confirmed as a political force in Hellas and its territories, approaching a state of dominance it had hitherto not experienced.

    Text

    This advice I address to the Panhellen and his council, which I swear by all of the Gods is the best advice I have in my power to give. Panhellen Kadmos, foremost of the Hellenes, Defender of the Istros Frontier, Conqueror of Barbarians, I say this to you. I speak against this notion of allying with the Henetoi, entirely, utterly, without reserve and without hesitation. Those who have suggested otherwise are foolish and totally wrong about their suggestion. Why do I say this? Why do I speak against so many respected Hellarkhs? Because by this action we anger the Gods, and we anger the Gods because of the perfidious, sacrilegious Henetoi, because of the crimes against Gods and the cosmic order that they have committed in their time of unnatural governance over their corner of the world. Where is their usefulness when they destroy oracles and temples, as at Aponos? They are not bulwarks of strength against the forces ranged against our existence, against our mission to transform the world, they are one of those forces, for they threaten to upheave the entire cosmic order with their sacrilegious behaviour towards a sanctuary of Poseidon!

    They expelled Hellenes that have dwelled in that district since the time of King Xerxes, priests who have worshipped and honoured the Gods in the same way, in the same time-honoured traditions that all of us acknowledge, respect, and conduct ourselves, for centuries! How can we consider them a potential ally when they treat our Gods this way? And make no mistake, when they treat our Gods this way they treat all Hellenes this way in exactly the same ugly, disrespectful and destructive way. Since time immemorial Hellenes have united by our language, our culture and education, and by our common worship of the proper Gods. An attack on the Gods is by its very definition an attack on all Hellenes, everywhere in the world! What qualities of the Henetoi set aside their profaning of the sacred and Hellenic sites which were set in their care? All kings, princes, and rulers have in their duty the sacred and unbreakable duty to preserve the temples to the Gods that exist in their territory, this cannot be abrogated! What respect do you, Panhellen Kadmos, owe a fellow king, this Adnama, if he does not value any of the sacred duties owed to his office!

    The Tyrsenoi understood many things, and one of those things was the undertaking of proper respect towards the Gods, of honouring and displaying proper piety towards the Gods, but since the ending of their line their former territories are given over to disorder, to sacrilege and sack! How can we, the Hellenarkhs, stand before the Panhellen, stand in the sacred hall of the Panhellenic Assembly, and say that this bunch of immoral savages are better than this set of immoral savages? The Gods will not look kindly upon those who ignore profaners of the sacred, for there is a universal truth that lies upon all men, of all nations; the Gods must be respected. Men must respect their own Gods, and they must respect the precincts in their lands dedicated to the sacred Gods of other lands. This has been the law of civilized nations since before the ancient Kadmos gave us our writing and our civilized behaviour!

    O Panhellen, named for this illustrious forebear, you cannot overlook this breach of the base laws of mankind. I have not now, nor ever, harmed any icon, ritual, or sanctuary of any Gods of the Henetoi in the lands of the Hellenes that I might have run across, and neither has any man who stands in this Assembly, for you are all excellent and civilized individuals who respect such things. These Henetoi have not accorded us and our Gods the same respect, and they must be punished accordingly! We must be the instrument of the Gods divine punishment, to restore the cosmic order, to make the Henetoi understand that the defiling of Hellenic sacred spaces will not go without divinely mandated justice, and to remind all the other savages that create disorder and moral disharmony in Hesperia that we are coming for them next! We shall be as King Xerxes, an agent of divine justice to punish crimes against the order of the universe and to keep the moral balance of the world intact! If some set of Keltoi or Germanoi or some other people far to our North were to some down, all of a sudden, in some great horde and pillage and defile Delphoi, or Dodona, or Lebedeia, would we simply sit and say that we should align with them, because their warriors are strong and they might prove useful against some other set of barbarians or the other? No! We would crush them with every armed Hellene, every armed ally of the Panhellen, that we could muster, from every corner of his domains! The Henetoi have destroyed the sacred oracle of Poseidon Aponos! This need not be repeated! This is a monstrous violation of sacred law and justice that has been perpetrated by this man who claims kingship over so much of the Adriatic coast. Talk no more of alliance, talk of how we shall uproot this king and destroy him and his confederates!

