War makes for Strange Bedfellows – A Second World War timeline

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 16 – Baby Blue
Western Front (Part 3)
May – June 1940​

It’s hard to imagine how the war could be going worse for France. Their best divisions had just been cut off in a tiny holdout of Belgium and Calais and German panzers were now standing on the Channel. The German focus now turned north towards the Channel ports to outflank the remaining Allied units there. Calais was taken by the Germans on the 26th of May after a four-day siege. By the 26th, the last remaining major Channel port not under German control was Dunkirk. By the 20th of May, Chamberlain’s [1] government began making plans to evacuate the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) from Dunkirk, with the Admiralty planning for all small vessels available to evacuate the troops [2]. The plan became known as Operation Dynamo.

Despite all the chaos, it appeared as though the Allies might get a break. On 23rd, Gerd von Rundstedt had ordered the German panzers to halt out of concern about an attack on their flanks and questions about supply to the troops. Rundstedt also worried about the marshy terrain around Dunkirk being unsuitable for armoured advance. Other concerns included tank losses which in some places reached as high as 30-50% [3]. Finally, the death of Rommel at Arras shocked the German High Command and belief spread that ground needed to be consolidated before an attack was resumed [4]. On the 24th, Göring visited the headquarters of Army Group A, he subsequently endorsed Rundstedt’s order. The reasons for the endorsing of the Halt Order are still debated to this day. Some will argue that Göring stopped the Panzers for tactical reasons whilst others claim that the Reichspräsident wished to see his prized Luftwaffe finish off the British by pounding them to dust [5]. Anyhow, what is known is that the German halt until the 26th gave the Allies time to undertake Operation Dynamo in which over 338,000 British, Commonwealth, French, Belgian, Dutch and Polish troops were evacuated until the town finally fell on the 4th of June [6]. The stunning success of the operation gave Prime Minister Chamberlain a brief spike in popularity as the “saviour of Dunkirk” before the situation once again set in [7].

British troops evacuating from Dunkirk

On the 28th of May, Chamberlain sent Air Secretary Sir Samuel Hoare, First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill, Vice-Chief of the Imperial General Staff Sir John Dill and Deputy Chief of the Air Staff Joubert de la Ferté to meet with French Prime Minister Reynaud [8] in Paris, Chamberlain deciding against flying to France himself given the circumstances. During the meeting, Reynaud pleaded with the British delegation to send more aircraft, warning that his deputy premier Pétain would agitate for a separate armistice with Germany. Also discussed at the meeting was the prospect of potential negotiations to end the war through Mussolini’s Italy. However, the British refused to consider the internationalisation of Malta, Gibraltar and the Suez Canal (confirmed by telegram from Chamberlain the same day) and Rome ignored French advances anyhow [9]. As the delegation was travelling home, the de Havilland DH.95 Flamingo aircraft they were travelling on suffered a major engine failure. With all attempts to save the aircraft unsuccessful, it plunged into the English Channel with all passengers killed [10].

DH.95 Flamingo

Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill
(30 November 1874 - 28 May 1940; aged 65)

Whilst Dynamo was underway, new French commander Maxime Weygand (who replaced Gamelin on 17 May) attempted to rescue the trapped forces and exploit the German immobility by attacking north of the Somme River at Abbeville with the French 2nd and 4th Armoured Divisions and the British 1st Armoured Division. Whilst reducing the size of Germany’s bridgehead on the Somme by 50%, the Allies failed to breakthrough to the pocket and the commander of the French 4th Armoured Division, Colonel Charles de Gaulle, was killed on the 29th of May when hit by a German 37mm Pak 36 anti-tank round [11].

Colonel Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle
(22 November 1890 - 29 May 1940; aged 49)

On the 5th of June, the German Army began its final plan to conquer France and destroy its military resistance, codenamed Operation Fall Blau (Case Blue) [12], with an offensive across the Somme River to the Seine. Army Group B (which possessed the majority of the mobile units) attacked either side of the French capital of Paris. Initially, the Germans struggled to cross the Aisne due to French defence-in-depth tactics, being driven back at Amiens by French artillery. However, the French lines were eventually broken by the third day when the French 10th Army was forced to retreat to Rouen. Whilst German spearheads were overextended, the French were unable to exploit this due to Luftwaffe sorties. By the 9th of June, French aerial resistance had virtually ceased.

On the 10th of June, the French government declared Paris an open city. On the 14th, it fell to the Germans. To the many Parisians who had been unable to flee, they found the Germans to be surprisingly well-mannered.

German troops in Paris, June `1940

Additionally on the 10th, Italy finally declared war on France. Despite assaulting the French Alps with a force 10 times as strong as the defenders, the French managed to hold the Italians back.

On the 16th, Reynaud resigned as Prime Minister, believing his ministers no longer supported him. His replacement was Marshal Philippe Pétain. One of Pétain’s first actions was to request an armistice with Germany. When Göring heard of the French request, he dispatched Wilhelm Keitel, the OKW Chief of Staff, and Foreign Minister Ribbentrop to the Forest of Compiègne to negotiate with the French. Additionally, Mussolini dispatched Marshal Pietro Badoglio to sign of behalf of Italy [13] whilst Swedish Prime Minister Hansson dispatched his Armed Forces Supreme Commander Olof Thörnell and Defence Minister Per Edvin Sköld to sign the a separate armistice with the French in the nearby town of Saint-Quentin, officially ending French involvement in the Swedish war [14].

Marshal Pietro Badoglio

Olof Thörnell, Supreme Commander of the Swedish Armed Forces

Per Edvin Sköld, Defence Minister of Sweden

The terms of the armistice were harsh. Three-fifths of metropolitan France was occupied by Germany, with all French Channel and Atlantic ports under occupation, along with a small Italian occupation zone in the south and some minor border adjustments. Alsace-Lorraine was outright ceded to Germany. All costs of occupation were to be borne by the French government, around 400 million Francs per day. As a concession, the French Navy was not to be surrendered but disarmed and returned to port. All German POWs in French custody were to be released whilst French POWs in German custody were not. The armistice was a stinger for France, and not all Frenchmen accepted it...[15].

With the chaos and destruction in the west, no one really paid attention to the Soviet occupation of the Baltic States from the 15th-21st June. Well, almost everyone except the Finns.

Meanwhile in Britain, a political storm of its own was brewing.

Map of Europe following the French armistice, 22 June 1940

Footnotes
- [1] Due to there being no Norway debate, Chamberlain is still in power. For now that is...
- [2] The Admiralty’s plans here are identical to OTLs.
- [3] These were all major concerns for the Germans in OTL as well.
- [4] Yes, the Desert Rat dies in France before his OTL rise to fame (in addition to Monty, see Chapter 11). This was all become important later.
- [5] Most of why it took me so long to write this update was researching the Dunkirk evacuation and the Halt Order. After agonising for many hours, I concluded that a similar course would be taken. Feel free to comment.
- [6] Due to the Halt Order being similar, Dynamo proceeds similarly too.
- [7] Needless to say, Chamberlain’s reputation is slightly better than OTLs. However, this won’t be enough to see him survive in office much longer (Spoiler alert!!!).
- [8] Won’t go into much detail, but Daladier is still replaced by Reynaud as Prime Minister when the Sweden situation goes south.
- [9] The strategic situation is somewhat similar to OTL by this point.
- [10] Yes, this means Churchill is dead. Sorry.
- [11] De Gaulle too, I can only apologise.
- [12] In OTL, this operation was codenamed Fall Rot (Case Red) whilst Blau was the German operation in the Caucasus in 1942.
- [13] The inclusion of Italy in the 22 June armistice will likely bolster Mussolini's sense of prestige which was hurt by his exclusion in OTL (he signed a separate armistice with France on the 24th).
- [14] The Swedes sign a separate armistice due to their desire to not be affiliated with the Nazis beyond reluctant co-belligerence. Additionally, I say officially ended French involvement because the British will have some issues with French forces leaving the area and will likely "persuade" the French forces in Scandinavia to stay and fight on.
- [15] Will address in future updates.

Announcement
I have been informed by some that this post resembles Wikipedia in several places. I’m not trying to plagiarise and so here’s the article I got a lot of research from;

Dunkirk evacuation - Wikipedia

en.m.wikipedia.org

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 17 – Whitehall Waltz (Part 1)
British Political Situation
May 1940​

By May 1940, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was in a funny position. His conduct of the war so far had seen the disastrous Scandinavian expedition. Despite Norway seeing Britain’s way (after some “persuasion”), Sweden hadn’t and the fighting in the northern regions of that country (initially referred to by the press as the “Swedish War”, later known as the “Lapland War”) had turned into a quagmire that Britain had no means of exiting. Still, it hadn’t all been bad. Access to Norwegian air and naval bases and ports had made Britain’s blockade of Germany easier and Germany wasn’t receiving exports of Iron Ore from Narvik. Despite all its shortcomings, the Scandinavian operation was just successful enough for Chamberlain to cling on. On the 2nd of May, leader of the Labour Party Clement Attlee asked in the House of Commons if Chamberlain was “now able to make a statement on the position in Scandinavia [1].” Chamberlain responded by stating that “The blockade of offensive, war-making materials to Germany via Scandinavia is proceeding smoothly and efficiently [2].” Chamberlain was reluctant to further discuss, but instead asked for the issue to be deferred by a week, Attlee and Liberal Party leader Sir Archibald Sinclair agreed [3]. The same day, Chamberlain submitted a schedule of the House’s business for the next week to Attlee after the latter privately requested it. In it, a debate on the conduct of the war was scheduled for Thursday, 9th of May [4].

Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

Clement Attlee, Leader of the Labour Party

Sir Archibald Sinclair, Leader of the Liberal Party

When the day arrived, the House assembled at 14:25 with Speaker FitzRoy in the chair. After some private business matters were resolved, the adjournment motion was made by Chief Whip David Margesson at 15:03 and the House of Commons could proceed with a general “Conduct of the War” debate.

