Visconti Victorious: Medieval Italian Unification

The Visconti Victorious
  • The Visconti Victorious

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    Duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti, b. 1351​

    In August 1402 the armies of Milan stood at the gates of Florence. For the past twenty years the brilliant lord Gian Galeazzo Visconti had amassed a powerful array of territory in Northern Italy- bequeathed the city of Pavia at birth, he gained Milan by overthrowing his uncle in 1385, and quickly expanded east, conquering Verona, Vicensa, and Padua in quick succession, although the latter was lost to the Carraras in 1390. Despite his conquests the duke was first and foremost a shrewd politician and skilled administrator: in 1395 he secured from Luxemburg King of the Romans Wenceslaus formal recognition as the Duke of Milan, the first Visconti to bear that honor, for a sum of 100,000 florins. Visconti additionally amassed in Milan one of if not the first modern bureaucracies, the wealth of Europe's second largest city leveraged towards consolidating his vast domains.

    With the north largely quiescent Gian Galeazzo turned his sights to the south, towards Tuscany and the Romagna. In the wake of Matilda of Tuscany's death in 1115 Tuscany had been dominated by a cluster of city states. Greatest among these was the Republic of Florence. As one of the largest and wealthiest independent cities Florence had begun to expand into Tuscany using the valiant mercenary John Hawkwood, and they naturally opposed any attempts at Italian unification as an existential threat to their republic, and the wealth of the city funded its opposition to the Visconti. Florence had some success in the first war of 1390-1392, but suffered defeat in the second war of 1397-1398. Sensing weakness, the rival cities of Pisa and Siena defected to the Visconti in 1399 while Lucca abandoned the anti-Visconti alliance, triggering a third and final war in 1400.

    Joining Florence was the city of Bologna, strategically positioned in the center of the Romagna and the site of Europe's first university; although not as rich as Florence or as grand as Milan it was still a respectable city and stood directly athwart Milanese ambitions.

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    The Visconti domains, on the eve of the Sack of Florence​


    The Visconti did not lack for soldiers, nor allies of their own- the Gonzaga of Mantua, and the Malatesta of Rimini, sided with Milan. The emperor elect Rupert, bribed by the Florentines, descended from the Alps, but was halted outside Brescia and forced to withdraw as his army abandoned him during the winter due to lack of funds.

    With the German intervention thwarted Gian Galeazzo marched against Florence's sole remaining ally, the city of Bologna. On June 26th 1402 the Milanese defeated the Florentine-Bolognese alliance at the Battle of Casallecio. In the wake of the battle Gian sacked Bologna, and marched on Florence. The city was besieged, and on September 3rd, disgruntled Florentine citizens opened the gates, admitting the Milanese troops. Florence had fallen, and with it fell the last independent power capable of opposing the Visconti.



    OK, so this is my first timeline, and I'm not nearly as knowledgeable as I would like on the period, but I've always been fascinated with Italy, and 15th/16th century Italy in particular, and the opportunity to write a timeline where Milan successfully unites the north was something I'd been considering for a while. The PoD, in case you were wondering, is that Gian Galeazzo avoids whatever illness killed him OTL, and is able to consolidate his domains and pass them on to a son.
     
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    Counting Coup
  • Counting Coup

    With the fall of Florence, the Duke of Milan paused to consider his position. His first order of business was of course be to reclaim Padua from the Carraras, which was accomplished, along with the subjugation of Ferrara, via ample bribes and a contingent of condottieri by fall of 1404. Further expansion, however, seemed fraught with difficulty: he had repulsed the German king, and in any case Rupert was a decidedly unimpressive figure. Nevertheless any further expansion- against Mantua, Montferrat, Trento, Aquileia, Savoy or Saluzzo- would undoubtedly provoke an imperial response, as all these territories were like Milan itself imperial fiefs. Indeed the conquest of Ferrara had provoked a furious response from king Rupert of Germany, but whether from lingering malaise from his prior failure or his present conflict in Swabia with the lords of Baden, Zahringen and the Archbishop of Mainz he failed to offer more than a flurry of angry letters in response.

    The Papacy, the other main obstacle to any would be Italian king, was embroiled in the Great Schism between the french Anti-pope in Avignon and the pope in Rome. Since the fall of the Hohenstaufens the Papacy claimed dominion over the territory of the former exarchate of Ravenna, but the ongoing Babylonian Captivity meant that many of these cities, including Rome itself, enjoyed de facto independence from both the Pope and the Emperor. the Visconti had already made inroads into nominally papal lands, annexing Spoleto, Perugia, Assisi and Bologna in 1402 and Forli in 1403, and reducing the Malatesta of Rimini and Gonzaga of Mantua to effective vassalage, but the wealthy and strategically central cities of the Romagna were essential targets, as they controlled access to Rome, and therefore access to the Pope. The Papacy was presently divided, but such a golden opportunity would not last forever, and if the Visconti were to ensure a pliant papacy supportive of their ambitions they would need to gain control over the Patrimonium of St Peter.


    Romagna itself, excluding the recently subjugated city of Bologna, was presently divided into three great feudatories: the Visconti's allies and clients, the Malatesta of Rimini; the Da Polenta of Ravenna; and the Montefeltro of Urbino. All three were nominally papal fiefs but de facto independent; should Milan attempt a conquest there was no one in Italy who could effectively stop him. In addition to these were the cities of the Marche, notably Ancona, a major port on the Adriatic and a gateway to eastern trade. Subjugating the city would give Milan the potential to tap in to the rich eastern trade and a viable port in the east, but would also aggravate the powerful Republic of Venice, which naturally would view such an endeavor as a mortal threat to their independence.

    Further south the kingdom of Naples was presently divided between the Angevin King Ladislaus of Naples, and the king Martin I of Sicily of the de Barcelona, whilst Sardinia was held by his father and heir, also named Martin, the King of Aragon. The kingdom had been divided since the Sicilian Vespers drove the Anjou from the island in 1282, and both houses claimed the whole kingdom for themselves. Matters were further complicated by the folly of Queen Joanna of Naples (1328-1382). Queen Joanna endured a Hungarian invasion by her cousin Louis the Great, and an imperial intervention in Provence. The question of her succession ultimately proved fatal, as she passed over the Angevin Prince of Achaea, Charles of Durazzo, in favor of the younger house of Anjou, Duke Louis I of Anjou and Maine. Louis I, backed by France and Avignon, succeeded in claiming Provence and invaded Italy in 1383, conquering the city of Arezzo, but the duke died in 1384. Joanna by this time had been defeated, imprisoned and (supposedly) assassinated by Charles of Durazzo, who became Charles III, king of Naples. The claim thus fell to Louis' son, Louis II, Duke of Anjou and Count of Provence. Acclaimed king of Naples in Avignon by the antipope his abortive invasion in 1399 failed but he would undoubtedly try again if the opportunity presented itself.



    Gian Galeazzo had his own ambitions in the south. The Iron Crown might be out of his reach, but the two crowns in the south were open. Equally possible was the ephemeral kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica- the Visconti maintained claims to Gallura, a fief on the north of Sardinia, and in any case this kingdom like Sicily and Naples were papal fiefs, and it was far more likely that he could gain a crown from one of the two extant popes than from the intransigent German emperor.

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    Duke Louis II of Anjou, titular king of Naples​

    In 1405, Duke Gian Galeazzo approached Louis with an offer of alliance between their families, to be cemented by the betrothal of his son and heir Gian Maria Visconti and his infant daughter Marie of Anjou. As part of their agreement Gian Galeazzo proposed that they "divide Sicily between themselves and be brothers in kingship." Louis, however, was reluctant. An invasion of Sicily meant war with Aragon, and that was not a prospect Louis viewed with favor; indeed, he had married his cousin Yolande, daughter of King John I of Aragon and nephew to the current king Martin. Nevertheless the rich dowry offered by Gian Galeazzo and the prospect of winning a powerful ally in Italy were enough for him to consent to the marriage.
     