    We are not in a position of weakness but strength, for not only are our armies well led and victorious, but we are a pious nation that respects the Gods of the Hellenes and those of others equally well. We are agents of restoration of the divine order of things, we are in the prime of a strength that is truly unprecedented, under Panhellen Kadmos we can say that the Hellenes and our allies are even stronger than the grand coalition of Agamemnon, and have a far more righteous cause. Let us use this strength, let the Panhellen reach out his mighty hand to restore divine justice, to renew the Gods’ faith in our ability to carry out their will, to punish the wicked and exalt the righteous. Speak no more of alliance with the Henetoi! Speak of the movement of armies and the punishing of the impious! Do what is right in the eyes of God, and man! Panhellen, I beseech you, heed not those who ignore the perfidies of the Henetoi, consider their chastisement in the manner that seems fittest to you.
     
    Popular Hellenic Religion
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI

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    A Response to C. Larc Matta Regarding His Latest Archaeoteric Work by C. Banuna Bessa Bottal (1592 CE)​
    Some would call the current age a golden era of understanding and scholarship, particularly in the realm of Archaeoteria. Senulogia, with its rediscovery of ancient monuments, tombs, and splendid artefacts has allegedly enabled us to, at last, surpass the knowledge of the ancients as to the deep past, the far corners of human civilization’s earliest incarnations. If this is the case, then perhaps somebody ought to inform C. Matta as to this being the case, for his latest volume is not so much a step backwards as an abdication of any useful scholarship of any kind, a wholescale retreat from relevancy that resembles nothing less than the final defeat of the Rasnatic armies by its encircling foes, the sack of Veii and its glories, as transferred to the study of ancient things. The aforementioned C. Matta has, on the whole, displayed many admirable qualities as a scholar in his previous work, some of which this author has had the good pleasure to recommend to peers of all nations. But perhaps we are forced to re-evaluate such a vastly overgenerous esteem when confronted by the contents of C. Matta’s Popular Religion Among the Ancient Hellenes, which represent nothing less than the wasting of valuable ink. There are perhaps latrines in which can be salvaged more numerous and useful contents than this purported work of archaeoteria. In case C. Matta or any others are curious as to why this work is so misliked by this author then, having somehow escaped the obvious, I will inform those curious what any nine year old boy would tell them; the consideration of the religion of the masses is an utterly irrelevant topic with neither application nor interest for any modern scholar, nay gentleman, of quality and upbringing. Even a dusty farmer, who had naught for scholarly peers but pigs and pear trees, would extoll similar receptions of this work for these very same reasons.

    There are not a surfeit of trained masters in the art of deciphering Imperial Tuscan, or any of the ancient Rasnatic tongues, neither still those who can also decipher ancient Hellenic languages of various provenances. C. Matta is one such individual, the beneficiary of an efficient and expensive education which appears to have been entirely wasted on him, it is a wonder that his parents do not leave the country for shame of the nonsense their eldest scion now produces. One can only wonder at the shame and fury felt by the universities of Crathi and Nemeso at having wasted so much tutelage on a scholar who now seems to miss the entirety of the fundamental notions governing his studies’ existence. Archaioteria is not a collection of trivias, or a school of architecture in which the minutiae of people’s lives are the building blocks, it is the study of ancient nations, their profound influence on the world around them and subsequent to them, of the individuals that moved and shaped those nations. When our own times are examined by Archaioterists in an era as removed from our own as ours is from the Archait era they will not be interested in the reason why a cobble was designed just so, what a tutannox eats for breakfast before milking his cows, or Gods forbid what passes for religion among the wretched of our society. This is Archaioteria as perhaps is imagined in such places as Pridia or even the sleepy coast of Armur, where entire regions filled with nothing but tutannix seek something to indicate their (false) relevance to goings on, but in Arvernia, Massalia, and all other places of civilization and import we pursue education for the purpose of bettering ourselves, our nations, and mankind. Perhaps, having seemingly forgotten this purpose, C. Matta would kindly return his nota to the relevant institutions, so as not to devalue the credence given to those who would ordinarily have received those qualifications.