Edward FitzRoy, Speaker of the House of Commons

David Margesson, Chief Whip

Chamberlain was first to rise. He began by rehashing his statement from a week before about the blockade proceeding successfully. He then addressed the situation in Sweden by stating that “the situation in Sweden is well under control” whilst praising the “splendid gallantry and dash [5]” of British forces fighting there. Chamberlain’s speech continued by insisting that “the balance of advantage lies on our side [6]” before referring to Lord Nelson in closing: “One hundred and forty years ago, Nelson said, "I am of the opinion that the boldest measures are the safest" and that still holds good to-day [7].”

Next to speech was Attlee. He began by responding to the government’s claims of taking the initiative by saying “It is said that in this war despite initiative from our side, it is said also that there is no real planning in anticipation of the possible consequences against us.” Attlee’s speech took a certain theme from hereon in, that Chamberlain’s war cabinet had vigorously prosecuted hostilities with Germany and Russia but had done so in a foolhardy way that was diminishing Britain’s standing. He made use of Chamberlain’s expression that Hitler had “missed the bus” before his death by saying: “Until now, this government has missed every bus since 1931. Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland. All the peace buses missed. And now we’ve caught the war bus, we’ve driven it off the Dover cliffs [8].”

Sinclair rose to speak next. He again spoke of foolhardiness in the government’s securing of Norway, which had led Sweden into the war against Britain: “It is my contention that this debacle in Sweden occurred because there had been no foresight in the political direction of the operation and in the instructions given to the Staffs to prepare for and execute it [9].”

The rest of the day saw numerous speeches both in favour of and against Chamberlain and his government. As National Labour MP and diarist Harold Nicolson noted: “The debate continued with both ends of the House throwing support for and opposition to Chamberlain throwing their cases back and forth like a tennis ball with no one side able to gain an advantage [10].”

The next day, Göring’s Germany initiated its invasion of the Low Countries and France. Suddenly, the mood in the Chamber was very different. Chamberlain addressed the House as follows:

“Mr Speaker, early this morning, without warning or excuse, the Nazis have added another horror to the already long list of horrors which disgraces their name with an attack on Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg. In all history, no other regime has been responsible for such a hideous disregard for human suffering except that of Stalin’s Russia. They have chosen a moment when it appeared that this nation was in the throes of a political crisis and divided against itself. If they have counted on our internal divisions to help them, they have miscounted the minds of our people. I will now make no comment on the debates in this House yesterday. But, it is now clear to me, in this critical moment in the war, what is needed is the formation of a government that includes the members of the Labour and Liberal opposition parties, to present a united front to the enemy. I therefore ask, Mr Speaker, that my Right Honourable colleagues Mr Attlee and Mr Sinclair join us in creating that united front. Now, before I give way, there are one or two final things I wish to say. During the past three years, as long as I believed there was a chance of preserving peace honourably, I strove to take it. When the last hope vanished, and war could no longer be avoided, I have striven to wage it with all my might. Perhaps the House will remember, Mr Speaker, in my broadcasts of September 3rd and 19th last year, I told the British people that we would be fighting evil things. My words have proved to be insufficient to describe the vileness of those who have now staked everything on the great battle just beginning. Perhaps it may at least be some relief to know that this battle, though it may last for days or even weeks, has ended the period of waiting and uncertainty. For the hour has come when we are to be put to the test, as the innocent people of Holland, Belgium and France are being tested already. And now, above all else, with our united strength, and with unshakable courage fight and work and wage war by land, sea and air with all the might that God can give us until these wild beasts, which have sprung out from their lair upon us, be finally disarmed and overthrown. You may ask, what is our policy? I can answer that in one word. Victory. Victory at all costs–Victory in spite of all terror. For without which, there is no survival, only slavery and a thousand-year slumber. [11].”

Towards the end of his speech, Chamberlain was almost bellowing with passionate fury. The response from the House of Commons was thunderous. Chamberlain was once again standing firmly on two feet. For now at least, his position was secure as the Battle of France got underway.

Footnotes
- [1] A similar remark was made by Attlee in OTL referring to the disastrous Norwegian campaign.
- [2] Here, despite the absolute debacle with Sweden, Britain’s strategic position is better than in OTL. Norway is firmly on Britain’s side with its ports and air bases open to the Royal Navy and RAF. This means that Chamberlain is more confident in his position than in OTL and doesn’t ask for the issue to be deferred.
- [3] Chamberlain asked for the issue to be deferred in OTL as well, resulting in the now-famous “Norway debate.”
- [4] In OTL, the debate was scheduled for Tuesday, 7th of May. The delay will become important later.
- [5] An OTL statement of Chamberlain’s from the Norway Debate.
- [6] This is OTL too, although here it is less of a blunder.
- [7] In OTL, this remark was made by Roger Keyes to criticise Chamberlain to “thunderous applause” in the Commons. Here, Chamberlain steals the line to buttress his position. It’s somewhat successful.
- [8] I made this one up myself, inspired by some of Attlee’s remarks during the OTL Norway Debate.
- [9] Again, inspired by Sinclair’s OTL remarks.
- [10] A massive difference from the mood of the House in OTL. Here, Chamberlain can scrape through the first day of TTLs debate as Britain’s overall position is better than OTLs. The next day, however, will bring surprises. As to the content of Nicolson’s diary entry, I made it up.
- [11] Heavily inspired by Chamberlain’s OTL resignation speech with a hint of Churchill’s “Blood Toil, Tears and Sweat” thrown in towards the end and a few additions of my own.
Part 2 of the British political story is coming soon.

Sources
Wikipedia:

Norway Debate - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Hansard:

CONDUCT OF THE WAR. (Hansard, 7 May 1940)

CONDUCT OF THE WAR. (Hansard, 7 May 1940)

api.parliament.uk

YouTube:

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 18 – Whitehall Waltz (Part 2)
British Political Situation
May – June 1940​

On the 10th of May 1940, Germany invaded France and the Low Countries. In Britain, the invasion served to temporarily reinforce the position and job security of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. In a speech delivered to the House of Commons that day (known to future historians as the “thousand-year slumber” speech [1]), the PM had invited the opposition Labour and Liberal parties into a national unity government. Unfortunately for Chamberlain, both Attlee and Sinclair had refused, but Attlee privately agreed to attend war cabinet meetings along with deputy Labour leader Anthony Greenwood although they would have no vote [2]. By this point, the war cabinet comprised the following members:

Neville Chamberlain: Prime Minister
Sir Samuel Hoare: Secretary of State for Air
Sir John Simon: Chancellor of the Exchequer
Lord Halifax: Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
Oliver Stanley: Secretary of State for War
Sir Kingsley Wood: Lord Privy Seal
Winston Churchill: First Lord of the Admiralty
Lord Hankey: Minister without portfolio [3]

As the Low Countries fell to the Wehrmacht and the best Allied armies became trapped around the Channel ports, it became clear in the war cabinet that a major military crisis was underway and the first rumblings of exploring a negotiated peace settlement began to emerge.

On the 24th, War Secretary Stanley reported that there were only a few specialist units of British troops in the port of Dunkirk, and that the supplies continued to be unloaded at the port. One area of interest which emerged was that of Italy. The war cabinet was interested in, if possible, keeping Italy and of the war and delaying it if that wasn’t possible. Foreign Secretary Halifax read out a proposal from Reynaud that Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States, would act as a third-party by approaching Mussolini to discuss any possible territorial concerns of his [4].

Oliver Stanley, Secretary of State for War

Franklin D. Roosevelt, 32nd President of the United States

The next, the 25th, the plan was again discussed among the cabinet. Churchill by this point had emerged as its strongest opponent, but Chamberlain (influenced by Halifax) had decided to investigate it further. Since the failures of Operation Silver in March, Churchill’s influence in the war cabinet had begun to wane. Contact was made with Roosevelt at midday Washington time (16:00 GMT) requesting that the President approach the Italian government concerning Italian “security and political interests in the Mediterranean” but added that there was to be no mention of the British government origins of this request. Roosevelt consented to make the outreach.

At 13:00 local time the next day, US Ambassador to Italy, William Philipps, approached Italian Foreign Minister, Count Ciano, presenting what appeared to be an American offer to mediate Italian interests in the Mediterranean. Ciano was initially confused by the American outreach but confirmed with Philipps that he would relay the message to Mussolini. Later that afternoon, Ciano had relayed the message to Mussolini. However, Roosevelt’s offer had the precise opposite effect to what it had desired, further convincing Mussolini that the war may end very soon and thus Italy had to jump in as soon as possible. He ordered the American outreach be discarded; the Duce was not interested in negotiation anymore. When meeting Philipps the next day, May 27th, Ciano relayed that Mussolini was not interested in the offer, and that he was certain that Italian entry into the war was inevitable, just that the date could not be confirmed [5]. Philipps referred this back to the State Department, the message arriving back at the desk of Roosevelt by 09:30 eastern standard time. The message was relayed to the British ambassador, the Marquess of Lorraine, who transmitted the message to the war cabinet back in London.

William Philipps, United States Ambassador to Italy

Galeazzo Ciano, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs

When the war cabinet reconvened, Halifax relayed to the assembled ministers that the outreach via Roosevelt had been rejected by Mussolini. Churchill felt his position had been vindicated, that reaching out to Mussolini was doomed to failure and furthermore could damage Britain’s fighting position. Furthermore, Attlee and Greenwood (a non-voting observer) agreed with the First Lord of the Admiralty. At this point, any further ideas of outreach to Berlin, Rome or Moscow were ruled out. But the possibility of outreach to one of their other allies was still openly discussed [6].

The next day, the 28th, saw both success and tragedy for Chamberlain and his government. That day saw nearly 18,000 servicemen evacuated from Dunkirk’s harbour and the beaches. However, the mood was brought down by the plane crash that killed by Hoare and Churchill [7]. Their replacements were Sir Kingsley Wood as Air Secretary and Admiral Roger Keyes as First Lord of the Admiralty, the latter appointment signalling that Britain very much intended to continue the war. Lord Hankey took Wood’s prior role as Lord Privy Seal.