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    Church and State
  • Church and State

    Ruling over a land as fractious as Italy took more than mere strength. To control Italy meant control of the cities, and it was to that end that Gian Galeazzo devoted the latter part of his reign.


    In the wake of the imperial twilight the Italian cities had thrown off the rule of prince and bishop alike, establishing urban communes in the 12th century. These communes were far from peaceful, however- urban politics, in Italy as elsewhere, were notoriously violent, as competing factions in the cities waged a war of literal cloaks and daggers, as the citizens jealously guarded their wealth against each other and against foreigners who might seek to destroy their liberties. Of all the major Italian cities only Venice was largely free of this internecine strife, and that Most Serene Republic was very much the exception which proved the rule.

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    The famous Two Towers of Bologna, home to competing Patrician families of the 12th century​

    By the end of the thirteenth century the communes had largely given way to the rule of the Signoria- powerful oligarchs who amassed despotic power over their cities through wealth, cunning, or sheer military might. Northern Italy had never quite cast off its classical heritage, and the Feudal world order was less entrenched there than across the Alps; bloodline and hereditary succession were of far less significance, and the urban mob was a powerful political actor, able to make or unmake the unwary tyrant with their wrath. This was in many ways a twin-edged sword; it allowed ambitious and capable men- such as the Visconti and the Malatesta- to rise to prominence, ascending from mere condottieri captains or lesser magnates to the rulers of great cities, but it also meant that power was innately unstable, depending upon the vagaries of fortune and the skill and ambition of the men with the ambition of princes. Many of these lords turned to the Emperor or the Pope as fonts of legitimacy, receiving formal investiture as imperial vassals, as in the case of the newly minted Duke of Milan, but if the Visconti were to rule beyond Lombardy they could not trust the Emperor to help them.

    In the wake of his accession Gian Galeazzo had lavished his wealth on Milan. The famous gothic Cathedral of Milan began its construction concurrently with the duke's accession in 1386 and would become a physical symbol of Gian Galeazzo's legacy, under the orders of the Archbishop Antonio da Saluzzo, who was coincidentally Gian Galeazzo's cousin. The church quickly became a source of civi pride, which the shrewd duke capitalized on by collecting donations from the citizens to ameliorate the substantial costs. In 1389, the duke hired the French engineer Nicolas de Banventure, exploiting exclusive use of the Candolgia quuarry and tax exemptions to proceed rapidly. Although the duke would not live to see its completion in 1429 the edifice remains emblematic of Visconti grandeur.

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    The Duomo of Milan[1]​


    Less imposing than the Duomo, but no less monumental, was the Milanese state itself. In matters of administration Gian Galeazzo excelled, and the probity of his bureaucracy proved decisive in ensuring the survival of the Visconti dominion in the tumultuous years to come. With all of the Po under his control he could muster considerable resources to economic development- as demonstrated by a failed attempt to divert the Mincio from Mantua and the Brenta from Padua during his final campaigns to unite the north. In peacetime these engineering feats were put to use improving the Po valley, reducing flooding and easing commerce across the Padanian basin. Newly subjugated cities were treated gently, and taxed lightly, so long as they remained peaceful, loyal and cooperative. The cities which submitted peacefully were occasionally allowed a measure of self-governance, but for the most part the Visconti regime relied upon the podestas, appointed magistrates tasked with governing the cities on the duke's behalf. By and large this was not only tolerated but welcomed- as foreigners, the Milanese were able to pose as neutral arbiters between the rival families and factions, and the overwhelming power and wealth available to Milan meant that dissidents were quickly forced into line.

    Cities were obligated to pay a tithe to the regime, and maintain their walls and the roads in their vicinity. They were additionally required to adopt the Milanese law code and standards for weights and measures set by the ducal court, and to fall in line in regards to tariffs, coinage, and foreign affairs. For the most part, however, the cities were left to their day to day governance unmolested, as much by necessity as any strategy of the duke. However sophisticated the Italian bureaucracy was by the standards of its peers, it remained constrained by the realities of early modern government. Nevertheless the pacification of the Po valley seems to have engendered economic prosperity, which the Visconti regime quickly took credit for, justifiably or otherwise; certainly, later commenters wrote nostalgically of the reign of "The Grand Duke" as an era of peace and growth, where merchants could walk unarmed from Turin to Venice and back without fear of assault.

    In Romagna, the House of Malatesta profited handsomely as Milanese clients. Gian Galeazzo, mindful of the significance of the region, formally invested the condottieri Carlo I Malatesta with the title Warden of the March of Ancona, although the city of Ancona itself was as yet independent of the Milanese regime. In the same year Gian Galeazzo sold the city of Padua to Venice, in exchange for a sum of 500,000 ducats, a further annual tribute of 5000 ducats, and the use of the Venetian navy against Naples.



    The Pope of Rome did not look fondly upon Visconti ambitions. Visconti had seized control of the Romagna and Ancona in the name of the antipope Benedict XIII, from whom he had formally received investiture as part and parcel of his pro-Anjou alliance. Pope Innocent VII of Rome was predictably unenthused by this action, but Gian Galeazzo had extracted essentially the same concession from him in October 1404 after dispatching an army to put down a riot by Ghibellines in the city following his accession to the throne of St Peter. The soldiers remained ensconced in Viterbo, ostensibly to guard the Pope but in reality to serve as his minder.[2]



    This action immedately attracted the ire of Ladislaus of Naples, who had dispatched his own force to accomplish a similar objective. Ladislaus' army menaced Rome for a time, before withdrawing under threat of excommunication, but nevertheless extracted from the beleaguered Innocent a pledge that he would not compromise with the Avignon Pope if they insisted on maintaining the Anjou claim to his throne, as well as extending secular control over the Neapolitan church. News of the betrothal between the Anjou and the Visconti prompted a more dramatic response, and Ladislaus, who had his own designs on papal territory, decided to act preemptively against the northern alliance.



    Pope Innocent VII had by this time chosen his nephew Ludovico Migliorati, a condottieri recently discharged from Visconti's service, as the captain of the Papal armies, a bout of nepotism which would cost the Pontiff dearly. Migliorati was wholly cruel and rapacious in temperament- indeed, his supposed “influence” on the young Gian Maria is believed to have motivated his father to foist the man off on the Roman pontiff- and quickly alienated the Roman oligarchy by ambushing eleven of his opponents in the streets upon their departure from a Papal audience, having them murdered and then tossing their bodies from the hospital of Santo Spirito into the Roman streets. These and other offenses provoked another revolt, which quickly overwhelmed the Papal guards and the bewildered Milanese garrison and drove them from the city. In the chaos of the flight Pope Innocent himself was killed by a stray projectile hurled by the crowd, and his corpse fallen upon and torn asunder by the furious Roman mob.[3]



    This was the opportunity Ladislaus was waiting for. Barely was Innocent's body cold than he immediately marched north at the head of a sizeable army. Ladislaus did not merely desire concessions but the outright annexation of Papal territory, and to that end convened a Conclave to elevate his own candidate to the Papacy.



    At this time Milan had an army in the Romagna under the command of Marquis Carlo, presently besieging Ancona with the aid of a Venetian navy. Proceedings in Rome scuppered these plans, and the army promptly lifted the siege and moved south to intercept the Neapolitans. Ladislaus had expected this, however, and dealt the Romagnans a stinging defeat at the Battle of Viterbo.


    News of Ladislaus' advance provoked the venerable duke to action. Although literally wedded to the Anjou alliance, Gian Galeazzo was as yet laggardly in offering immediate support, as he did not intend to waste time, men or gold in a southern campaign until he was assured of a royal crown for himself. He had, however, used his French connections to annex the Republic of Genoa, a client of Paris, ostensibly in preparation for the Neapolitan campaign but in reality meant to secure the great city for himself. Now that Ladislaus was occupying Rome, however, Gian Galeazzo reacted decisively, dispatching envoys to Anjou to orchestrate their invasion of Naples.