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    C. LARC MATTA’S POPULAR RELIGION AMONG THE ANCIENT HELLENES (1590)
    EXTRACT FROM CHAPTER 2: ON MESSENIA

    In its renewed state upon the coming of the Persians, the role of the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatis becomes crucial in understanding the intersection of popular and state religion in Messenia. For some time this sanctuary had been held by the Spartiate regime despite being a major locale for the rituals of the Messenian people. Once this sanctuary became fully open to them, and no longer lay on the border with Lacedaimonia, it was at the centre of the newly formed Messenian kingdom that existed under Persian dominion. Pilgrimages to this temple became common, and inscriptions at the site have been found attesting to dedications from ordinary Messenians, most of them thanking Artemis for boons given and prayers answered. This is clearly a precursor to the more mobile Olikan faith in Hellas, whereby it became expected that a Hellene might well move outside their own region to properly dedicate themselves before one of the Olympian gods. But Artemis Limnatis was not solely a target of pilgrimage and prayer, she was also at the centre of Messenian state ritual, being the location of two major festivals; the Xerxeia, dedicated to remembering Xerxes’ liberation of the Messenians, and also the Limnaisia, the procession of the waters from Limnais to the sea at Abia. Some Messenians worshipped Xerxes at the former festival, and why not? As their perceived deliverer, at whose hand they received no punishment or censure, he would have seemed a divine figure from a far off, more civilized land. Indeed, a holiday on the behalf of Xerxes is still celebrated across Messenia. This introduction of Persian references in Messenian religion perhaps provides another plausible entry point for Persian custom into ancient Hellenic religion as surplus to Boiotia and Attica. Perhaps the sanctuary of Artemis Limnatus was the very first Hellenic practitioner of Persian sky-burials, knowing as we do that such burials became popular, if not dominant, in the region of Messenia in the centuries after the Conquest. We can permit ourselves to imagine a Persian presence at the Xerxeia, perhaps with Persians playing a role during the reconstruction of Xerxes’ liberation of the Messenians?

    The sanctuary at Limnatis is also an example of continuum among a sea of change, as can be identified with other important religious sanctuaries across Hellas. In this way the Persians made the radical adjustment from Hellenic-ruled, polis-based sovereignty to Persian ruled hegemony easier, numbing the sensation by the continuance of popular Hellenic religion by its most visible physical centres. It is no accident that even Western Hellenic authors grudgingly admit that the old, proud sanctuaries of their ancient homelands reached their most splendid and magnificent forms under Persian rule. Limnais was a clear example of this, though in Herodotos we find reference to scurrilous rumours that this was a bribe to the king of the Messenians to ignore corruption and all sorts of other misdeeds by the Persian governors of Hellas. The importance of Limnatis to the renewed Messanian civic and political existence in this period is precisely why the Amavadatid state continued to patronise the sanctuary, for as the era of Achaemenid rule wound on this sanctuary represented a profound link between the general population of Messenia and the Achaemenid monarch himself, a link that the Amavadatids sought to supplant.

    Indeed, in both Achaemenid and Amavadatid Hellas we can distinguish their relationship with temples into two kinds of different purpose; the first, representing their patronage of Delphoi and similar sites, is their patronage and protection of those sites with Panhellenic significance; the second, of which Limnais is representative, is their good will towards and protection of sites with specific significance to particular ethne within Hellas, connecting them to popular religion and allowing the monarchs a direct relationship with the ethne in question, subverting the ability of a polis, basileus, or similar societal institution to monopolise the ordinary citizens of Hellas. However, should one of these monarchs find themselves unable to prevent damage or destruction of one of these sanctuaries, their authority could collapse in Hellas overnight, as it would in later times; the beginning of the end of Imerian dominion over Hellas came with the sack of Limnais by the Tinians, not to mention the damage to other sanctuaries by the invasion of the Dardani shortly thereafter. This then is the intersect between popular religion and the affairs of state, where hegemonic monarchs were tolerated or even supported only for as long as they could guarantee the sacred integrity of the peoples that they ruled. This author advances the thesis that these sanctuaries in which popular and civic religion interacted, Limais being representative, are the key to the establishment of imperial states over populaces with no previous experience of interconnected governance.