Sir Kingsley Wood, Secretary of State for Air

Sir Roger Keyes, First Lord of the Admiralty

Lord Hankey, Lord Privy Seal

Chamberlain, as before, continued to trundle along. Only time would tell how long it would last.

Footnotes
- [1] See Chapter 16 for more.
- [2] I took inspiration for this arrangement from the Australian Advisory War Council of OTL.
- [3] Same composition as OTL.
- [4] Genuine proposal from the French government in OTL.
- [5] Ciano told something similar to Percy Lorraine, the British Ambassador in OTL on the 29th May when Mussolini expressed disinterest in French territorial negotiations.
- [6] Take a guess as to who that would be.
- [7] See Chapter 16 for more information.

Sources
Wikipedia
Chamberlain war ministry - Wikipedia
Advisory War Council - Wikipedia
War cabinet crisis, May 1940 - Wikipedia

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

I wrote this chapter before I wrote Chapter 18 up, that's why this one's out so soon after the last one.

Chapter 19 – A Northern Affair
Scandinavian Campaign (Part 6)
May – June 1940​

Since Operation Silver was launched in March 1940, a state of war had existed between Sweden and the Anglo-French Allies, by now referred to as the “Lapland War”. As RAF bombing raids launched from Norwegian bases beginning to strike Sweden in targets such as Kiruna and Luleå, the Swedes had accepted German offers of military aid and the Luftwaffe began to deploy to Swedish airfields. Nonetheless, this was a war that no one had wanted. The British wanted to be able to walk across Lapland to reach and aid Finland in the Winter War and naively expected the Swedes to acquiesce, whilst the Swedes for their part just wanted to be left alone by everyone and stay out of the war entirely. As it turned out though, the British invasion of the north of Sweden and air raids had forced the situation into all-out war, a situation both sides found almost impossible to pull out of.

However, an attempt to do such was made in early June 1940. On 5th June, after the evacuation of British troops from Dunkirk, the British government reached out to Stockholm through their embassy in neutral Finland offering to negotiate an end to the Lapland War.

When the offer of negotiations reached Prime Minister Hansson, he was unsure of how to react. His inner democrat jumped at the offer, detesting the alliance of convenience with the Nazis. But his inner realist was also aware that Sweden couldn’t afford to antagonise Berlin lest they decide to attack Sweden. Even if the Germans didn’t attack, a cutting of trade with Germany would be disastrous for the Swedish economy. When the cabinet was called that evening to discuss the British offer, it was decided that the offer would be taken up but in secret to avoid raising German suspicions given their prior agreements [1].

To maintain secrecy, contact with the British would be initiated through unofficial mediums, namely Sweden’s former ambassador to the League of Nations, Karl Ivan Westman. Westman also happened to be the brother of Justice Minister Karl Gustaf Westman. On the 7th, Westman met discreetly with Britain’s ambassador to Finland, Sir Gordon Vereker, and informed him that the Swedish government would be willing to negotiate, but the matter had to be kept secret. It was arranged that negotiations would take place in the city of Kornsjø, near the Swedish-Norwegian border. The first meeting was set to take place on the 10th, just as the Italians declared war on France and the United Kingdom.

The delegations met in Kornsjø at 11:00 with the 3-man British delegation headed by Sir Alexander Cadogan, the Permanent-Under Secretary of State, and also included Vereker and Harold Balfour, the Under-Secretary of State for Air. Representing France was Robert Coulondre, former French ambassador to Germany prior to September 1939. Representing the Swedes were Westman, Erik Boheman, the State Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Björn Prytz, Sweden’s former envoy to the United Kingdom prior to the March invasion.

Sir Alexander Cadogan, Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs

Harold Balfour, Under-Secretary of State for Air

Karl Ivan Westman, Swedish diplomat and namesake of the “Westman Affair”

Erik Bohemann, Swedish State Secretary for Foreign Affairs

The Swedish delegation made the first proposal. They requested an immediate end to military hostilities, a return to the status-quo antebellum, the ability to trade freely through the ice-free port of Narvik and financial reparations to pay for damages caused by the invasion and bombing raids.

The Anglo-French responded by stating that they wouldn’t allow Iron Ore or any other “war-making material” to leave through Narvik unless the Swedish government confirmed it wouldn’t be going to either Germany or the Soviet Union. Their logic for this was that if they returned to the status-quo antebellum, Sweden’s new neutrality would be pro-Axis as a legacy of the invasion. The Allies also demanded a withdrawal of all German troops from Swedish territory and a severing of all Swedish trade with both Germany and the Soviets. In return for complying with their conditions, the Brits offered to buy Swedish Ore instead and to protect Sweden in the event of any German or Soviet attack.

The Swedes were wary about accepting all of Britain’s conditions. Accepting the trade terms would effectively make Sweden a British economic puppet, assuming the Germans would accept Stockholm’s return to neutrality. Secondly, the Swedish delegation and government back in Stockholm didn’t view Britain’s promise to defend Sweden as worth anything, given their prior promises to Poland and failures on the Western Front [2].

That evening, Prime Minister Hansson received a telegram from Kornsjø notifying him that negotiations had failed to reach an agreement and would continue tomorrow.
The next day came and still negotiations fell through, around the issue of the Iron Ore trade with the British and French demanding Sweden cease shipments to Germany and the Swedes refusing to agree. Unfortunately, the issue of negotiations was going to be solved, just not how anyone wanted it to.

As the sun rose on the morning of the 12th of June, horror and confusion struck the faces of the Swedish government as the radical right-wing newspaper Vägen Framåt’s [3] front page read with “Sellout to the British Invaders!” and went into further detail regarding the talks in Kornsjø. And just to rub it in, they’d somehow managed to take a picture of Westman and Cadogan shaking hands outside the train station in Kornsjø where the talks were taking place. It turns out that one of the workers at the station, known to the Germans have had some pro-Nazi sympathies, had been compromised by the Abwehr. Now effectively working for German intelligence, the station worker had collected numerous intelligence pieces for his Abwehr masters, including the infamous photo; giving the talks and surrounding crisis its name, the “Westman Affair.” The perpetrator himself would not be discovered until his death in 2005 when his diaries were discovered by his grandson, causing a minor diplomatic incident and a scandal inside Sweden.

But right now, everyone in the government was panicking tremendously. Who had leaked the talks to the press? Was it German intelligence? Did the German government know? Did Göring know? Would the Germans attack Sweden in retaliation? What was to happen to Sweden? Its democracy? Its people? Was it all going to end? Some of these questions were of course catastrophising, but in the context of events in early-to-mid June 1940, the panic was understandable.

As it turned out, the Germans had been aware of the talks the whole time; at the same time as Prime Minister Hansson and his cabinet were digesting the news of the leaks, the Swedish envoy in Berlin, Arvid Richert, was receiving a berating from Göring and Ribbentrop for alleged “betrayal of prior agreements” and threatened that unless talks were stopped immediately, the consequences for Sweden would be severe. Richet was then released by his interrogators back the Swedish embassy to relay his “talks” with the German government back to his home country. At the same time, Richert advised in a separate telegram that it would be the best thing for Sweden if the talks were dropped and German demands accepted, believing Sweden still lacked the military strength to fight off a German attack, especially since there were now German forces inside Swedish territory.

Arvid Richert, Swedish Envoy to Germany

Simultaneously, the German ambassador in Stockholm, Viktor zu Wied, delivered an ultimatum to Hansson; end the talks with the Allies immediately and refrain from further hinderances to “the common resistance to unwarranted British aggression” or there would be “severe consequences for the Swedish nation and the Swedish people.” Hansson couldn’t believe what the world had come to. He hated the fact that Sweden had been dragged into this war, he hated whoever had leaked the talks to the papers and he despised this ultimatum in his hand. He wanted to reject it and proceed regardless, his inner democrat despising the idea of further collaboration with the Nazis (and by extension, the Soviets). However, he also feared what the Germans meant by “severe consequences,” especially with the German army blitzing its way through France. Could they do the same to Sweden?

Viktor zu Wied, Swedish Ambassador to Germany (picture c. 1900)

He figured he could only summon an emergency cabinet meeting to resolve the matter. Foreign Minister Günther was pessimistic, believing Germany’s military might (especially aerial) to be far superior to that of Sweden’s, having also read Richert’s correspondence which stated something similar. Defence Minister Skold was cautious, arguing that Sweden needed more time to build up its forces, and needed to continue weapons imports from Germany to do this. Justice Minister Karl Gustaf Westman stayed silent, knowing that his brother’s role in the talks essentially meant his career was over now.

Karl Gustaf Westman, Swedish Minister of Justice

Also during this time, King Gustaf V stepped in. The King, although no admirer of Nazism, desired to avoid conflict with Germany, with some sources going as far as to say he threatened to abdicate if the German demands were not accepted [4].

Gustaf V, King of Sweden

By the in the evening of that day, a decision had been made. Surrounded by chaos and with most of those around him pessimistic about Sweden's defensive capabilities against the Germans, Hansson went against his own better instincts and notified the German government through Richert that their demands would be accepted, and the talks would cease. With that single decision, Sweden had effectively surrendered itself to German influence and was now beholden to events increasingly outside its control.

The end of the “Westman Affair” did not mean the end of Prime Minister Hansson, but Justice Minister Westman was right about his career being over. On the 14th, he resigned to be replaced by Thorwald Bergquist, Westman's predecessor who had served in that office in 1936 in Hansson's first government [5]. The crisis was over, but its impacts on the war had been monumental.

Thorwald Bergquist, new Minister for Justice of Sweden


Footnotes
- [1] Referring to TTLs “Hansson-Ribbentrop Agreement” in Chapter 13.
- [2] Given that they’re negotiating behind Berlin’s back, the Swedes are in a risky enough situation as it is. Stockholm is understandably sceptical of Britain’s ability to uphold any promise to defend them given the ongoing debacle in France going on at the same time. Convincing Berlin that returning to neutrality doesn’t mean switching sides would be very difficult, if even impossible.
- [3] The newspaper associated with the fascist “New Swedish Movement” that ran from 1932 to 1992 in OTL.
- [4] A similar controversy surrounding King Gustaf existed in OTL during the Midsummer crisis of 1941.
- [5] In OTL, Bergquist was brought back to serve as Justice Minister from 1943 after Westman's resignation.