    [1]The Duomo OTL languished for two centuries due to the instability in Lombardy following Gian Galeazzo's death. TTL, with the survival of Visconti fortunes the Duomo is completed far earlier
    [2]Ladislaus of Naples put down this revolt OTL. TTL, Visconti- being acutely in tune with papal politics- is quicker on the draw.
    [3] this is all OTL up until Innocent's death, which is a divergence.
     
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    French Entanglements
  • French Entanglements

    The French response to Italian developments was not long in coming. In addition to the House of Anjou the Visconti had ties to the House of Orleans, due to the marriage of Gian Galeazzo's daughter Valentina Visconti- the only surviving child of his first wife Isabella of Valois- to the powerful duke Louis of Orleans, brother to King Charles VI. From his marriage to Duchess Valentina Duke Louis claimed significant fiefs in Italy, and naturally agitated for a French intervention on his goodfather's behalf. This, in turn, meant that Louis' rivals at court were deadset against any prospective Italian expeditions.

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    Louis of Orleans unveiling a Mistress, Delacroix

    The madness of King Charles of France allowed Louis and his rival, Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy, free reign over the royal court and its bounty. Duke Louis seized Luxemburg in 1402 in an effort to stymie the expansion of the Burgundians, and further conflicts over plum titles and royal estates exacerbated tensions. Burgundy- in possession of Flanders- also favored closer ties to England, which the duke of Orleans, high in the line of succession, naturally opposed. Louis' profligate womanizing did him no favors, and seems to have engendered a personal animosity, not least since he allegedly attempted to seduce Margaret of Bavaria, the Duchess of Burgundy. The Burgundians later claimed that Queen Isabeau had taken Louis as her lover, and that king Charles' son- the future Charles VII- was a bastard born of adultery.



    By 1406 the Burgundians had been thoroughly isolated from the royal court. John, attempting to claw back his influence, turned to the merchants and city dwellers. The people of Paris were resentful of royal taxation, and were easily swayed by John's overtures and promises of lighter exactions. In 1405 the citizens of Paris rose on John's behalf as a show of force but the duke of Orleans held firm. Ultimately John resorted to assassination, arranging Louis' murder in November 1407 and thereby dooming France to three decades of calamitous civil war. At this moment, however, Louis- at the peak of his influence- did not lack for men or coin, and when Louis of Anjou eventually crossed the Alps he did so with a considerable army and the full backing of the royal court. Among the men in Louis' camp was the antipope Benedict XIII, whom Louis intended to ensconce in Rome itself.



    The French and Lombards met at Pavia in January 1407, where they agreed upon the following terms and conditions of their alliance:

    1. affirmation of Louis II as the legitimate king of Naples
    2. recognition of Milanese dominion over the Romagna, Ancona, and Spoleto by formal investiture of Gian Galeazzo as Duke of these territories, in homage to the Papacy
    3. a pledge by Duke Gian Galeazzo to protect the Papacy against all threats, foreign and domestic
    4. Affirmation of Pope Benedict as the one true Pope of Rome
    5. mutual inheritance treaty between the House of Anjou and the House of Visconti[1]
    6. Papal Investiture of Gian Galeazzo as King in Corsica

    Notably absent from the discussions was the question of Sicily. In truth, outlandish schemes to invade the island were not, at this time, given serious consideration by the Duke of Milan beyond the enticements lavished upon the Anjou to secure the marriage. Neither he nor King Louis wished war with Aragon while Naples remained hostile to them, certainly not given the possibility of an intervention from either Hungary or Germany. Although the wealthy island of Sicily was a tempting prize what the Visconti wanted most from any southern adventurism was a royal crown.



    The ephemeral kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica owed its origins to Pope Boniface VIII in 1297, who offered it to the King of Aragon as inducement for an invasion of Angevin Sicily. Aragon never ruled Corsica, and did not even control all of Sardinia- the counts of Arborea eeked out a precarious independence in their insular dominion. The Visconti held claim to the province of Gallura in the north of Sardinia, and since the subjugation of Genoa had been in command of Corsica itself. Thus did Pope Benedict XIII justify granting Gian Galeazzo the kingdom, shorn of the southern title to defuse potential tensions with Barcelona. Kingship was not merely a matter of prestige- although this was important: the legitimacy and stature granted by a royal title implied with it a grander dignity and temporal power beyond a mere signoria or duke. By becoming a king, Gian Galeazzo hoped, he would enable his dynasty to consolidate their control over fractious Italy and stand as peers to the likes of Germany, France, and Aragon.



    The matter of the succession remained an intractable issue, and one that Gian Galeazzo poured considerable thought into. Both of his sons, now in their teens, proved to be far removed from their brilliant and politically savvy father: the eldest, Gian Maria, was infamously cruel and brutish, having a pack of trained hunting dogs which he is rumored to have set upon servants and hapless commoners for his own amusement. The younger son, Fillipo Maria was more promising. Although paranoid and prone to react violently against slights against his appearance[2] he nonetheless seems to have absorbed many of his father's lessons, and by 1407 the fifteen year old boy was commonly present at state meetings and a fixture in the political life of the urban elite. Gian Galeazzo insisted that his eldest son accompany his father-in-law-to-be on the campaign, doubtlessly hoping that army life would instill a sense of discipline in the unruly teenager, especially since he would be in the company of men who owed fealty neither to him nor his father and would therefore be less obsequious to the heir to Milan; and in any event, should Gian Maria perish, Fillipo Maria was a qualitatively better successor, and old enough to minimize any instability should Gian Galeazzo himself also die in the immediate future.

    [1]this contradicted Visconti's earlier agreement with the duke of Orleans, whereby the House of Orleans would inherit the Visconti lands should the family be extinguished in the male line, but the Anjou had an army in Italy and Duke Louis was across the Alps in France. Gian Galeazzo may also have felt slighted over the duke's serial infidelity to his beloved daughter

    [2]Fillipo Maria Visconti was infamously ugly
     
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    King, Queen, Jack
  • King, Queen, Jack

    With the terms of their alliance struck, the French army departed Pavia, leaving Pope Benedict behind on their march to Rome. Gian Maria seems to have initially enjoyed his excursion. Perhaps, like many young men before him, the romanticism and adventure sunk into his imagination, or perhaps he was simply glad to be away from Milan, and the endless tasks and inevitable disappointment of his father. Regardless his coarse and brutish behavior earned the ire of his goodfather, and the contempt of his retainers.

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    King Ladislaus of Naples​

    King Ladislaus, recognizing the threat posed by the Angevin alliance, advanced rapidly from Rome after orchestrating the elevation of a certain Oddone Colonna to the Throne of St Peter as Pope Martin V[1] attempting to provoke an insurrection in Tuscany and secure the pass through the Appennines before Milan and her allies could join together against him. Florence itself was ruled by a Podesta, and between the Milanese garrison and its stout walls the city's defenses were considerable, and Ladislaus, not wanting to waste time with a siege, had his troops despoil the country side. Ladislaus seems to have attempted an ambush as his enemies passed through the Apennines, but this failed due to the skill of the Visconti scouts, and the king was forced to withdraw south to Latium.

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    Gian Maria Visconti​

    Gian Maria got his first taste of battle on May 5th 1407, when his detachment of cavalry clashed with a Neapolitan scouting party a few miles north of Perugia. The young heir was injured in the melee by an axe blow to his left arm. Although the injury did not prevent him from campaigning altogether, from then on the duke is remarked to “have a constant feebleness” in the injured limb, causing his hand to shake violently whenever he tried to exert it. More significant was an incident on the road to Rome.