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    ALARIC LARSUNS’ RETROSPECTIVE ON LARC MATTA (1684 CE)

    Lehtrtoi of the current era are living in extraordinary times. The Alfine peoples traffic in knowledge and understanding in a way that would have once seemed inconceivable, in such a way as to truly surpass the times of the Razna dominance over the Alfine regions, in my view for the first time in Alfine or perhaps Uropan history. We can point to, and graciously thank, many persons for creating this modern state of affairs, but, and here I confess full partiality, as a participant in the discipline of Popular Archaioteria I must assert my belief that Larc Matta, Cingeto of Arvernia, Didasklos of Crathi and Nemeso Universities, was perhaps the most responsible for bringing on this change by not only writing Popular Religion Among the Ancient Hellenes but, after publishing this work, also withstanding the unremitting and partial criticism launched at him for even conceiving of the work, let alone giving it form. Nothing can take this achievement away from C. Matta, not the cavalcade of Senological discoveries that greet us in the present age, nor in the relentless march of time itself. But if we are to commit to the present notion of rigour that rightly informs the modern understanding the lehtrtoi world then we must apply that same rigour to this foundational text. We must set ourselves to comprehend C. Matta’s work in a present age, and come to a direct conclusion as to what the cultured men of the era can actually gain from reading the text.

    We must first come to terms with the fact that Senology has advanced our knowledge of archait era societies to a considerable degree. This has applied to the study of popular arkait history to an even greater degree than in other areas, for we need no longer rely on ancient authors alone to describe the history and layout of a given ancient sanctuary, or ancient city. We have uncovered inscriptions of religious significance that would have been too ordinary or beneath the notice of such authors. There remain many who try to ignore this evidence because of their faith in the ancient authors, but the tide of history does not flow in their favour. In this C. Matta was ahead of his peers by deeply incorporating the Senological evidence of his time with his work in archaioteria, and not only in doing so but realising the new opportunities which this would open up. The fundamental basis of popular archaioteria, that the popular realities, culture, and landmarks of a society not only interrelate with its general governance but to a great extent dictate the course of its existence as a nation, all come from this text, and the sound methodology which underlies them remains unimpeachable. We can say, of C. Matta’s interactions with Senological knowledge, that he came to sound conclusions from limited and misleading evidence, the fundamental logics were sound but the evidence with which he was working produced the wrong results. This does mean that much of his chapter on Macedonian popular culture, primarily evidenced as it was by non-Macedonian authors and finds at Amphipolis, is unfortunately quite incorrect in nearly all of its conclusions, as is the section on Pampyhlia.

    In addition, we must unfortunately take issue with some of his specific claims and decisions. There is precisely no evidence of any participation of Persians in the Xerxeia festival held at Limnais in Messenia, and had we not found direct material references to the festival we might even be tempted to disqualify the festival from archait reality at all, due to its prominence among sources hostile or, subsquently, snobbish about Eastern Hellenic practices, and in particular Messenia. We must find also that C. Matta’s conclusions about temple courtesans in Corinthos are ill-founded by current understanding, and here we must explain in more detail; at the time of C. Matta’s magnum opus the concensus was that many features of Hellenic culture and society allegedly introduced by Asia in times past had actually been introduced under the Achaemenids, and these claims of antiquity had been an attempt to make these Asian cultural features ‘safe’ to the Hellenic world. We now realise that we have references to Corinthos’ temple courtesans predating the Conquest, predating even Dareios the Great, and that Herodotos was indeed to be trusted on this matter. Accordingly, rather than Matta’s assumptions that these courtesans were Mesopotamian colonists slowly Hellenised, we can assume that these courtesans were always Hellenic women from local families, which changes the nature of understanding pre and post-Conquest popular Corinthian religion.