Sources
Wikipedia
List of newspapers in Sweden - Wikipedia
Swedish Wikipedia
Arvid Richert - Wikipedia

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 20 – Bulldogs, Eagles, Elks and Roosters
Western Europe after the fall of France
June – July 1940​

After the fall of France, almost all of mainland Europe was under the control of the de facto alliance of Germany, the Soviet Union and Italy. The only remaining challengers to either Berlin, Moscow or Rome were Britain plus her Empire and Commonwealth, and Norway, the latter being the only mainland European combatant unoccupied by the Germans, Soviets or Italians.

With the French armistice, Alsace-Lorraine had been annexed into Germany, and a strip of French territory on the Channel was merged into the German administration in occupied Belgium. The rest of the country had effectively been split in two. A rump state in the south led by Philippe Pétain and Pierre Laval and an occupied zone in the north administered by a German military authority headed by General Otto von Stülpnagel. Furthermore, a "zone interdite" existed along the Atlantic and Channel coast in order to fortify it to prevent a British landing on the continent [1].

General Otto von Stülpnagel, German military commander in occupied France

Not all Frenchmen had accepted the armistice though. Throughout the French Empire and among French troops abroad, resistance to the armistice had sprung up. On the 23rd of June, the French domains in Saint Helena answered the call to arms of the leader of what became known as “Free France”, the first territory in the French Empire to do so. They were joined by the French army and navy stationed in Britain and Norway. The French fleet based in Alexandria in Egypt was also convinced to join the Free French cause. As to who led the Free French, he was a politician, journalist and Anglophile. He’d warned of the rise of Hitler’s Germany for years and had opposed the Munich Agreement of 1938. Prior to the fall of France, he had been Minister of the Interior under Prime Minister Paul Reynaud. He had been convinced to leave France following Pétain’s rise to power on the 16th of June to avoid arrest and when France was on the verge of armistice, he issued a famous broadcast on the BBC on the 21st of June to rally the French people to arms against the surrender:

“The leaders who, for many years, were at the head of French armies, have formed a government. This government, alleging our armies to be undone, agreed with the enemy to stop fighting. Of course, we were subdued by the mechanical, ground and air forces of the enemy. Infinitely more than their number, it was the tanks, the airplanes, the tactics of the Germans which made us retreat. It was the tanks, the airplanes, the tactics of the Germans that surprised our leaders to the point to bring them there where they are today.

But has the last word been said? Must hope disappear? Is defeat final? No!

Believe me, I speak to you with full knowledge of the facts and tell you that nothing is lost for France. The same means that overcame us can bring us to a day of victory. For France is not alone! She is not alone! She is not alone! She has a vast Empire behind her. She can align with the British Empire that holds the sea and continues the fight. She can, like England, use without limit the immense industry of United States.

This war is not limited to the unfortunate territory of our country. This war is not finished by the battle of France. This war is a world wide war. All the faults, all the delays, all the suffering, do not prevent there to be, in the world, all the necessary means to one day crush our enemies. Vanquished today by mechanical force, we will be able to overcome in the future by a superior mechanical force. The destiny of the world is here. I, Georges Mandel [2], currently in London, invite the officers and the French soldiers who are located in British territory or who would come there, with their weapons or without their weapons, I invite the engineers and the special workers of armament industries who are located in British territory or who would come there, to put themselves in contact with me.

Whatever happens, the flame of the French resistance must not be extinguished and will not be extinguished [3].”

Georges Mandel, leader of Free France

For the French fleet, which had survived the war largely unharmed, their status was increasingly in flux. The armistice had decreed that the French Navy was to be neutralised. The British Admiralty was concerned that the fleet would fall into German or Italian hands, and began to plan for possible measures against their former ally.
By the time France of France’s fall, the Luftwaffe had begun what were called Störangriffe raids (or “nuisance raids”) over Britain. By the 30th of June, the German strategy now prioritised the elimination of the Royal Air Force, establishing aerial supremacy of the Luftwaffe over southern England. After this was obtained, there were voices among the OKW for an invasion of England to force them to make peace, but these were overruled by Göring who insisted that an aerial campaign would be all that would be necessary to bring Britain to its knees, adding that the focus of the Heer would be to turn north towards eliminating Norway, something made easier by Sweden’s humiliation and prostration in the Westman Affair, opening them up as a staging ground [4].

Hermann Göring, Reichspräsident of Germany

Speaking of Britain, the country by this time had by this time settled into the likelihood of a prolonged war, and that they would never surrender to Germany, Russia, Sweden or Italy. On 25 May, Secretary of State Oliver Stanley announced the formation of the "Local Defence Volunteers" better known as the "Home Guard", an armed and uniformed citizen militia to defend Britain against any airborne attack [5]. Similarly, Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had experienced an increase in popularity since the German invasion of the Low Countries and France. However, tragedy was to strike the seventy one-year-old statesman. Usually enjoying good health, by late June, Chamberlain began to experience almost constant pain [6]. At the start of July, he entered hospital for surgery, leaving cabinet to be chaired by Lord Halifax during Chamberlain’s incapacitation. During his surgery, it was discovered that he was suffering from terminal bowel cancer.

Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

Now, at this time, it was normal for discovery of cancer to be concealed, being seen as a taboo. But this time, things were different, this was the Prime Minister, and this was wartime. The good of the nation depended on it. Very bravely, one of the surgeons informed Chamberlain of the discovery, to the surprise of his colleagues. The discovery shocked and deeply upset the Prime Minister, knowing he likely didn’t have long left [7]. Chamberlain revealed his diagnosis to the War Cabinet on the 5th of July, and subsequently about his decision to resign as Prime Minister. Chamberlain believed that now was more important than ever to form a new national unity government, something Labour and the Liberals had declined to participate in under his leadership. It was agreed in that meeting that his cancer would not be mentioned to the press, and that the official reason behind his resignation would be “age and ill health.” The new phase in Britain’s war on tyranny was about to herald new leadership. The ship of British government was to receive a new captain [8].


Footnotes
- [1] There’s no "zone interdite" in the northeast ITTL.
- [2] The man Churchill would have preferred to lead the Free French. In OTL, Mandel was murdered by the Milice in 1944.
- [3] Same text as De Gaulle’s OTL Appeal of 18th June.
- [4] See Chapter 19 for more info.
- [5] The Home Guard was formed on 14 May in OTL.
- [6] This happened to Chamberlain in OTL as well, but in early July. Here, the added stresses hasten his decline.
- [7] Chamberlain’s cancer was discovered in July 1940 in OTL, but the news was concealed from him.
- [8] Which will be revealed in the next chapter...

Sources
Lehrman Institute:
Lehrman Institute Historical Projects - Gilder Lehrman Collection of Historical Documents
Wikipedia:
French Navy - Wikipedia
Georges Mandel - Wikipedia
Neville Chamberlain - Wikipedia

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 21 – Passing the Torch
Resignation of Neville Chamberlain
July 1940​

Neville Chamberlain became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in May 1937 at the age of 68, the second oldest in the 20th century so far to be appointed PM (behind Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman). He never intended to lead a foreign policy-oriented government, yet that was what happened. His premiership had been marked by a dramatic increase in Anglo-German tensions, culminating in the outbreak of war in September 1939, despite Chamberlain’s infamous Munich Agreement in 1938, which Hitler had broken in just 3 months.

Neville Chamberlain, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

In July 1940, British forces had just been booted from mainland Europe (except Norway), Britain was arguably in the worst strategic position it ever found itself in, yet Chamberlain had never been more popular. Even among the opposition, Chamberlain had become immensely respected.

Yet Chamberlain was not much longer for this world. He had terminal cancer and he knew it. It was time for him to depart to spend however long he had left in quite retirement. This raised a major question, who was to succeed Neville? A decision made harder with Hoare and Churchill dying in a plane crash back in May [1]. Despite this, Chamberlain’s successor would almost certainly be a member of the present War Cabinet, meaning that the choice would be either:

- Sir Kingsley Wood: Secretary of State for Air [2]
- Sir John Simon: Chancellor of the Exchequer
- Lord Halifax: Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
- Oliver Stanley: Secretary of State for War
- Lord Hankey: Lord Privy Seal [3]
- Sir Roger Keyes: First Lord of the Admiralty [4]

In the final analysis, however, the choice boiled down to Foreign Secretary Viscount Halifax. He was Chamberlain’s preferred choice and had chaired cabinet whilst the PM was in surgery. Additionally, he was supported by much of the Conservative Party and was acceptable to Labour and the Liberals. By now, any temptations that Halifax may have had to explore a negotiated peace were dashed after failures with Italy and Sweden. However, there was just a few problems standing in Halifax’s way.

Viscount Halifax, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs

The first of which was that he was a peer of the realm, and therefore a member of the House of Lords. By 1940, the last peer to have served as Prime Minister was Lord Salisbury in 1902, following which it had become a constitutional convention that the PM serve from the House of Commons.

However, during the last several days of his premiership, Chamberlain and Home Secretary Sir John Anderson had drafted legislation to allow for peers to renounce their title for life [5], allowing them to stand for the Commons. It was arranged in a meeting between Chamberlain, Halifax, Attlee, Greenwood and Sinclair on the 11th of July that after Chamberlain’s resignation and Halifax’s appointment, Chamberlain would vacate his seat in Birmingham Edgbaston in order to give Halifax a seat in the Commons after renouncing his peerage.

On the 11th of July, Chamberlain tendered his resignation to King George VI, advising His Majesty to send for Halifax. Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 3rd Viscount Halifax kissed hands with the King and was appointed as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom later that day.

