Don't worry, we'll wait. RL takes precedence.
Thanks Archangel!
As it happens, I finally have this update done. Like the previous one it kinda paints with a wide brush, so to speak. Like I did with Europe, I'm covering what's been going on in South America since 1846, and catching it up to where the rest of the TL is at already (1860 or so). It's not much, but I hope you guys enjoy!
The Bellicose 50's: South America, 1845-1860
Domingo Nieto y Márquez, 44th Viceroy of Perú
There is a myth commonly perpetuated regarding Spanish rule in 19th century Perú, that the Spanish enjoyed relative peace there in the thirty years after the rest of Spain’s American empire crumbled, all while metropolitan Spain crumbled on its descent into chaos. Never mind that Spain had “descended” about as much as it would go and that from about the mid-1840’s things began to improve, or the fact that the decrepit Viceroyalty of Perú remained heavily militarized even after the wars for independence. The myth was just that, and Perú was anything but peaceful.
From the moment the guns fell silent in northern Perú, the Spanish authorities knew they operated on borrowed time before the various beleaguered republics regained their strength and moved to attack and bring the viceroyalty into the republican fold. Efforts to maintain the advantage intensified as colonial authorities dealt with multiple rebellious fronts in Equador to the north and in Alto Perú to the south, stemming from a sense of disaffection with the inadequate compensation the majority of the Peruvian population felt they had received for their services to the Empire. The conservative tenures of the Viceroys José de la Serna and Pedro Antonio Olañeta made little headway in alleviating the disillusionment of the masses, and by the 1840’s there were fears that Spain’s final bastion in the Western Hemisphere would soon succumb to republicanism.[1]
In 1845 the government in Madrid appointed Jerónimo Valdés, a relative moderate and acquaintance of General Espartero, as Viceroy of Perú. The new Viceroy proved his worth soon after by recognizing the merits of a particular José Rodríguez Labandera. A native of Guayaquil, Labandera made history in 1837 with the invention of
el Hipopótamo, the first submarine built and tested in South America. Labandera received praise for his endeavors from the viceregal authorities but little more, and after nearly giving up on the project found support from Viceroy Valdés, who promoted Labandera to the rank of First Lieutenant and commissioned the creation of more submarines to accompany a total retrofitting of the Viceroyalty’s navy.[2] Valdés’ fleet of Hipopótamos soon proved worth the investment when they aided in thwarting a Chilean attempt to arm rebels in the Department of Potosí in the early 1850’s.
José Rodríguez Labandera, next to a modern replica of the first Hipopótamo
Valdés also managed to placate many of the colony’s rebellious inhabitants by granting Equador the status of Captaincy General in 1847 (and with it more political autonomy), in conjunction with a vast upgrading of Guayaquil’s port facilities. Despite Valdés’ successes in expanding the navy, the resultant impact on the viceroyalty’s economy forced a hike in all taxes, including the centuries old
diezmo. In late April 1855 riots broke out in the city of Arequipa, the “unofficial” capital of Alto Perú, which quickly escalated to engulf much of the highlands.[3] The region’s primarily indigenous and
mestizo population had become frustrated with the imperial government, as they owed many of these people payments dating back to the revolutionary wars. Meanwhile in Arequipa, the emergence of a robust bourgeoisie (rivaling its long established counterpart in Lima) facilitated the region’s liberals to establish themselves and effectively coordinate rebel movements, forcing colonial authorities to focus all their attention to the south (and away from border skirmishes with Nueva Grenada that nearly turned hot).
In July both La Paz and Potosí fell to the rebels, subsequently bringing the vast majority of Alto Perú’s population under the rebel flag. By this stage a republic was declared in Charcas and pleas of support began filtering down south into Chile and Argentina, which was cause for panic to the Spanish establishment. After heavy fighting south of the port of Pisco resulted in a rebel victory, the path to Lima seemed all but unobstructed. By contemporary accounts, it seemed as if all of the city’s Spaniards were fleeing in all directions, akin to rats escaping a sinking ship. Viceroy Valdés himself led Spanish forces in a final attempt to halt the more numerous rebels from taking Lima near the village of Chilea. Valdés’ heroics did less to inspire his troops and ultimately resulted in his humiliating capture by the rebels. Lima seemed as good as secure, but as the city came within site, so too did thousands of reinforcements and their commanding officer, General Domingo Nieto, all encamped outside the city.
The ensuing battle saw the rebel leadership swiftly killed in combat and the rank-and-file rebels thrown into disarray. In October more reinforcements arrived from Spain, which bolstered General Nieto’s force, aiding in his victory at Arequipa several weeks later. General Nieto could have easily crushed the rebellion from here, but in a shocking turn opted to rather except a ceasefire agreement from the remaining rebels. This infuriated Viceroy Valdés, who was naturally feeling vindictive over his treatment at rebel hands, but General Nieto briskly disregarded him and instead engaged the rebels in a diplomatic fashion to put all hostilities to an end. The ceasefire, formally reached in December, was the first in a handful of events that would come to constitute the Peace of Cuzco. In conjunction with the various peace agreements made the following year, the colonial authorities made the first of several back payments to veterans and others from the Revolutionary Wars. The Spanish also agreed to shoulder some of the cost of repairing the damage done to Alto Perú.
At the behest of the government in Madrid, General Nieto accompanied the three dozen men who composed the recently enlarged Peruvian delegation to the
Cortes Generales, where he would advocate strongly for an expansion of the Royal Armada, which had remained in a pitiful state since the loss of most of Spain’s American colonies. Nieto cautioned the Spanish government that if it wanted to continue to hold onto the remainder of empire it still possessed, a powerful Navy was absolutely vital. King Juan III himself even saw fit to have General Nieto oversee many of these new reforms carried out, naming the fifty-five year old general as the 44th Viceroy of Perú in 1858, the very first South American to ever take the post.