    Turning to the western Hellenes, in any area with Senulogical or Hellenic resources available we continue to find C. Matta nearly unimpeachable, given his peerless experience with Hesperia as a whole, from the Alfes to Italia. However, at the time in which he was engaging in research, we find that the appreciation for and engagement with ancient Carcedonian archaioteria (the viewpoint that the Carcedonians or, at the very least, the Phoinic people as a whole, were one of the classical archait peoples is beyond dispute in this author’s mind, regardless of how much ink Well Aulal wastes on arguing the contrary) was in its teething stages, and many important resources had not passed into the scholarship of Arvernia, Hesperia, or anywhere that the Alfes touched. The old Orezanian sources in particular have furnished modern archaioterists with a wealth of knowledge about Emporion which was not possessed before, and we may feel secure about calling many of the western Hellenic sources remiss for their scanty discussions of such a vibrant city. Thus C. Matta’s characterisation of the popular culture of the city as Hellenic in every way, shutting out the local influences, is almost certainly flawed, now that we understand instead the city to have slowly become a joint city, held in common between natives and Hellenes with an equal share of citizenship. Indeed, the Senulogical prospects for discovering the exact site of Old Emporion are as tantalising as discovering a real location of Troia. I also feel that, in trying to escape from the western Hellenic literature’s domination of opinions, the importance of the Dionysia festivals to Megathenai/Dikaia was radically understated and little examined by C. Matta. In fact it seems almost perverse that an Alfine scholar would not have dealt with the festivals when it came to the subject of western Hellenic and Tinian cultures intersecting, where we eventually find Tyrsenoi actors being admitted into the Dikaian Dionysia, and though it was at the point of imperial dominance by the Tinian Empire the eventual inclusion of Tyrsenoi playwrights in the Dionysia is likewise invaluable when discussing the intersect of the archait Hesperian peoples. C. Matta had also not developed his popular archait method as fully as possible, and had not thought to examine, for example, the changing Dikaian notions as to their homeland, and its progression from self regard as a community of exiles to primarily seeing Italia as their home, even if Athenai and a host of other cities were also their ancient homelands.

    However, given the time that has passed, and the early juncture of populist methodology that C. Matta represents, he remains remarkable in his forward thinking, and his primary methodologies remain the building blocks for our own examinations of the past. He was himself not a proponent of Populism, as it existed at that point, and yet he was of that party simply by being forward thinking, rational, and inquisitive in superior abundance to his peers, concerned as they were with war, and princes, and priests. It brings me no doubt to establish a Cingeto as a principal source of Populism in archaioteria, and an inspiration for political Populism. His work in examining the deep roots of the Achaemenid and Amavadatid states, not to mention the morphing relationship of Hellenes with Tyrsenoi in the Tinian Empire, remains the best of its kind in any of the lehrtoi traditions of our great sea. Those who seek to understand the popular theories of archaioteria must read this book, and to everyone else it remains a detailed, well thought out, and comprehensive work with few competitors in any era of history.

     
    April Fools
  • Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
    INTERMISSION

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    EXTRACT FROM SOPHOKLES’ LAKONES (441 BCE)

    ARKADIA: So here in Thule we dwell in harmony with the Gods, with all the kinds of animals that dwell in our lands, and with all of the peoples that neighbour us, such as the Eudokioi, Euloges, and the Anthanthropoi, dwelling in peace and reserving our time for song, philosophy, arts and crafts, and love-making. What about you, what of your homeland?

    GLOUTOS: Well Lakonia is the most beautiful part of my homeland, shall I describe it to you in detail?

    ARCADIA: Oh you surely must!

    GLOUTOS: Well, first there is its fertility, which is so poor as to force us to conquer better lands in order to furnish our rough and readies with their daily meals, who could ask for a better homeland? Then there are the splendid views, of endless rocky gullies, and bitterly cold, craggy mountains, in which any number of dangerous beasts dwell which are likely to attack and eat passers by! Such views over unlovely groves and homesteads could not possibly be bettered! And speaking of our food, we subsist only on a foul black broth made from the least lovely parts of animals and enough supplementary ingredients to prevent vomiting, or at least to prevent vomiting after the third time eating the black broth. It is a feast fit for Zeus himself. We are a proud and noble people, constantly seeking to advance our nation’s glorious cause by subjugating weaker, lesser peoples, and to cause as much sacrilege when doing so as possible, for how else could we evidence our widely renowned piety and respect for our Gods but by defacing, destroying, and having ugly sex in all of the sacred groves and temples of other Hellenes? Our society is all harmony, where a very few families of ancient status rule over multitudes of fellow Hellenes, and where ancient and proud ethne of Hellas are reduced to slavery purely out of our own inability to feed ourselves with our own labour, and where naked women are made to exercise in public to evidence their worthiness for bearing children!