    Gian Maria had insisted on taking his cherished hunting dogs with him on campaign, a concession his father readily granted in return for his cooperation. Although there had been a few incidents where the dogs terrorized squires or servants in camp they had not injured or killed anyone. Gian's impulses, however, could not be contained forever. When a French man at arms was overheard criticizing the “crippled boy” Gian flew into a rage, immediately attacking and maiming the man with his sword; only the intervention of three French knights and a condotierri preventing him from killing the hapless soldier. When Louis heard of the incident he summoned Gian to his tent and chastised him, but Gian proved unrepentant, and as punishment Louis ordered Gian's dogs executed. Gian himself supposedly “wept like a woman” as his hounds were led away and killed, much to the mockery of the men at camp.


    This incident, along with his earlier injury, irrevocably changed Gian Maria. Gone was the impulsively cruel boy; in his place was a sober, brooding, cynically mistrustful man- and a man he was, for at seventeen and a veteran of war he could not be considered a child- given over wholly to the restlessly spartan lifestyle of a career soldier.


    The war for Naples proved to have a decidedly unclimactic end. As Ladislaus withdrew his armies he fell ill, and despite the efforts of his retainers he died in Rome on June 9th 1407. Allegations of poison were made but are unverifiable.
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    the Queen in Exile, Joanna II​

    Ladislaus had married three times but had no legitimate children. He had a bastard son, Reynold of Durazzo, the Prince of Capua, and a sister Joanna, but neither were capable of resisting the Provencal army and King Louis entered triumphantly into Naples in July of that year. Prince Reynold was betrayed and murdered by his men, and Joanna placed under house arrest in Provence, where Louis was certain she could cause no mischief for his family.
     
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    The Men Who Would Be Kings
  • The Men Who Would Be Kings

    King Rupert of Germany died on May 18th, 1410, and with him died the threat of any Imperial intervention in Italy, as three men of the House of Luxemburg- Ladislaus, the formidable King of Hungary; King Wenceslaus of Bo hemia, himself a former king of Germany who had been deposed in 1400; and Duke Jobst of Moravia- put forward their claims to the Imperial throne. The electoral college split, three votes going to Ladislaus and four to Jobst, the deciding vote being King Wenceslaus. Jobst, however, fell ill before the coronation, and fearing his death Wenceslaus defected to Ladislaus in exchange for the promise that he could keep Bohemia Moravia. Jobst recovered, however[A], and Wenceslaus reneged on his support, but Ladislaus refused to back down and war broke out almost immediately.

    At the dawn of 1408 Italy was one familial bloc, from the Alps of Valtellina to the strait of Messina. The effective annexation of the Papacy, coming on the heels of the annexation of Mantua following the untimely demise first of Francesco Gonzaga in 1407 and his twelve year old heir a few months later, meant that Gian Galeazzo now boasted absolute dominion over Lombardy, Tuscany, Emilia-Romagna, Marche and Umbria. To be sure Visconti hegemony was not yet total- in Piedmont the three Imperial princes of Savoy, Saluzzo, and Montferrat remained precariously independent, whilst in the east the prince bishoprics of Trent and Aquileia were inviolate, as was the powerful Republic of Venice. More distressing to Milan was the continued Aragonese presence in the south, as the Angevin invasion affected neither Sardinia nor Sicily. Gian Galeazzo exploited the chaos following King Martin I's death in 1409 to drive the Aragonese from Sardinia, reclaiming Gallura alongside his ally the count of Arborea. Thenceforth the Visconti styled themselves kings of Sardinia and Corsica, in addition to their other titles. An invasion of Sicily nevertheless was not immediately in the cards. King Louis flatly refused to consider war with Aragon, both because of his marriage ties to the House of Barcelona and because he privately feared that extending Visconti power into the south would threaten his hold on Naples itself, a fear which would prove well founded.

    The reason for Louis' reticence became obvious on May 31st 1410, when King Martin I "the Elder" of Aragon died without male heirs, thus placing not only Sicily but all of the collected crowns of Aragon up for grabs. The king's late son, also named Martin and dubbed"the Younger" to distinguish him from his father, had been the last legitimate heir of his line, and with Martin the Elder died the main branch of the House of Barcelona. Aragon and Sicily thus entered into a dynastic crisis which would spark a general European war.

    In the wake of Martin the Elder's demise five men put forward their candidacies for the throne. First was the bastard son of King Martin the Younger of Sicily: Frederick, the Count of Luna. Martin the Elder favored Frederick and had endeavored before his death to secure backing for his accession, but the laws laid down by King James I of Aragon prohibited the accession of any illegitimate offspring and the king died before Frederick could secure enough support.

    The second candidate was Alfonso I, the eighty year old Duke of Gandia, who claimed the throne by right of agnatic seniority and proximity of blood. Alfonso was a patrilineal descendant of James II of Aragon, the great-grandfather of the late King Martin the Elder, but his support was minimal.

    More serious was the claim of Count James II of Urgell. James was married to Martin the Elder's sister Isabella and was the patrilinial descendant of Martin's grandfather King Alfonso IV, and thus claimed the throne by agnatic primogeniture. In addition to his realm in the north Count James was the logical candidate of those who desired a continuation of the House of Barcelona, or disdained a foreign monarch, or both, but his domain- in the relatively poor and rugged territory on the border with France- did not offer substantial wealth or power and the forces at his command were dwarfed by the foreign claimants.

    The fourth and most probable candidate was Alfonso of Castille, son of Martin the Elder's sister Eleanor, himself already royalty as the younger brother to the late king Henry III of Castille. Alfonso supposedly declined the throne of Castille upon his brother's death, opting to serve his nephew John II as regent instead. Although this might be a later embellishment by 1410 Alfonso's tenure as regent spoke glowingly to his potential as a ruler. Under his prudent administration the kingdom of Castille had stabilized and prospered. By the 1400s the Iberian aristocracy was effectively one large extended clan, frequent intermarriage between the kingdoms resulting in familial and cultural links from the kings and queens down to the knights and commons. The kingdoms themselves not infrequently fell into and out of union with each other, combining and dividing according to fate and the vagaries of dynastic fortunes. To many in Aragon a Castillan king was not a particularly strange or foreign prospect, and that the king had pre-existing marriage ties into the old royal dynasty and an exemplary record in Castille predicted his accession would offer the kingdom much needed stability; whereas if they denied him the throne, Ferdinand might well invade regardless, and with the support of Castille at his command.

    Under ordinary circumstances Ferdinand's accession would have been relatively smooth, but these were not ordinary circumstances, for the fifth and final claimant was none other than the young King Louis III of Naples, who claimed the throne by right of cognatic primogeniture. Louis' mother, Yolande of Aragon, was the daughter of Martin the Elder's elder brother and predecessor, King John I, whereas Ferdinand was the son of Martin's younger sister . If Aragon was to allow claims through the female line, Yolande argued, then her son's claim was superior, as the daughter of an elder brother and reigning king naturally took precedence over a princess who had never ruled at all. Accepting his claim also meant regaining control over Naples and Provence, and, naturally, the backing of the mighty kingdom of France to the north. The lords and merchants Catalonia, ever wedded to the sea, naturally gravitated towards the French party, whilst to the west and south Valencia and Aragon proper largely supported either James or Ferdinand.

    The Aragonese succession crisis ultimately dealt the fatal blow to the Anjou-Visconti alliance, although this was not immediately apparent at the time. The elder King Louis II hastily crossed the Pyrenees on June 18th accompanied by his most loyal retainers. In order to secure his flank and shore up the legitimacy of his son's claim the younger King Louis III, christened Louis I of Aragon, was betrothed to James of Urgell's eldest daughter Isabella in exchange for James renouncing his royal pretensions and backing the Anjou claim. Unusually, not only did Louis waive off the customary dowry but even offered her father “vast estates” in the Angevin patrimony in France as part of the deal, as well as a position on the regency council for the young king. Faced with a choice between persisting in a desperate bid for the throne against two powerful princes or becoming the most powerful man in the kingdom practically overnight (and creating a powerful marriage alliance with his daughter at no cost in gold or land in the bargain) James tactfully opted for the latter, and upon the French entry into Barcelona he was formally invested as the Lord of Montpelier.