George VI, King of the United Kingdom and the British Dominions, Emperor of India

The next challenge for the new PM was to assemble a War Cabinet. The new government would have to include all parties. Firstly, Attlee was to be included, being appointed as Lord Privy Seal and de-facto deputy Prime Minister [6], with Arthur Greenwood also appointed as a Minister without portfolio. With Labour represented, Anthony Eden was appointed Foreign Secretary and Leader of the House of Commons to keep the Tory anti-appeasers happy. The non-partisan Home Secretary Sir John Anderson was moved to be Lord President of the Council. The final member of Halifax’s War Cabinet was to represent the Liberals. Whilst Sinclair was not included in the war Cabinet, as the new Secretary of State for Air [7], he was more than happy to have his party represented by the victor of the last world war, David Lloyd George, who was appointed as Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries [8].

David Lloyd George, Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries

On the 18th of July, a special Parliamentary session of the House of Commons took place to pass the Peerages Act that had been drafted by Chamberlain and Anderson earlier in the month. It swiftly passed the House, being passed by the Lords and receiving Royal Assent the next day. Following Royal Assent, Halifax renounced his peerages as Viscount Halifax and Baron Irwin, becoming a commoner simply known as Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, or more simply Edward F. L. Wood.

He was swiftly nominated as the Conservative candidate for Chamberlain’s vacated seat of Birmingham Edgbaston after Chamberlain had accepted the Stewardship of the Manor of Northstead on July 12th [9]. When the by-election was held on the 5th of August, Wood (formerly Lord Halifax) won unopposed.

Britain was ready for whatever lay ahead.

Footnotes
- [1] See Chapter 16 for more info.
- [2] Taking the job back from Hoare.
- [3] Taking Wood’s job after Wood took Hoare’s.
- [4] Replacing the departed Churchill.
- [5] Legislation to enable this passed in 1963 in OTL.
- [6] Attlee was appointed Lord Privy Seal in 1940 under Churchill in OTL.
- [7] The same job we was given in OTL under Churchill.
- [8] Lloyd George was offered this role under Churchill in OTL but refused to serve alongside Chamberlain whom he despised.
- [9] The Stewardship of the Manor of Northstead is a well-known legal fiction in British politics allowing MPs to bypass the ban on resigning their seats.

Sources:
Wikipedia
List of stewards of the Manor of Northstead - Wikipedia
Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax - Wikipedia
Neville Chamberlain - Wikipedia
George VI - Wikipedia

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Wood War Cabinet
August 1940

​

Edward F. L. Wood (formerly Viscount Halifax)
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
Minister of Defence

Clement Attlee
Lord Privy Seal

Sir John Anderson
Lord President of the Council

Anthony Eden
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs

David Lloyd George
Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries

Arthur Greenwood
Minister without portfolio

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Next chapter will be out soon, but here's another speech I thought you'd all like:

Edward F. L. Wood’s first radio broadcast as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom [1]
15 July 1940​

“I am addressing you tonight, for the first time directly over wireless, as Prime Minister, in what is a solemn hour for our country, our empire, our allies, and of the cause of freedom and justice itself. Just under a month ago, our ally of France was forced to surrender to the forces of Nazism and Bolshevism following an extraordinary breakthrough involving heavily armoured, fast-moving tanks and intense aerial bombardments. Indeed, it was a colossal military catastrophe, one which very nearly turned for us into what could have been the worst military disaster in our long history had our expeditionary forces in Europe not been successfully evacuated from the beaches of Dunkirk by the Royal Navy and donated civilian ships, covered in the skies by the airmen of the Royal Air Force.

Now Göring his band of criminals are sure to turn their guns, their planes, and their ships on us, as is his ally in the east, Stalin. And I know that many of you will be wondering if the Prussian and Russian jackboots that have stormed their way across Poland, Finland, the Low Countries and France will find their way into our island home, into our streets, our fields, our towns and villages, our rolling hills, or our industrial cities? And whether we too will be forced to accept the total domination of Britain to the tyrannical hegemony that befalls Europe? I suspect that Herr Göring is wondering that himself, and Marshal Stalin queries with his cabal on similar matters.

Well, both my head and my heart join to tell you with all the conviction that I can muster, that the answer to that is a confident and unwavering no! Such an invasion will never succeed in subduing us in our struggle and our duty. Such a menace of tyranny may have subdued much of the European continent, but they shall never extinguish the light of liberty, justice and freedom for all men and all nations; they shall never extinguish that flame from our isles.

Every day we our growing stronger. We have under arms a million and a half men in the British Army. And every day, their strength, their resolve and their striking power grow ever deadlier. Furthermore, in addition to the Regular Army, we have more than a million men in the Local Defence Volunteers ready to meet and attack any airborne invader [2].

We will not prostrate ourselves before the invader, should he come to Britain. Whilst it would be no pleasure to any one of us to watch our towns and our cities fought over street by street, it is a sacrifice we are willing to make to devour and destroy any invading army upon our shores. Even if the great city of London were to lie in ashen ruin, it would be of great reassurance to know that there would be nowhere for the Swastika or the Sickle to be hoisted by the enemy.

It has been a good week for the Royal Air Force, with Fighter Command reporting that German aircraft attacking our convoys in the Channel or molesting our coastlines have been shot down at a rate of 5 to 1 compared to our own losses. We should be most pleased with our fighter pilots, who are fighting in the skies with ever-growing skill and courage, alert to any enemy planes intruding from over the Channel. Nevertheless, it is likely that the next few weeks will see the aerial battles intensify and move further inland, possibly with the addition of Soviet aircraft to accompany the menace of the Luftwaffe.

Patrolling the seas with over 1,000 armed ships is the Royal Navy, ready and able to come to the aid of any part of the British Empire or any of our allies that may be under threat, in addition to maintaining our connections to any part of the world from which aid to us is being delivered. Our food reserves lie in more than sufficient quantities, despite 10 months of raids conducted against our shipping.

I sit at the head of an all-party government, representing all factions and all creeds, appointed by His Majesty King George. We are supported in our work by a freely elected Parliament and watched over by a free press. However, despite the many factors and opinions which may divide us, one strand stands as that which unites us all whether we be in government, in the fighting services, or working in the factories or the fields. Namely, that there is no extremity which we would ever shy away from in the defence of our nation, our Empire, our Allies, and the cause of freedom itself. We are not fighting this war merely to defend ourselves, although we certainly are fighting to defend ourselves, we are fighting for the free spirit of humanity, and for the ability of all men to live in the light of freedom. A spirit which, with the help of almighty God, Göring’s or Stalin’s bombs, ships, or planes will never eradicate. I wish you all well, and pray that this evil thrust upon the world be resolutely and completely defeated and destroyed. Thank you.”

Footnotes
- [1] E. F. L. Wood is of course known in OTL as Lord Halifax, just without his peerage which he renounced in Chapter 21.
- [2] Better known as the "Home Guard" or "Dad's Army". Formed during the tail end of Chamberlain's premiership, Chapter 20 has been amended to mention it.

Sources
YouTube:

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Just something new I thought I'd add to the timeline. Please comment about what you think.

Look into the Future (1)
10 June 2022​

Jonathon stared down at the exam paper he’d just written his name on. “20th Century Cold War”, he thought. “So long as they don’t ask about Chile or Angola, I should be fine.”

“You have two-and-a-half hours. Your time starts now. Good luck everyone”, announced the invigilator.

Jonathon opened his paper to the first question, the source question, these ones always bored him.

01) With reference to the sources and your understanding of the historical context, assess the value of these three sources to an historian studying the Chilean Crisis of 1975. [30 marks]​

“Fuck!”, thought Jonathon. “Oh well, let’s look at the essay questions on the back, see if they’re any better.”

02) “American foreign policy towards Latin America in the years 1947 to 1955 was driven primarily by economic concerns.” Assess the validity of this view.
[25 marks]

03) “Lausche’s policy of “Forward Containment” was the primary reason behind the increased Cold War tensions in the years 1961 to 1975.” Assess the validity of this view.
[25 marks]

04) To what extent was there a significant reduction in Cold War tensions in the years 1977 to 1989?
[25 marks]​

“Hmm...ok. This should be alright”, thought Jonathon, the end of his pen pressed firmly in between his teeth as he read. “I’ll do essays 2 and 4, then do the Chile question. I got this.”

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

courtesy of @tastethesword

Europe as of 23 June 1940. Shortly after the Fall of France

Apologies for the slight blur and the black line at the bottom, the only way I could upload it was with snipping tool.

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

So yeah, this update is pretty short. I've been very busy recently and this is what I've just gotten done today. The Battle of Britain updates are taking a while to write up since it's mostly in line with OTL and I just get a bit bored. Anyway, more updates are in the pipeline, probably over the weekend. Also, sorry about the table at the bottom, I was trying something out and I can't get rid of it.

Chapter 22 – Gremlins, Gunners and God Brothers
Battle of Britain (Part 1)
June – August 1940​

The Battle of France was over, the Battle of Britain was about to begin [1]. As soon as E. F. L. Wood [2] was thrust into the role of Prime Minister, he was forced to contend with an ever-intensifying fight over the skies of southern England between the German Luftwaffe and the Royal Air Force (RAF). Due to the losses of the Western campaign, the Luftwaffe had been forced to rebuild its strength before a full attack on the RAF could be launched, limiting German attacks as of July to “Kanalkampf” daylight attacks against British shipping in the English Channel following a series of Störangriffe (“nuisance raids”) against British towns and cities [3]. With these minor attacks, the Germans discovered that the ideal bombing strategy was to use large amounts of small bombs, whilst the RAF gained useful time, training and target practice for their fighters and anti-aircraft defences [4].