To the north, the Republic of Nueva Granada was in the midst of a violent struggle with one of the former Venezuelan states. In late 1856 Nueva Granada invaded the neighboring Republic of Zulia over the latter’s failure to restrict banditry and lawlessness from slipping over their common border. Zulian President Nicolas Patiño attempted first to lead the defense of his nation, but the moment General Sucre’s army barreled through his defensive lines with apparent ease, Patiño himself requested military assistance from the rump Republic of Venezuela. General Sucre’s army managed easily enough to occupy the coastal plain encompassing Lake Maracaibo through early 1857, before being halted both at the Battle of Chama Pass in the Venezuelan Andes and the Battle of Urumaco due west of Coro.
One year into the war and Zulia, despite all odds, remained independent, albeit barely. Patiño had relocated to Barquisimeto as his seat of power, while a three-way fight between Zulian, Venezuelan and Neogranadine forces managed to do little beyond drenching the arid coastlands with blood. Bogotá was growing ever more skeptical with General Sucre’s pace and began to question the need to continue what seemed to be turning into a quagmire. In a bold move, General Sucre, leading a reduced entourage of men, and defying orders from Bogotá, marched in the midst of the wet season down the Orinoco River into territory claimed by Venezuela but controlled by the renegade State of Orinoco. The region had little in the way of infrastructure or resources, though its proximity to Caracas allowed for the possibility of a second front to form. Once Sucre reached the regional capital at Angostura, he compelled the leadership there to allow Neogranadine forces to use the region as a base to attack Venezuela, and in exchange Nueva Granada would recognize Orinoco as an independent republic. The government in Bogotá held mixed feelings over the out-right recognition of Orinoco as an independent nation, as it held claims to all of former Venezuela, though their fears were soon placated by Sucre’s seizure of the ports of Barcelona and Cumaná in early 1859.
Carlos Antonio López, President of Paraguay
Far to the south, turmoil was also brewing in the Platine Basin. The landlocked Republic of Paraguay, after a period of economic uncertainty in the 1830’s, became self-sustaining under the presidency of Carlos Antonio López. Despite his dictatorial tendencies, President López managed to modernize the Paraguayan Army and the country’s infrastructure networks. President López’s new army was first put to the test when war erupted between Paraguay and the Riograndense Republic in 1858. Within the span of about nine months the Paraguayan Army of 55,000 men had managed to occupy most of the country, with Porto Alegre’s capitulation in February 1859.[4] Paraguay’s victory sent alarm bells ringing throughout the region, as very few had anticipated such a short war. As a result, relations with the Empire of Brazil all but soured, as the Empire still held claim to the Riograndense Republic, which to the Brazilians was no more than a renegade province.
While the war had proven to be an overall success, it also highlighted several issues that easily could have compromised the war effort, such as the Paraguayan officer corps’ lack of experience, as well as poor logistical planning before and during the war. To that end President López travelled to Montevideo in June to speak with José María Artigas, a member of the Argentine Congress sympathetic to Paraguay and in fact a leading figure in the legislature’s pro-Paraguayan faction.[5] Artigas’ influence proved enough that both nations agreed to form a non-aggression pact later that year. This allowed Paraguay to focus solely on its northern border, while ensuring that the Argentines remain neutral and thus prevent Paraguay’s enclosure in the event of war with Brazil.
In complete disregard to the threats coming out of Rio de Janeiro, Paraguay proceeded to organize sham elections in the autumn of 1860, where a supposed majority of Riograndense citizens voted to join with Paraguay in political union. President López understood the risk he was taking, as the Brazilian government threatened war if Paraguay went forward with annexation. Towards the end of the year, after President López rebuffed the latest ultimatum from Rio de Janeiro, war had become all but certain, and only needed the faintest spark to ignite.
The Paraguayan Army in Rio Grande do Sul, 1858
That spark would appear in the port city of Desterro, when pro-Brazilian rallies were brutally crushed by the Paraguayan Army on November 18, 1860.[6] Several nights of violent riots ensued before a shaky peace was imposed on the citizenry. The Brazilian reaction was immediate and without doubt. Brazilian parliamentarians expressed their outrage in impassioned speeches calling for the evacuation of the Paraguayan military from Rio Grande do Sul, or to otherwise face annihilation. Two weeks later the Empire of Brazil formally declared war on Paraguay, ordering Admiral Francisco Manuel Barroso to occupy Desterro and blockade the Riograndense coast while the Brazilian army simultaneously invaded Paraguay proper by crossing the Uruguay River and laying siege to Itapúa in early December. Emperor Pedro II himself visited the front to boost morale, promising that the war would be over within the year and that “Brazil would bask in the light of victory once more.” To his misfortune, he would be proven wrong, on both counts.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Notes:
[1] I chose to have the Viceroyalty continue on, with the two prominent Spanish generals from the Revolutionary Wars serving stints as Viceroy...though they both end up sucking at the job.
[2] Picking up from
this post.
[3] Same as above.
[4] Remember, TTL's Paraguay is not the same Paraguay you had prior to the War of the Triple Alliance. In TTL Paraguay is more integrated into the global trading network, so on top of managing to achieve more or less what he did OTL, López has a better prepared nation ready to face a weaker Brazil.
[5] One of
José Gervasio Artigas' sons, TTL he lives to become an Argentine congressman (OTL he died in 1847). He inherited his father's gratitude towards Paraguay, which allows for Argentine neutrality in the upcoming conflict.
[6] Desterro is the former name for Florianópolis.