    Ferdinand was not unprepared for war, but the rapid French advance seems to have caught him by surprise. The Trastamara claimant had spent the initial weeks gathering his forces in Castille, and currying favor with his supporters to the east. News of the Angevin advance scuppered these plans, and in late June Ferdinand crossed the border and met the French at Zaragoza.

    Although Ferdinand's host was larger than Louis, the king had chosen his men well. In a textbook maneuver Louis' veteran Swiss mercenaries pinned the Castilian foot long enough for the French knights to rout Ferdinand's cavalry and then roll up the Spanish flank. Ferdinand fled back across the border bleeding men, whilst the French army swelled, as reinforcements across the Pyrenees and opportunistic fence sitters closer at hand dramatically bolstered their ranks. Rather than attempt another attack immediately Ferdinand reached out to King Henry IV of England.

    Ever since the War of the Two Peters fifty years before Castille was a French ally, whilst Aragon and Portugal tended to side with the English. The prospect of an Angevin Aragon, however, was as intolerable to England as to Castille. In any event the king himself was ill in 1410, and power passed to the belligerent and exceptionally ambitious Prince of Wales, Henry V. Henry was a longstanding proponent of renewing the war with France, and his father's poor health allowed him and like minded supporters to force their agenda in the royal court, though in this case the elder Henry likely would have went to war anyway.

    170px-Henry5.JPG

    Prince Henry of England​

    Prince Henry wasted no time, and by late July he was in Aquitaine with ten thousand Englishmen. After raiding French territory in Gascony the English struck north, besieging the Angevin capital of Angers, Henry believing the duchy vulnerable with its men off fighting in Spain. Anjou was once part of the English dominions in France; strategically located between Brittany, Normandy, Poitiers and Paris the duchy controlled a major crossing on the Loire and taking it would strengthen the English position on the continent. Angers proved tougher than Henry anticipated, however, and news of two armies approaching- one under the Duke of Brittany and another under Duke Charles of Orleans- caused him to lift the siege and beat a hasty retreat back to Bordeaux.

    france1400.jpg

    France and its environs, circa 1400 AD​

    On August 1st, 1410, nearly three months after Louis crossed the Pyrenees, Gian Maria set sail for Palermo at the head of a Milanese army. Three weeks later his brother Fillipo entered Naples with a column of five hundred Lombard knights. In the wake of the Angevin invasion of Aragon Naples had largely been left to its own devices, as the Anjou had few men to spare and likely trusted their allies to keep the peninsula stable. A papal legate crowned Filippo Maria in Palermo on August 4th, while his brother scoured Naples of French partisans and established himself as master of the city. Ostensibly Filippo was merely acting in the trust of the Anjou as a steward and ally, but from the beginning the Visconti brothers intended to partition Sicily between them and Filippo worked towards that end with considerable success. Milanese retainers flooded the city with soldiers and bureaucrats, establishing the city as a stronghold of Visconti power in the south; French knights, recently enfeoffed by King Louis, were turned out from their estates, their lands given to Tuscan nobles or local favorites; Filippo held court with the merchants and broke bread with the bishop, and Visconti gold found its way into the pockets of many men eager to serve their new master.

    None of this could have been done without Gian Galeazzo's approval. Breaking off the alliance which mortared together he post-1408 order was not something to be done on a whim; but this was the man who had subjugated the north, from Alessandria in the west to Vicenza in the east, and the prospect of making his sons master of the entire peninsula was too great an opportunity for the wily duke to ignore. More generally, Visconti did not trust his alliance to hold after the Anjou ruled in Naples an Aragon both; if only by stint of geography and the outstanding claim, Louis I or his heirs would assuredly desire Sardinia and certainly attempt to conquer Sicily, both of which Gian Galeazzo obviously desired for himself. The influence of the Burgundians may also have played a role: Duke John the Fearless capitalized on Queen Isabeau's ties to the unlamented Barnabo Visconti to poison Gian Galeazzo against the French in general and the Armagnac in particular. The animosity may well have been mutual, given the queen's disgraceful treatment of Valentina Visconti.

    The Visconti consummated their diplomatic realignment in September of 1410 by marrying Gian Maria to Giovanna of Savoy, daughter of Count Amadeus VII[1]. That same month Filippo Maria was betrothed to Sofia Paleologina, daughter of Margrave Theodore II of Montferrat, thus binding his house to two of the sole remaining Italian states and securing his western frontier. The Savoyards ceded the city of Cuneo as dowry whilst Montferrat ceded the city of Alba. The match with the Montferrat was rewarding on many levels. The Savoy long held ambitons of unifying Piedmont, and by simultaneously marrying into both the Savoy and Montferrat Gian Galeazzo ensured that he could keep both vying for his friendship. Moreover, should Filippo Maria attempt to usurp his older brother, the Montferrat were too weak to offer much assistance to him and would be easy prey to the Savoy, and the prospect of annexing the tiny marquesate naturally ensured their support against any potential fratricidal revolt. Finally the reigning Montferrat dynasty had a long and illustrious crusader history the east, and many extant claims with which to aggrandize the Visconti name. Theodore's cousins presently ruled in Constantinople, and both the Savoyards and the Paleologi of Montferrat maintained claims to the defunct Latin Empire. Add to this Naples' claim to Jerusalem, Achaea, Albania and Greece, and the marriages clearly advanced Visconti interests in the east as well as closer to home in Piedmont.

    Gian Galeazzo followed up this gambit with another diplomatic masterstroke when he had Pope Benedict retroactively annul his daughter's marriage on grounds of Duke Louis' adultery. The late Duke of Orleans was obviously guilty, but by invalidating the marriage Gian Galeazzo not only justified his confiscation of Asti but effectively disinherited the entire House of Orleans from the French throne. If the French accepted the Pope's decree, and King Charles the Mad and his three sons Louis, John, and Charles died without further male issue, the throne would legally pass first to the house of Anjou and then to the House of Burgundy. In a single act Gian Galeazzo not only justified a blatant land grab but drove a powerful wedge between the three greatest vassals of France, at a time when the succession was already actively contested by the English invaders.

    Unsettled succession was certainly on Duke Visconti's mind. In discarding the Anjou he had discarded any possible claim to Naples, and whilst Pope Benedict undoubtedly supported Visconti designs (Filippo marched through Rome on his journey south, to remind the Pope how many soldiers the Pope had, and how many soldiers Milan had) if his family were to secure their dominion in the south they needed a better claim than a puppet pontiff. Thus in early October 1410, an Italo-Savoyard army crossed the Alps riding hard for Marseilles and the captive queen Joanna.

    [1] although proximity of blood (they were cousins) required a papal dispensation, Pope Benedict knew better than to antagonize his "protector" and readily acceded to the request

    [A]OTL he died, Wenceslaus accepted Ladislaus in exchange for Bohemia and the whole matter settled. TTL Germany isn't so lucky
     
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    Poor France, so far from God and so close to England
  • Poor France, so far from God and so close to England

    Since the conquest of Naples by King Charles of Anjou Provence had more often than not been attached to that southern kingdom. Provence itself, as the core of the old kingdom of Burgundy, had along with Lotharingia been attached to the Carolingian kingdom of Italy as part of Middle Francia, and one king of Provence even held the Italian throne in the 9th century. Having usurped Naples, conquering Provence as well was hardly too much for the Visconti; in any case, Provence was rich, close at hand, and vulnerable. Strategically, if the Visconti could conquer the French holdings east of the Rhone, it would give them and their allies control of a broad swathe of territory stretching from Marseilles to Flanders, a revived Middle Francia axis poised to resist both the French and the German kings. Contemporary correspondence between Turin and Milan reveals Visconti offered to cede Provence “and all other gains in the lands of the Gauls” to Count Amadeus in exchange for the Savoyard's Italian holdings, and even hinted that Pope Benedict might be persuaded to yield the crown of Arles-Burgundy.