Luftwaffe planes attacking a British convoy, July 1940

In Germany, Göring continued to resist the possibility of an invasion of Britain, insisting that Britain would be forced to sue for peace after the destruction of the Royal Air Force. Luftwaffe intelligence under Abteilung 5 (headed by Generalleutnant Joseph Schmidt) showed that RAF defences were weak and could be defeated extraordinarily quickly, days at most. This only added to Göring’s confidence. On 19th of July, he ordered the campaign against the RAF to be escalated with the aim of totally destroying British air power. The main attack on the RAF, codenamed Adlerangriff (“Eagle Attack”), was to begin as near to the 5th of August as the weather would permit.
As it turned out, the intelligence was faulty. The British defences were not certainly not crippled by any estimation. In fact, the RAF had a secret weapon waiting for the Germans. One which Schmidt had in fact failed to mention in his intel reports at all [5].

The attack, codenamed Aldertag, began on the morning of the 13th of August.

Footnotes
- [1] Sorry, I couldn’t help myself.
- [2] In OTL known as Lord Halifax, see chapter 21 for more info.
- [3] The OTL German strategy in the early Battle of Britain as well.
- [4] So far, all OTL.
- [5] Just as in OTL as well. Guess what this secret weapon was?

Sources
Adlertag - Wikipedia
Battle of Britain - Wikipedia

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 23 – The Frozen North on Fire
Scandinavian Campaign (Part 7)
June – July 1940​

To say that the Westman Affair had weakened Sweden’s hand would be an understatement. The country’s failed attempt to exit the war in June of 1940 had only served to convince Germany that a closer eye needed to be kept on their northern co-belligerent. To that end, Göring sort to increase German military presence in the region. Up to now, only the Luftwaffe had units based in Sweden from Luftflotte 5, the core of which was the X Fliegerkorps commanded by Generalleutnant Hans Geisler. Berlin decided that now was the ideal time to use the shock in Sweden to begin building up for a ground attack on Norway. On the 1st of July, the German government demanded that Sweden allow for the deployment of the 163rd Infantry Division inside Swedish territory. With their diplomatic hand lost, the Swedes relented, and the division entered Sweden on the 3rd, basing themselves in Östersund.

In the meantime, the British continued to launch air attacks on Sweden from bases in Norway. After the Rotterdam Blitz of the 14th of May, Britain had extended its bombing campaigns to include Germany east of the Rhine and on larger targets outside northern Sweden. On the 21st, the RAF bombed Frösön, headquarters of the Jämtland Wing of the Swedish Air Force and home to Zerstörergeschwader 76 (ZG 76) of the Luftwaffe. ZG 76s Messerschmitt Bf 109s managed to inflict a loss of 3 Vickers Wellington bombers on the RAF. In addition, many bombs fell short of the main target, the airport, with many exploding in nearby Östersund, killing 25 civilians. On the 2nd of June, the RAF bombed Göthenburg. The bombing had ceased during the Anglo-Swedish negotiations and resumed on the 17th with a raid on Kiruna. The bombings served to harden Swedish popular opinion against the British. Despite waging what the government called a "defensive war" aimed solely at pushing Sweden of British and French troops, the Swedish General Security Service began to prepare spies and saboteurs to attack British military installations in Norway.

Aftermath of the British bombing of Göthenburg, 2nd June 1940

The war was by no means over for Sweden yet.

Conventional warfare wasn’t the only form of combat taking place in Scandinavia. The Swedish-Norwegian border was over 1,600km long and as such was difficult to fully close down after the invasions of Norway and Sweden. Within the weeks following Operation Silver, the first spies and agents began to seep through the wooded rat runs of the long border. This was soon followed by political agitators.

On the 9th of April 1940, the Norwegian Nazi-inspired Nasjonal Samling (NS) party, led by Vidkun Quisling, organised a protest march in Oslo against the British occupation. To cut a long story short, the march escalated with several uniformed NS members breaking into several Jewish-owned properties in Oslo. Soon, the march had descended into a riot with counter-protestors joining the melee. The Norwegian police were overwhelmed, and the situation was only resolved when British troops from the 1st Battalion, Green Howards arrived, causing many demonstrators and counterdemonstrators to disperse. 47 people died in the riots, including 17 Norwegian Jews, 8 counterdemonstrators and 17 NS demonstrators, 5 of the NS dead were shot by British troops. Two days later, the still-technically-neutral government of Norway outlawed Nasjonal Samling and began to arrest its members.

Vidkun Quisling, leader of Nasjonal Samling

Anti-Semitic graffiti on a Jewish-owned tailors in Oslo painted during the 9th April riots

Following the riots, the now-banned NS began to fracture. Many renounced their affiliation, others went underground. Quisling himself went into hiding, secretly crossing the Swedish border in the dead of night. Quisling hadn’t planned for the protest to turn violent but was quick to adjust to the new situation. Once in Sweden, he met with German intelligence officers, who aided his travel to Berlin arriving on the 17th of April. From Berlin, he set up residence in the former Norwegian embassy and began to send radio broadcasts back to Norway attempting to turn Norwegian public against the British. The Germans also began to secretly train other NS members in sabotage and espionage from secret bases in Sweden (so secret in fact that the Swedish government was unaware until it was too late to stop it). However, the propaganda effort was largely unsuccessful, most Norwegians were pro-Britain and blamed the chaos of the 9 April riots on Quisling and his party. The propaganda and intelligence war was well and truly on in Scandinavia.

Footnotes
- [1] The impact of the Westman Affair can be best described as similar to the impact of the Sixtus Affair on Austria-Hungary during World War I, essentially forcing Sweden into the role of German client state.

Comments?

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 24 – Cold Waters and Cod Fish
Iceland & Greenland
March – August 1940​

With the German occupation of Denmark on the 17th March 1940 came the dismemberment of the Danish Empire. First was the occupation of the Faroe Islands on the 20th. The remaining parts of the Danish Empire were the colony of Greenland and the self-governing Kingdom of Iceland.

Four days after the occupation of Denmark, the two sheriffs of northern and southern Greenland, Aksel Svane and Eske Brun declared Greenland to be a self-governing territory in line with the emergency clause of a 1925 law regarding Greenland’s governance [1]. Both did so with the support of Henrik Kauffmann, the Danish Ambassador to the United States, who realised that Danish sovereignty had been compromised, as well the US State Department. The main concern for the new rulers of Greenland was that either Germany, Britain or Canada would attempt to invade it. Therefore, Greenland sought protection from the United States, who had no desire to see any other nation establish a presence in Greenland.

On the 19th of April 1940, the United States established a provisional consulate in Godthaab [2] with the arrival of two US Coast Guard ships USCGC Comanche and USCGC Campbell [3]. Another concern in Greenland in 1940 was the security of the cryolite mine at Ivigtut. To this end, 15 US Coast Guardsmen were deployed to protect it, after being voluntarily discharged [4]. Another measure to ensure Greenland’ independence was the establishment of the Sirius Sled Dog Patrol, a 15-man team created to patrol the large islands [5].

The other area affected by Denmark’s capitulation was Iceland. The Kingdom of Iceland had been established in 1918 in personal union with Denmark, but had delegated the task of costal defence and foreign affairs to Copenhagen. With Denmark under German occupation, this policy was unsustainable, and the Althing voted on the 18th of March to take costal defence and foreign relations into Icelandic hands [6]. The first task of the de-facto fully independent Iceland was to ensure its neutrality. To this end, the Icelandic government, headed by Prime Minister Hermann Jónasson, consistently refused offers from Britain to join the conflict on the Allied side. There were reasons for Britain to be interested in Iceland. Its strategic position would be of great use to prevent German ships and U-boats from breaking out into the Atlantic. Additionally, German diplomatic presence in Iceland, headed by consul Werner Gerlach alarmed Britain to the possibility of German spying there.

Hermann Jónasson, Prime Minister of Iceland

Despite this, no invasion of Iceland was undertaken. The Admiralty had made plans to occupy the strategic island, but with control of Norway’s ports and bases, the need to occupy Iceland decreased.

With the Fall of France in June 1940, the Icelandic government’s concern that Britain would invade and violate its neutrality began to increase. As such, these began to reach out to Greenland and the United States for protection. On the 4th of July 1940, the Icelandic government established the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with Social Affairs minister Stefán Jóhann Stefánsson appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. On the 15th of July, Stefánsson met with US President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull. Iceland had already established a provisional legation in New York City after the occupation of Denmark [7], but the Icelanders now looked to deepen ties with the Americans as a means to ensure their independence. On the 24th of July, an agreement was reached between the Icelandic and American governments and the authorities in Greenland, the Norwegian Sea Agreement. The Americans agreed to establish relations with Iceland and supply weapons for the founding of an Icelandic defence force able to resist any invasion. The Icelanders and Greenlanders agreed to cooperate on reconnaissance between their nations regarding ships traversing the Denmark Strait between them. Soon after the agreement was signed, the first American arms shipment arrived in Reykjavík on the 5th of August and the Icelandic Defence Force (IDF) was established on the 7th, although at this point it was little more than a small force.

Cordell Hull, US Secretary of State

In London, reactions to the Icelandic-American agreement were mixed. Prime Minister Wood was annoyed by the agreement given that it limited British operational capacity, but also recognised that the Americans were unlikely to be an unfriendly power towards Britain. Similarly, whilst the IDF could pose a challenge to any potential British landing force, it could also cause a problem for any German force, reducing British concerns of a German occupation of Iceland.
For all intents and purposes, the Norwegian Sea was secure.

Footnotes
- [1] They did this in OTL as well.
- [2] In OTL this happened.
- [3] These ships delivered the consular staff to Greenland in OTL as well.
- [4] This happened in OTL as well.
- [5] The Sled Dog Patrol was established around this time in OTL as well.
- [6] See Chapter 16 for more info.
- [7] The Icelandic legation was established in OTL as well.

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[BurkeanLibCon]

These kind of updates, one which follow almost the same path as OTL, are the hardest to write because I want to provide as much detail as possible without plagiarising other works on the subject (hence why I use footnotes and provide my sources). This shouldn't go on for too long though as the butterflies start to kick in.