    ARKADIA: Oh Gloutos, you are truly the greatest comedian that has ever lived, and far superior to that talentless Sophokles whose comedies are so legendarily bad that even here, in farthest Thule, we have banned their performance for fear of disrupting public order.

    GLOUTOS: A sensible plan o beautiful Thulian, in Lakonia we ban all literature for fear of exhibiting too much imagination and interest at things other than killing the creatures and peoples of the world.

    ARKADIA: Hark, who is it that approaches yonder? I recognise not this lovely form.

    HELEN: Hail, most robust and firm buttocked warrior of Hellas, from which city do you come to this place of loveliness?

    GLOUTOS: Greetings o fair stranger, I am from that most noble and righteous polis, that noble beacon of civilization shining above all others… Sparta!

    HELEN: Sparta?! Where is a Trojan prince when you need one…

    ARKADIA: Why do you flee in such haste, o fair maiden?

    GLOUTOS: Perhaps my buttocks intimidated her.

    ARKADIA: That is perhaps true, they are frighteningly large to those unused to their presence. Are such posteriors common to all those from Lakonia?

    GLOUTOS: They are not common at all, in fact my own pertness is the cause of my current wandering across the earth, alas for my fate!

    ARKADIA: But whyfore would such excellent and most rounded cheeks be of concern in such a lovely land as your homeland?

    GLOUTOS: Well we are accustomed, in my homeland, to the attentions of the elder men of status in our society, and such firm and large buttocks as these prevent the penetration of my behind, despite the flames of lust it aroused in all who beheld it! Their frustration at being unable to hump this plumpest rump led to my banishment from Lakonia, for fear of the sexual frustration of all the other Lakones interfering with our wars against the other Hellenes. Such a fate to befall a warrior as I…

    ARKADIA: Is there no way to increase the width of your cleft?

    GLOUTOS: Not even the finest smiths in all of Hellas were able to enlarge the crevice of my arse, and man must surely have experienced few such disappointments in all of our history as a race than I have endured as a result of my over-tightness..

    ARKADIA: Well then I must take you deeper into Thule, for the pleasant sights and diversions from the cruel world outside to relieve your suffering at the hands of such a cruel fate.

    GLOUTOS: You are too kind, my lady.

    MEDES: Halt!

    ARKADIA: Who are you to tell us to halt, in my own country and lands?

    MEDES: We’re the Medes!

    GLOUTOS: Perfidious orientals! Stand back, Arkadia, they will attempt to conquer us with their money and pleasures!

    ARKADIA: They have no pleasures with which to tempt a child of Thule, fair Lakon. Tell me Medes, however did you discover this land, kept as it is hidden from the rest of the world?

    MEDES: We had heard reports of a wondrous backside wandering the lands hither and thither, distracting everyone in its wake. Our distant king had us pursue the reports of this backside, for nothing can be so splendid that it does not tempt the King of the Medes from desiring it in his own, already overlarge palace!

    GLOUTOS: Alas, fair lady, I have led these ruffians into your home because of this pair of firm buttocks. They are truly my curse from the gods!

    MEDES: So the tales were true, truly you have the most wondrous hind-quarters across all the quarters of the world. And you are a Hellene, that requires us to seek to take you away and subject you to the authority of our King!

    GLOUTOS: Stand behind me fair lady, I must take out my shield blessed by the Gods.

    ARKADIA: See, the Gods do not desert you in your time of need! Surely they have blessed you with such divine protections as you deserve.

    MEDES: Ahhh! Careful where you point that shield, that erection will poke out someone’s eye!

    ARKADIA: Such amazing sorcery, pray tell me which God blessed your shield so so that I might give them my offerings?

    GLOUTOS: Priapos blessed my shield so, he said that my backside was more than deserving of such a charm to protect its integrity!

    MEDES: We relent, we relent! Stab us not with your engorgement, and we shall cease to attempt to bring you back to our homeland, though we cannot promise to cease molesting your pleasantly plenteous posterior...
     
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