    Gian Maria besieged Marseilles in early November. A winter campaign was unusual, but in sunny Provence winter was comparatively mild, and by year's end the city- utterly unprepared for war- finally surrendered. Queen Joanna was freed from her prison and formally adopted Filippo Maria as her heir; Provence itself was claimed by Gian Maria by right of conquest. Gian Maria was hardly a savvy political operator, but Gian Galeazzo had not invested years of effort into his heir for nothing: Gian Maria quickly established himself as master of the city, installing a podesta and courting the merchants and artisans. The wealth of Provence enabled the Anjou's Italian ambitions, and Gian Maria offered to lift the hated taxes imposed by the ambitious Louis to fund his schemes. He also empowered the city council, offering them the right of self-governance in local affairs and the right of the commoners to direct appeal to the king- namely himself- against even the rural aristocracy. The landed nobility he crushed ruthlessly, installing new men- condotierri of Swiss, Italian, German, and even French origin- in their place. By the end of January Gian Maria felt secure enough to depart the city, leaving behind a moderate garrison under the formidable mercenary Muzio Sforza to secure his rear.[A]


    In Iberia king Louis rapidly proceeded in his conquest of Aragon, advancing to the gates of Valencia- stronghold of the Castillans- and besieging the great port city. Ferdinand himself was defeated again when he attempted to relieve it, and Louis' counteroffensive effectively conquered Murcia for the Anjou. The desperate Ferdinand reached out to Milan, offering to recognize the loss of Sicily and even cede Catalonia if the Visconti would only support his war in Aragon. Gian Galeazzo remained noncommittal, but he did dispatch a Pisan fleet to seize Mallorca, which was accomplished in early April 1411. The Baleares were well positioned as a staging ground for any further intervention in Iberia, and every day the civil war continued on the mainland was another day for Filippo to consolidate in Naples, and Gian Maria to conquer in Provence. In June the Pisans raided the harbor at Barcelona, setting fire to the Catalan navy and absconding with every bit of movable wealth they could get their hands on.


    Prince Henry roused himself from Bordeaux in early February as the spring thaw set in, striking southeast with the intention of seizing Armagnac. His ultimate goal was to position himself to intercept the Anjou should they return over the mountains, and also to support the Italians if they proved cooperative. Gian Maria Visconti and Henry Lancaster met just north of Toulouse on March 6th, 1411 to discuss a common strategy and a potential marriage alliance[1], and in so doing sealed the fate of France.


    Thereafter Gian Maria sent the bulk of his forces south to guard the passes against Aragon, while Henry and the English besieged Toulouse. Seat of the former counts of Toulouse, the city was annexed by the French kings along with the rest of the County's territory in the wake of the Albigensian Crusade. From the reign of Philip Augustus it was the policy of French rulers to integrate the realm's great estates into the royal demesne, either as crown fiefs or as appanages for younger sons of the monarch. Languedoc, with its tradition of rebelliousness, remained a crown fief, as the French kings preferred to land their sons closer to Paris where they could keep an eye on them. This policy aided in curtailing the great magnates of the realm, but it also meant that there was no notable feudatory prepared to meet the invasion.


    As Henry anticipated, the Siege of Toulouse drew the French armies south to oppose him. Duke Charles of Orleans and Arthur de Richemont, brother of the Duke of Brittany, rode to relieve the city. Estimates of the French army's size vary, but most agree that it was considerably larger than Henry's force, numbers of twenty to twenty five thousand generally given in most accounts. Henry immediately abandoned the siege and fled back towards Bordeaux, but he did so erratically, as if in a panic. Henry left behind detachments of cavalry to fight a desperate rearguard action, and even allowed loot and personal effects from his baggage to fall into the hands of the French. Duke Charles, believing the Italians to have departed south, gave pursuit in full confidence of their imminent victory, but on April 4th 1411, as the French army was crossing the Garonne, a combined Anglo-Italian cavalry force attacked them the rear. Gian Maria had shadowed the French from Bordeaux and achieved total surprise. Although the French outnumbered him nearly ten to one, their army- split by the river, and spread out in a loose column- panicked and routed incoherently, thousands plunging to their deaths in the torrid waters in their haste to escape the enemy. Henry, less than a day's march away, promptly turned about and marched back, dogging the French as far as Poitiers and killing and capturing many more. Among the slain was Arthur of Brittany, swept off his horse by the river and dashed against the rocks and drowned, while Duke Charles himself was captured by the English in the rout.[b*]



    In the north, Duke John of Burgundy also marshalled his forces in the name of King Charles. His target, however, was not English territory or even French lands, but an Imperial prince: the vast and diffuse Anjou inheritance happened to include the inheritance of the duchy of Lorraine, as Louis second son Rene was pledged to Isabella of Lorraine, Duke Charles' eldest daughter and heir.



    The duchy of Lorraine sat directly between the Burgundian Netherlands and the Duchy of Burgundy itself. Duke John attempted a match between Isabella and his second son John[C], but Charles ultimately sided against Burgundy. Now, however, both the Holy Roman Empire and France were in turmoil, and however mighty Louis of Anjou may be he was very far away. On May 19th 1411 Duke John marched into Lorraine with an army, and therefore doomed France to utter catastrophe. With this action the Burgundy-Armagnac feud, extant since the murder of Duke Louis of Orleans four years prior, finally erupted into open warfare. A competent king may have restrained his bannermen, but the king was mad, and his heir only fourteen years old and helpless in the face of the overmighty dukes grown rich on the kingdom's dime. France, at war with three of the greatest kingdoms in the west, was now at war with herself as well.



    Referring to the ensuing calamity as a civil war does not adequately convey the sheer scale of the disaster. In the terrifying years following 1411, France ceased to exist as anything more than the battleground of selfish princes. The king lived, but he did not rule; there was no courtly intrigue, no scheming by ambitious aristocracy, no foreign invasion opposed by force of arms; what France endured was nothing less than the complete disintegration of all semblance of law, order, or Christian decency as every man, every woman, and every child, from the king and queen to the lowliest peasant, was forced to fight for their very survival, a war of all against all that bled France white.



    First came the Englishmen to eat all my swine,
    Next came the Kings' men to make my sons fight,
    Next came the Angevins to make my wife whore,
    Next came the Burgundians to burn down my home,
    Then came the Italians who stole the clothes off my back.
    I have naught but my life, and now the Englishmen come back to rob me of that.”[D]


    Toulouse was the first to feel the flames of total war. The city, believing itself saved, soon learned of the return of the English from panicked farmers fleeing their advance. Gian Maria paraded the Duke of Orleans naked in front of the walls, whilst his soldiers hurled cruel insults and the severed heads of dead Frenchmen at the horrified inhabitants. The allies rapidly reestablished their siege, and after three grueling weeks of bombardment the city's southern wall was breached and the English and Italians stormed through.


    What followed was an utter cavalcade of violence. Gian Maria and Henry gave their soldiers full license over the defenseless cityfolk, promising three days of unrestricted rape and pillage as reward for the assault. Nuns were stolen from their cloisters and gangraped in the streets; the great cathedral of Toulouse was looted and burned, its stained glass windows shattered and the nave torn apart by the frenzied soldiers in their haste to pry away its gold. “The Lombards split babes from their mothers' bellies and dismembered boys as young as nine for sport,” wrote the archbishop lamentingly, “they tortured doughty old merchants for copper pennies and gambled on how long the alderman might live after crucifying him in the public square. So many maids were raped that as many children were born ithat winter as were buried in spring. Not since the Crusade of Simon de Montfort did Langedoc suffer such misery.” On the second day a fire broke out in the city's river district and the soldiers withdrew and watched as the city burned; ash from the fire supposedly fell as far as Marsailles. Out of a pre-war population of perhaps as many as fifty thousand, the city hosted less than fifteen hundred gaunt and weary souls the following year, its streets, once rife with commerce, given over to weeds, ash and moldering bones.


