(1) Would Hughes have conducted the War with greater respect for civil liberties than Wilson? I am skeptical. The Espionage Act and its 1918 amendments (popularly but not officially called the Sedition Act) were bipartisan legislation. I am not aware that Hughes objected to them. It is true that in 1920 he did object to the expulsion of five Socialists from the New York legislature. (For that matter, so did Warren Harding!) As a member of Harding's Cabinet, Hughes also supported amnesty for Debs. But that was well after the War was over. During the War he stated his position as follows:
"It is vitally important that the wells of public opinion should be kept free from the poison of treasonable or seditious propaganda. Congress has ample authority to provide for the punishment of seditious utterances as well as sedltious acts. If the enemy's efforts to spread its propaganda succeed, it is due to our own supineness. There is no lack of constitutional power to deal with these efforts. As Lincoln said: ‘I can no more be persuaded that the Government can take no strong measures in time of rebellion because it can be shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man because it cannot be shown to be good medicine for a well one.' The remark obviously applies as well in the case of war with a foreign foe.
“I fully agree that in places where the courts are appropriately performing their functions, and the administration of justice remains unobstructed, these normal processes should not be displaced by military tribunals to try civilians. Our judicial processes have not yet broken down and we still have confldence in their adequacy to punish treason and sedition but treason and sedition must be punished and punished promptly. Constitutional power is adequate. The defence and preservation of the nation is a fundamental principle of the constitution.
“With respect to property and business, with respect to life itself, freedom is restrained. Witness our War Defence and Conscription acts, our broad plans of regulation by which manifold activities are controlled to an unusual degree. Of course, freedom of speech and of the press is also a relative freedom. There is no license to destroy the nation or to turn it over helpless to its foe. There is no constitutional privilege for disenforcement of the law or to interfere with the war plans adopted by authority.
“But, with due recognition of the difficulty of exact definition and close distinction, it is quite obvious that there is a field for honest criticism which cannot be surrendered without imperiling the essentials of liberty and the preservation of the nation itself. Our officers of Government are not a privileged class. Even when equipped with the extraordinary powers of war, they are the servants of the nation, accountable for the exercise of their authority..."
https://books.google.com/books?id=3r1NAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA16-PA8
Does the last paragraph offer much hope of a more libertarian prosecution of the War? I doubt it. It basically consists of platitudes that Wilson himself would readily accept--that "legitimate criticism" is permissible even during wartime. I think the preceding paragraphs are more significant.
(2) Hughes' peace treaty: Hughes would be more open to amendments to make the League of Nations--or whatever it would be called --acceptable to the Senate (most Americans favored
some kind of association of nations). In particular, I don't think he would have wanted the open-ended guarantees of Article X. But I don't think that otherwise a Versailles Treaty negotiated by the Hughes administration would differ very much from what Wilson arrived at. For some reason, some people think Hughes would have been less harsh toward Germany, but as I once wrote here, "Most of the decisions you mention were not Wilson's idea but simply Wilson acquiescing in what the British and/or French wanted--and I don't see why Hughes would be more inclined to break Allied unity in favor of the Germans than Wilson was. After all, his party included men like TR and Lodge and Root who were not exactly known for German sympathies... "
https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...le-the-aftermath-of-wwi.477358/#post-19682595
(3) IMO Hughes is likely to lose in 1920. Even when people support a war (and most people will at first rally behind Hughes' decision to go to war in 1917) they quickly come to resent the hardships and regimentation war brings, no matter which party is conducting it. Moreover, postwar disillusionment is almost inevitable.
Any peace treaty is going to be unpopular with voters, especially ethnic ones (try satisfying both Germans and Poles or both Italians and South Slavs or both Slovaks and Hungarians; and of course the Irish will complain that the treaty doesn't guarantee Ireland's freedom) and idealists who don't like the necessary deals and compromises the treaty inevitably includes. Moreover, there will almost certainly be the same pattern of wartime boom and inflation followed by depression.
On inflation, here's Fredrick Lewis Allen in his classic history of the 1920's, *Only Yesterday* imagining a middle-class couple of 1919:
"Mr. and Mrs. Smith discuss a burning subject, the High Cost of Living. Mr. Smith is hoping for an increase in salary, but meanwhile the family income seems to be dwindling as prices rise. Everything is going up, food, rent, clothing, and taxes. These are the days when people remark that even the man without a dollar is fifty cents better off than he once was, and that if we coined seven-cent pieces for street-car fares, in another year we should have to discontinue them and begin to coin fourteen-cent pieces. Mrs. Smith, confronted with an appeal from Mr. Smith for economy, reminds him that milk has jumped since 1914 from nine to fifteen cents a quart, sirloin steak from twenty-seven to forty two cents a pound, butter from thirty-two to sixty-one cents a pound, and fresh eggs from thirty-four to sixty-two cents a dozen. No wonder people on fixed salaries are suffering, and colleges are beginning to talk of applying the money-raising methods learned during the Liberty Loan campaigns to the increasing of college endowments. Rents are almost worse than food prices, for that matter; since the Armistice there has been an increasing shortage of houses and apartments, and the profiteering landlord has become an object of popular hate along with the profiteering middleman. Mr. Smith tells his wife that "these profiteers are about as bad as the I. W. W.'s." He could make no stronger statement."
http://xroads.virginia.edu/~hyper/allen/ch1.html
My guess is that Hughes will be blamed for "profiteers" at least as much as Wilson was--maybe more so, since the GOP was associated with big business more than the Democrats were.