Chapter 25 – The Eagle Soars
Battle of Britain (Part 2)
August 1940​

Adlertag began on the morning of the 13th of August with the Dornier Do 17s of Kampfgeschwader 2 (KG 2) attacking their targets. Due to the errors of the Observer Corps and the WAAF [1] and the inaccuracy of the radar, their targets (RAF Hornchurch, RAF Eastchurch, RAF Manston [2]) were attacked. At Eastchurch, despite the airfield being hit and severe damage putting the airfield out of action until 4 o’clock in the afternoon, Fighter Command lost no aircraft [3]. During KG 2’s raid, 5 Do 17s bombers were lost to three fighter opposing squadrons: No. 74 (led by Adolph Malan), No. 111 & No. 151 Squadron.

Adolph Malan, commander of No. 74 Squadron RAF

Other morning attacks included the attack on RAF Kenley by KG 76 and other Essex and Kent airfields. Funnily enough, the go-ahead for morning attacks had been postponed by Göring due to poor weather. However, several units of Luftflotte 2 (commanded by Generalfeldmarschall Albert Kesselring) and the entirety of Luftflotte 3 (commanded by Generalfeldmarschall Hugo Sperrle) hadn’t received word of the delay. Indeed, Sperrle had ordered morning attacks to go ahead [4].

Albert Kesselring, commander of Luftflotte 2

Hugo Sperrle, commander of Luftflotte 3

At 05:00, 20 bombers were launched to bomb “RAF Farnborough” (home to the Royal Aircraft Establishment), 18 bombers from II./KG 54 headed for RAF Odiham at 05:05. These raids and others launched that morning were intercepted by British fighters from RAF Middle Wallop, RAF Northolt and RAF Tangmere, shooting down a Bf 109 fighters that had been guiding the bombers as well as 4 Ju 88 bombers.

Shortly after 11:00, ahead of the bombers of KG 54, multiple Bf 110 fighters had taken off in order to bring out the RAF fighters into battle, putting them out of position when the bombers arrived [5]. At least, that had been the plan. The bombers had been called off and the fighters had met the Hurricanes of No. 601 Squadron, losing 6 Bf 110s and 3 damaged to just 1 Hurricane downed and 1 other damaged.

Attacks renewed with the go-ahead given at 14:00 that afternoon. 90 minutes later, between 60-80 Ju 88s accompanied by 30 Bf 110s took off with their targets, RAF Boscombe Down and RAF Worthy Down, in mind. They and other groups of German aircraft were met by the entirety of No. 10 Group RAF. 6 out of 9 Ju 87s were shot down. Multiple German groups abandoned their original targets and headed for Portland with some heading to Southampton instead, destroying several warehouses [6].
Other targets struck by the Luftwaffe on the 13th included Southend-on-Sea, Canterbury, and RAF Detling (which wasn’t a Fighter Command base).
Then there were the night raids. During that night the cities of Aberdeen, Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Sheffield, Swansea, Liverpool and Norwich all saw air raids [7].

With the days end, it was clear the Luftwaffe’s efforts to destroy the Royal Air Force had failed. German claims of 70 RAF fighters and 18 bombers, both Hurricane and Spitfire, was an exaggeration of 300% [8]. Actual losses for the RAF were 13 fighters and 11 bombers. It wasn’t just the Germans who overclaimed. Whilst Fighter Command claimed 78 German planes downed, the actual number was around 47-48 [9].
What mattered though, was that the RAF was still very much in the fight, and with it, Britain.


Footnotes
- [1] Women’s Auxiliary Air Force.
- [2] OTL targets for KG 2.
- [3] All as OTL.
- [4] This happened in OTL as well.
- [5] This happened in OTL as well, and went wrong in the same ways too.
- [6] Also in OTL, this update’s not that imaginative yet.
- [7] Also as in OTL.
- [8] Also OTL.
- [9] Also OTL.

Sources
Adlertag - Wikipedia
Luftwaffe order of battle August 1940 - Wikipedia

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Just a last quick update before I head off for a few days, so more detailed updates will be out soon. I'll try not to give too much away with this future update.

Look into the Future (2)
5 September 2022
Huntingdon, United Kingdom​

Peter walked into the dry cleaners, trousers in hand. It was near closing time, a bit late for his trousers to be ironed for work by tomorrow morning. But that wasn't why Peter was here at this time in the evening. The front door was open and the only customer there was on old man, catching a cheeky 40 winks whilst he waited for his wash to finish.

The woman behind the counter turned to see Peter and nodded. He followed the woman into the back of the dry cleaners. and up a flight of stairs to a small flat. She opened a door into the bedroom. In there stood a tall gentleman in his late-40s, with dark brown hair, dressed in a red jumper and a pair of blue jeans. Also present was a shorter, younger man, sitting by a notebook with a sinister look on his face. After Peter walked in, the woman shut the door and headed off downstairs.

"Could you turn up the radio, please?" asked the tall man to the shorter one. The radio was switched up. One it was judged to be loud enough, the tall man leant over to Peter.

"So, Peter, have you got what I want?"

"Yes Andrew," Peter replied slightly timidly. "I believe these are what you're looking for."

"Andrew" (as he was known) began to sift through the papers in his lap. Peter's chest went tight with nerves. If his boss at the estate agent's found out the papers were missing, he'd be sacked in an instant, most likely arrested too. The papers in "Andrew's" hand weren't the actual documents, those were in his desk draw at home, but photocopies he'd taken using his own printer.

"God, I hope he's pleased," Peter thought internally to himself. "If not, he'll kill me. What about my wife, she doesn't know any of this? What about the kids? Wha..." His train of thought was interrupted by intermittent satisfactory noises from "Andrew" which served to calm Peter's nerves.

"Uh hm. Uh huh. Ooh. Looks good my friend," he remarked intermittently, in his accent that had a hint of South African, but Peter knew that "Andrew" was definitely not South African. "Looks like HQ will be pleased."

Peter breathed a subtle sigh of relief that "Andrew" did not see.

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Per Albin Hansson’s speech regarding war with Britain and France
10 March 1940​

“Swedes, good evening. It is with great sorrow that I address you tonight in a time of national emergency. Early this morning, military forces of Great Britain and France staged an attack upon our northern border from Norwegian territory, having previously attacked that nation at half past 9 o’clock yesterday, the 9th of March 1940. This attack of military aggression represents the more severe provocation towards Sweden since the days of Napoleon Bonaparte, and a clear violation of our previously stated principle of neutrality in the European war between Britain and France on the one hand and Germany on the other, triggered by the German invasion of Poland of the 1st September 1939.

At half past 9 o’clock, on the evening of 9th of March 1940, British and French forces launched their unprovoked military attack upon the neutral state of Norway, ultimately forcing that nation to capitulate at midnight this morning. At 8 o’clock, we received word from Björkliden that military forces were attempting to occupy the town and the railway, believed to heading for our Iron deposits in Kiruna in Norrbotten County. These forces were stopped outside Björkliden and identified as British and French. The Swedish government has summoned the representatives of Britain and France to explain the actions of their government taking unprovoked action, contrary to the laws of neutrality and international law, against Sweden, despite Sweden on her part strictly adhering to the rules of international law in her relations with Britain and France. They offered us no satisfactory reply.

The governments of Britain and France have thereby created a virtual state of war against us, our soldiers are continuing to resist ground attacks launched against them in Björkliden.

I feel it is essential to make it clear that any and all attacks against Swedish territory will be resisted to the utmost. Our independence, our borders and the rights of our people will never be violated without extreme cost to those who would dare try. I have ordered that the whole of the armed forces, including the army, navy and air force, to be fully mobilised and prepared to withstand any further assault upon our territorial integrity.

The Swedish government, consequently, recognises the taking of certain other steps as necessary to ensure the safety of the people. These will be broadcasted onc message to you has ceased.

We had no intention of engaging in hostilities, but we will never accept this flagrant violation of our neutrality and our territory. All areas of our country will be defended with fierce resistance. We will continue until our country is liberated. We will take whatever steps we feel to be necessary to ensure the protection of Sweden and its people. I hope that this present emergency can be resolved without unnecessary bloodshed, and that the forces of justice and the rule of law may triumph. But whatever comes, we will defend our nation and our home. I thank you and good night.”

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 26 – The Beast from The East
Soviet Union
August 1939 – August 1940​

It was in late August of 1939 that the unthinkable happened. The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany signed a non-aggression pact, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which included secret provisions to partition Eastern Europe between them. The pact had shocked the entire world including the British, the French, the Italians, the Japanese, the Comintern and most Jewishy communities worldwide. Such was the shock at the revelation that the American Time Magazine began to refer to it as the “Communazi Pact”, and continued to refer to both signatories as “communazis” [1]. Yet, from the perspective of the parties involved, it was a matter of pragmatism and not of friendship. For the Germans, a temporary deal with Moscow may be enough to frighten off the British and French from interfering with German plans for Poland. Meanwhile, Stalin saw the pact as a way to delay any potential German-Soviet conflict and enable the destabilisation of Europe to his benefit.

Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

As a committed Marxist-Leninist, Stalin believed in was only a matter of time before the capitalist powers fell into conflict with one another. What Stalin wanted was for Britain, France and Germany to fight themselves to weakness, enabling the Soviets to build up their forces until such a time when they would intervene and bring Europe under their sphere of influence [2].

The problem was that events did not play out as he had planned. Stalin had anticipated that Anglo-French would declare war on Germany following their invasion of Poland, which ultimately came to fruition on the 3rd of September 1939, but what he hadn’t anticipated was that they would also declare war on the Soviet Union as well on the 19th [3]. Suddenly, Stalin found himself on the same side as Adolf Hitler, if only as a co-belligerent for now.

Whilst taking his own share of the Baltic pie in the autumn and winter of 1939, he found the Finnish to be tougher than anticipated, and so contented himself with taking most of their industrial capacity and a sizeable portion of their territory. His decision to spare Finland was aided equally by Soviet underperformance as by Anglo-French intervention in Sweden and Norway in March 1940.