    Toulouse was but the beginning of France's woes. After the defeat of Duke Charles there remained no French army in the south capable of opposing the English advance. Had even one of the three great families set aside their quarrels, they might have forced Henry to withdraw; but Louis, either because he was ignorant of what transpired across the mountains, or because he valued his own crown over lands that owed him nothing, opted to complete the conquest of Aragon before crossing the mountains, and neither the Orleans nor the Burgundians would even entertain a truce whilst Lorraine remained between them.


    In July of 1411 Count Bernard VIII of Armagnac marshalled his supporters and marched from Paris- not south against the invaders, but east against Burgundy. Numbering between twenty to thirty thousand Bernard's force represented the last men available to the Armagnac in the north, and their lives were casually and cruelly spent when he attempted to force the Meuse in August, losing over three hundred soldiers in the process. He tried again twice more before giving up, withdrawing back to Paris. In his wake nearly a thousand French corpses littered the fields of Lorraine, lives France simply could not afford to waste so frivolously.


    In the wake of his victory Duke John advanced into Champagne, capturing the city of Reims on August 31st and Troyes on October 15th. Reims was a ceremonial capital of the old Carolingian kings, and their Capetian successors frequently used it as the site of their coronation; Troyes, strategically situated at the convergence of ancient Roman roads, was the greatest entrepot for overland commerce between Italy and the Low Countries. Champagne as a whole had largely been spared the ravages of war, by stint of being far removed from Aquitaine, Normandy, and the Atlantic coast, and securing the wealthy province made John far and away the most powerful of France's nobility- if not the most powerful, not discounting even the king.


    King Charles, despite his madness, seems to have grasped something of the enormity of the crisis. Contemporary accounts record the king weeping in his chapel; “Piteous France,” he allegedly exclaimed, “so far from God and so close to England!” As the campaign season wound down for the fall Henry completed one last raid, striking out from Bordeaux with his cavalry. Crossing the Loire as the first grasp of winter caught France in its deadly embrace Henry and his raiders set northern France ablaze; from Angers fields to Rouen in Normandy, the country burned. “The Englishmen burned everything, everything!” A Norman chronicler mourned bitterly, “had they Satan's sorcery as well as the devil's luck they would burn even the Seine and leave France a desert.”


    Gian Maria, meanwhile, struck south from Toulouse, reuniting with his army outside Narbonne as Henry was despoiling Normandy. His soldiers- as Condottieri were wont to do- had passed the time pillaging the countryside, sacking Narbonne itself and burning all of the lands at the foot of the Pyrenees. Gian Maria, after consulting with his commanders decided to withdraw back to the Rhone. If Louis of Anjou wanted to fight, then he could fight in Provence. The Italians did not continue to Marseilles after crossing the Rhone, however: instead they turned north, following the river on its left bank.



    Lyons, situated at a key river crossing, was the northernmost portion of a swathe of territory stretching between the Rhone and the Alps known as the Dauphine. As with Provence to the south these lands were nominally imperial fiefs, and as with Provence the French gradually eclipsed Imperial power in the region over the course of the 13th and 14th centuries. The last ruler of the Dauphine pawned his territories to France in 1344, extracting promises of considerable autonomy, and the pledge that the Dauphine would be held not as a fief or a crown land but by the king's heir, henceforth to be styled the Dauphin of France. Although French rule was not contested neither was it particularly strong, as the region was largely neglected by Paris in light of their ongoing struggles with England and the distance between the Dauphin and Paris. Consequently the region was rather lawless, given over to the anarchic rule of petty aristocrats and prince bishops... or at least, such was its condition before France collapsed under the English onslaught. In a bitter irony, this lawless, remote province was the most peaceful, the most loyal, and the most secure in its devotion to Charles; that Gian Maria won this land, the only province of the kingdom willing and able to discharge its duties to France, merely by entering it with an army soberly reveals the dire circumstances France found herself in during the long and horrid campaign of 1411.



    Gian Maria's reputation preceded him, and Lyon immediately surrendered rather than face the wrath of the Italians, and Gian Maria moved quickly to secure the city and all other major crossings across the Rhone. His prudence proved well founded, for in October of 1411 Ferdinand finally capitulated to Louis of Anjou. In the treaty of Zaragoza, Ferdinand renounced his claim to the throne of Aragon, and betrothed his daughter Maria to the nine year old King Louis I. This naturally annoyed Count James of Urgell, but with Aragon and Anjou reconciled he could do little and in any case he was mollified with the fief of Rousillon.

    With the war in Aragon concluded Louis finally crossed the Pyrenees, marching to liberate Provence with a combined Franco-Catalan army. The final, inevitable clash of the Italian invasion was about to begin.




    [1]Gian Maria did not yet have any children nor any unmarried siblings, and neither was he willing to break the Savoy betrothal; however nobility were accustomed to arranging marriages even for children yet to be born, and the potential for a future match was a natural point of disussion between the two men.

    [A]This is the father of Francesco Sforza, the Condotierri who in OTL seized Milan after the death of Filippo Maria and the subsequent chaos of the short lived Ambrosian Republic.

    [b*] Some men just get no luck. Charles was captured at Agincourt OTL and spent the next twenty five years as a prisoner in England. On the plus side he wrote some great poetry in captivity.

    [C]OTL John had only a single surviving son, Philip the Good, TTL he has two

    [D]This is based almost verbatim on an anonymous poem from the Thirty Years War. OTL the Hundred Years War was rather nasty for the French- the English chevauchees were especially harsh for the civilians, by design- but TTL the war is even worse as France collapses entirely into roving bands of armed and desperate men.
     
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    The Wolf of Lombardy
  • The Wolf of Lombardy

    As the Angevin army passed through Languedoc, the magnitude of the destruction made itself apparent in the maimed landscape and the haunted subjects who inhabited it “like wraiths in a graveyard.” Whatever Louis had believed was happening in France, he clearly did not expect to return to find France utterly desolate. The king, upon sight of Narbonne's blackened ruins, promptly swore to God that he would seek vengeance “for the people of France” against the Wolf of Lombardy, or else perish in the attempt.


    It is unknown precisely where or when le Loup de Lombardie first gained his moniker, but in the winter of 1411 the people of Narbonne and Montpelier made their opinions of the Italian warlord abundantly clear to Louis and his soldiers. Louis' thoughts are somewhat difficult to imagine; a fair number of the men in his army knew Gian Maria personally, though it was difficult for them to match the dreadful brat of 1408 with the grim spectre of 1411. Louis himself, who had once pledged his own daughter to the man in question, publicly insisted on nothing less than his violent demise and frequently expounded in graphic detail how this was to be accomplished.

    Unwilling to further burden the Catalans with his presence Louis advanced rapidly through the south, but Gian Maria had thoroughly despoiled the land, and soon Louis' men were struggling to find adequate supplies, and some even dared suggest returning to sunny Barcelona for the winter and returning in the spring. Yet to turn back was unconsciousable, not with the perpetrator so close at hand, and despite his later reputation Louis felt a solemn responsibility to skin this beast in the shape of a man.

    Gian Maria by this time was firmly in control of the Rhone. His scouts quickly informed him of Louis approach, and he dispatched a light cavalry force across the river with orders to harry the Anjou and slow their advance. This they accomplished, and by the time Louis came face to face with his prey his army was tired, hungry, sore- and angry.

    1200px-Beaucaire_vue.JPG

    Beaucaire, modern day
    On December 7th 1411, Louis of Anjou and Gian Maria Visconti met under flag of parlay on a bridge over the Rhone in the city of Beaucaire, a city six miles north of Arles on the right bank of the Rhone. Situated on the Via Dominita, the first Roman road from Italy to Spain, the city was an ancient crossroads between the two provinces, and it was here that the fates of Italy, Spain, and France would be set on their paths. Gian Maria held both Beaucaire and the city of Tarascon on the opposite bank of the river. Despite being significantly outnumbered by the French his men were rested, well provisioned, and confident in the “Iron Serpent” and his record. Crucially, Gian Maria additionally held all of the major crossings and cities, from Arles to Lyons, and he did not need to attack, whereas if Louis wished to avenge the people of France and reclaim his stolen lands he needed to force the river, and both men knew it.