Despite the state of war with Britain and France, Stalin initially considered trying to negotiate a separate peace with London and Paris given his distrust of German intentions, even after Adolf Hitler’s death in February 1940 [4]. However, this idea was dashed after Operation Pike, proving that the Anglo-French were committed to against fighting the Soviet Union beyond a token declaration of war for their invasion of Poland. On the 29th of April, the day after Pike began, the Transcaucasian Military District was redesignated as the Transcaucasian Front.

In June 1940, whilst France and Britain were perfecting the art of advancing backwards away from the German army, the Soviets took the time to occupy the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania that had been earmarked to them in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. After a brief occupation in which the political leadership of all three were replaced by Soviet-backed communists, all three were subsequently annexed into the Soviet Union in August (Lithuania – 3rd of August, Latvia – 5th of August, Estonia – 6th of August). In early July 1940, the Soviets annexed Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina into the USSR, with most of the territory becoming the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic [5].

Meanwhile, back in the west, the Fall of France had taken Stalin by surprise. His response was to increase his ties to Germany, hoping to avoid or at least delay any German-Soviet conflict [6]. Throughout late July and early August, Stalin began to make outreaches to Göring, aiming to extend the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact into a full military alliance. But an analysis of German-Soviet relations in mid-to-late 1940 is a story for another time.

Hermann Göring, Reichspräsident of Germany

What Stalin began to increasingly set his sights upon was to seize the Persian Gulf and India from British influence. In June of 1940, Stalin dispatched Molotov to Kabul to meet with the Afghan government, hoping to secure an alliance with that country.

Under King Mohammed Zahir Shah and Prime Minister Mohammad Hashim Khan, the Afghans had invited German technicians to set up hydroelectric facilities and factories in the small mountainous kingdom, having chosen not to become reliant either on the United Kingdom or the Soviet Union. Afghanistan had also established relations with Italy and Japan throughout the 1930s. However, the main goal of Afghanistan’s foreign policy was to remain neutral. The reason their country hadn’t been colonised by either Britain or Russia in the 19th century was to provide a buffer state that would keep the rival powers apart during the Great Game. That conflict had technically ended in 1907 with the Anglo-Russian entente, but Anglo-Russian tensions never really went away, especially with the Bolshevik rise to power in 1917 [7]. The Afghan government was aware that with the British and Soviets at war with one another, and the Great Game subsequently reignited, they would have to tread a very careful line as their options began to lessen by the day. With the arrival of Molotov in Kabul, they began to get nervous.

Vyacheslav Molotov, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union

Mohammed Zahir Shah, King of Afghanistan

Mohammad Hashim Khan, Prime Minister of Afghanistan

They listened to Soviet offers of an alliance and annexation of Pashtun territories in northern India but attempted to delay as much as they could whilst conscious of the fact that the Red Army could begin massing on their northern border any time. As time went on into July, the Afghan’s became increasingly aware that the Soviets wished to attack British India, and that their country was in the way. Their options were limited, and they knew it.

On the 17th of July, the Soviets and Afghans reached a secret non-aggression agreement that gave the Red Army rite of passage through their territory to reach India, in exchange for Soviet pledges of non-interference in their internal affairs. Neither side was best pleased with the deal, but nothing better was possible at this point.

Footnotes
- [1] The term “communazis” was used by Time Magazine in OTL until April 1941.
- [2] Stalin’s broad strategic goals in OTL around this time.
- [3] See Chapter 2 for more info on that.
- [4] See Chapter 4 for more info. Yes, this means that we have a Second World War without Hitler, Churchill or De Gaulle. Mwa ha ha!
- [5] All OTL.
- [6] Also OTL.
- [7] Much of this grand strategy is OTL as well.

Sources
Wikipedia:

German–Soviet Axis talks - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Joseph Stalin - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Mohammad Hashim Khan - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

Mohammad Zahir Shah - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Chapter 27 – Stalemate in the Sky
Battle of Britain (Part 3)
August – September 1940​

By August 1940, the war had come to a stalemate. Ground combat on the Western Front after the fall of France and the Northern Front had been quiet as well, with little more than skirmishes occurring on the frontlines after the first Battle of Björkliden [1].

In the skies over Britain, the Luftwaffe was still failing to obtain aerial supremacy over Britain. This was annoying Göring and other members of the German high command. Their plan was predicated on the fact that Britain would surrender if the RAF were to lose control of Britain’s skies. That wasn’t happening. Adlertag had failed to knock put the RAF on the ground and knock out the radar stations. In addition, Germany’s plans to invade Norway in September were progressing, and the Luftwaffe would have to redirect units there soon in preparation. Clearly, a new approach was needed.

Several factors were in consideration. The main one being the upcoming invasion of Norway, scheduled for the 21st of September at the latest. Göring was aware that many German bombers, almost entirely from Luftflotte 2, based in the Low Countries would have to be redirected for further attacks on southern Norway and the Baltic approaches, joining Luftflotte 5 based in Sweden. The main issues here would be that Luftflotte 2 was the main force operating against the RAF’s No. 11 Group over southern England. A lessening of the campaign here would be akin to an admission of defeat.

Secondly, there was the fact that the RAF had not been destroyed as planned. The main result of this was the wounding of Göring’s pride, furthering his refusal to cooperate with other service branches in the campaign against the United Kingdom, particularly the Kriegsmarine, to the great annoyance of Admiral Raeder [2]. The Germans were forced to choose between two priorities, Britain or Norway.

At a meeting with the other service chiefs on the 18th of August, in which the commanders of Luftflottes 2, 3 and 5 (Albert Kesselring, Hugo Sperrle and Hans-Jürgen Stumpff respectively) as well as General von Falkenhorst (commander of German army units in Sweden) were invited, it was decided to prioritise Norway. When push came to shove, the choice was no contest. Most elements of the Norwegian campaign were almost complete with a concrete plan of attack [3] and the ability to carry it out. In comparison, there was no clear strategic goal for attacking Britain, other than the original gamble that a concerted air campaign would force Prime Minister Wood to sue for peace. Any possible plans to invade Great Britain had been ruled out, partly given Göring’s bullishness on the Luftwaffe’s abilities. For now, any plans to knock Britain out in the air quickly had to be put off. Whilst Göring’s pride had been wounded, he was forced to compromise with the other service leaders. With Hitler dead and his strategy of playing various factions against one another gone with him, Göring would be unable to repeat this strategy, forcing a compromise [4].

The new strategy for Britain would, as such, be a compromise. Luftflotte 3 would continue to operate against Britain whilst Luftflotte 2 would be split, with I. Fliegerkorps being reassigned to Sperrle’s command to remain in the fight against Britain whilst the rest of Luftlotte 2 (II. & IX. Fliegerkorps as well as Jagdfliegerführer 2) being reassigned to the Norway campaign to join Luftflotte 5.

As for Luftflotte 3, Göring had wished for a concerted attack against RAF airfields and aircraft factories, luring Fighter Command planes into battle where they could be destroyed. However, with Luftflotte 2, the main German force in the Battle of Britain, being redirected, that plan had to be altered. To compromise with the Kriegsmarine, Göring ordered that ports along Britain’s southern and western coasts should be bombarded, but the bombing of industries and airfields were given priority and he was unwilling to give the navy control of any Luftwaffe units [5].

On the 20th of August, Göring issued his new directive “Directions for operations against the British war economy [6].” The plan called for “ceaseless” attacks against British aircraft factories, Fighter Command airfields and Atlantic and Channel ports. That night, German bombers launched raids on Croydon, Wimbledon and Bristol. The next night, Cardiff and Fort Dunlop in Birmingham were attacked. On the 25th, over 200 bombers raided the Fort Dunlop factory in Birmingham. The raid caused severe damage, hampering production [7]. On the 1st of September, Liverpool was attacked. Multiple RAF stations were attacked as well, including Croydon, Eastchurch and Gravesend. The change in strategy began to show results, with the integrity of the Dowding system being threatened. To remedy this, aircraft from the Royal Navy’s Fleet Air Arm brought in to offset losses [8]. As Luftflotte 2 had been redirected, the effects of the new strategy were limited in scale. Had the Luftwaffe not been redirected, it’s been debated among historians whether this would have been decisive in the air campaign.

In Berlin, Göring and the other service chiefs began to put the final touches on Operation Shark (Unternehmen Haifisch), the German invasion of Norway.

Footnotes
- [1] Spoiler alert!
- [2] Göring acted like this in OTL, always reluctant to compromise with other service branches against Britain, likely to the detriment of Germany’s war strategy in late 1940.
- [3] To be discussed in the next update.
- [4] With Hitler dead, Nazi Germany has been forced to operate a kind of collective leadership model, with Göring compromising with other factions including the Kriegsmarine and the Heer (led by Admiral Raeder and General von Brauchitsch respectively) in addition to Heydrich’s SS.
- [5] Similar to the direction given by Hitler’s Directive 23, in which British ports were included in Germany’s bombing campaign. Like OTL, Göring was always reluctant to compromise control over the air force.
- [6] The OTL name for Hitler’s Directive 23 in February 1941.
- [7] In OTL, Fort Dunlop was attacked on the 23rd/24th with similar results.
- [8] This happened in OTL as well.

Announcement
Yes it took a long time to finally write this. I'm not sure if this new Luftwaffe strategy is realistic, please tell me if it isn't.

Sources

Battle of Britain - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

The Blitz - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

How The Luftwaffe Fought The Battle Of Britain

In 1940, the German Air Force (Luftwaffe) was the largest and most formidable air force in Europe. The organisation of the Luftwaffe was very different from that of the Royal Air Force (RAF), which was organised into ‘Commands’ based on function.

www.iwm.org.uk

British shadow factories - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org

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[BurkeanLibCon]

Map of Europe, 1 September 1940​

The Second World War is one year old!

 

[BurkeanLibCon]

The next chapter will be about Norway, so I went back to get info to ensure continuity.

In doing so, I realised that the way I'd written the landings of Operation Silver bothered me. I've re-written some sections of Chapters 5 & 6 as a result. Before reading the next chapter, I strongly urge you to re-read Chapters 5 & 6.

BurkeanLibCon