    Map.jpg

    Provence, the site of the battle in red​

    For all his previous bluster Louis' initial offer was decidedly conciliatory. He offered to renounce his claims to Naples and Sicily if Gian Maria vacated Provence, even suggesting that the betrothal with his daughter could be renewed. Gian Maria flatly refused, demanding not only recognition of all his gains but a further indemnity. Louis balked, and Gian threatened him with violence, only calming at the intercession of his lieutenant Muzio Sforza.


    Unbeknownst to the Italians, however, the negotiations were only a distraction. After driving off the Italian outriders Louis had split his forces under cover of darkness, sending a quarter of his army north to find and force a crossing. This force succeeded in overwhelming the Italian squadron at Montfaucon nearly twenty miles upriver. The men succeeded in destroying the Italians before they could send word, but erred when they strayed into Avignon on their ride south. Avignon, as papal territory, had a strong garrison, and for all his heinousness Gian Maria would not dare attack papal lands, or so they believed. In truth Gian Maria had laid a trap at Avignon, believing that Louis would attempt a crossing there if he found the rest of the river barred- his men had been in wait just south of the city, prepared to ambush the French as they crossed the river. News of Louis' location convinced Gian Maria to abandon this position and he rushed south, leaving behind only a small contingent of cavalry to guard his flank. It was this cavalry which stumbled into the French ambush party. Drastically outnumbered, they wisely chose retreat, riding hard for the main camp to the south with the French on their heels. Gian Maria quickly redeployed his forces to the north. His camp was in good order, but most of his hastily erected defenses were to the south and the west- he had anticipated a crossing at Arles or Avignon, or a battle on the banks of the river, not this double assault. Louis himself rapidly understood the implications of Visconti's movement and immediately ordered a general attack. The Lombards beat a hasty retreat from their position on the right bank, forming ranks along the right bank of the bridge, meanwhile the rest of the French descended on them from the north.


    Ultimately Louis' gambit cost him the battle. The entrenched position of the Lombards meant they could rapidly redeploy, while Louis, in splitting his forces, was unable to concentrate enough force to effect a breakthrough. The northern force routed by midday, and free of this distraction the Lombards inexorably forced the French back across the river. In the chaos Louis of Anjou was dragged from his horse and captured. A wiser man would have kept such a valuable prize, but Gian Maria wasted no time in exacting his vengeance: Louis was hacked apart and fed to the king's dogs, chief among them the pet he himself had received from Louis as a wedding gift three years before.



    History is not kind to King Louis of Anjou. As one of the “royal vultures” who left France to burn whilst he pursued “his Spanish folly” Louis naturally drew harsh condemnation both from pro-monarchical commentators and nationalist historians alike. Yet to dismiss Louis as a short-sighted and selfish fool dramatically underestimates the rapid success the Angevin cause found in both Naples and in Aragon; to suggest that Louis, a man clearly competent as both a commander and strategist, ignored the ramifications of the English invasion out of short sighted greed and thus lost France, Spain, and Italy all together treats his eventual defeat and death as immutable, to say nothing of assuming that he had up to date information on proceedings across a mountain range and hundreds of miles of two separate kingdoms wracked by war and banditry. It is an open question whether he was even aware of the war in France beyond the vaguest rumors of English raiders in Aquitaine, and in any case at the conclusion of 1411 the Angevin cause was far from lost, and it was hardly implausible for Louis to believe he could have reversed all of the Visconti conquests.



    With Louis' defeat the last threat to Visconti dominion in Provence was eliminated. In the wake of his death the Anjou lost nearly everything: his young sons were unable to rally their family, and their inheritance was stripped from them one province at a time. Lorraine passed firmly into Burgundian hands by the Peace of Reims, along with Champagne; King Ferdinand of Aragon promptly reneged on the Treaty of Zaragoza and invaded Aragon, seizing all of that kingdom and forcing James of Urgell to flee to France with what remained of the treasury. The Catalan pretender promptly established himself in Montpelier, and between his exiled followers, the remnants of Louis' army, and the gold quickly made himself the lord of Languedoc. “King James the Just” gave the benighted region much needed stability, but in so doing effectively stripped that province from France, although for now he paid nominal fealty to the French king in Paris.



    Gian Maria celebrated his victory in Marseilles by impaling five hundred French prisoners along right bank of the Rhone “as warning to France what it means to defy my dominion here.” He and his army returned across the Alps in March as soon as the passes were clear of ice, and entered Milan as conquering heroes.



    For Gian Maria, his Triumphal procession into Milan was the proudest moment of his young life. For the first time in two decades, he enjoyed the adulation of the Milanese public. Even his father spoke glowingly of his conquests, offering nothing but praise for the exuberant young conqueror. To the end of his days Gian Maria always sought to recapture this transient glory, and enjoy once more some fraction of the joy of March 14th 1412. None of his future conquests would satisfy him as this one did.


    With the spring came a renewed English offensive into Aquitaine. Charles the Mad, besieged on all sides, readily acquiesced to all of Visconti's demands, ceding all of the lands east of the Rhone in exchange for peace and a paltry sum of 80,000 florins. This was far less than what had been looted from France; indeed much of the gold came from Toulouse at Gian Maria's insistence. The “blood price of Provence” entered into French history as a national disgrace, and the capstone in Gian Maria's terrible legend. For generations to come, the French, and especially the peoples of Languedoc, terrified their children with tales of the terrible Wolf of Lombardy.

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    French losses, post 1412. Red is to England, Purple to Milan, Orange to Burgundy. Note that Languedoc in the South is de facto independent under King James of Urgell but it still claims allegiance to King Charles​
     
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    Heresy and Greed
  • Heresy and Greed

    The annexation of Provence opened interesting strategic opportunities for Milan. Traditionally, Italy relied upon the Alps for defense, and while the Alps were an effective frontier, they only worked if Italy was strong, as political disunity, internal instability, military weakness, or any combination of the three allowed the barbarians easy passage through the Alps. The strategy also had little redundancy- if any one of the passes were breached, an army could then enter into Lombardy and freely ravage the economic core of the Visconti domain. Although this could be remedied somewhat- using the Po and old Roman Roads and with the strong walls of the cities to ward off invaders- Visconti believed that letting any enemy into Lombardy at all represented an unacceptable strategic failure regardless of the outcome. Far better to have buffer marches across the Alps- better to fight potential invaders in the rugged mountains of Austria or Switzerland than the rich Padanian plain.

    Provence effectively provided the kingdom with a second layer of defense from the west. The wealthy coastline was sheltered to the east and north by the Alps, and bounded on the west by the Rhone, which as Gian Maria proved at Beucaire was an effective position for repelling an enemy army. Any defending forces could be ferried up and down river as needed, and further reinforcements sent from Italy along the well traveled coastal cities and roads. France was presently on her knees, but Gian Visconti knew that his neighbor's impotence would not last forever.

    Correspondingly by the end of 1413 Italian engineers swarmed into Lyons, tasked with surveying the Rhone basin, and all its roads, fortresses, walls, bridges, and defenses in preparation for new construction. At Gian Maria's suggestion the condotierri Muzio Sforza was given the position of Warden of the Rhone, and given a standing guard of five hundred cavalry to garrison that city.

    Despite his earlier promises to the Savoy Gian Visconti ultimately decided to keep all of Provence for himself. Trading Provence or the Dauphine for Piedmont would give him near total control over the western passages and establish a friendly buffer across the Alps, but in diplomacy alliances were always ad hoc affairs- as the denouement of the Anjou-Visconti alliance dramatically proved- and if he kept Provence, even if it meant defending against France himself, his territory almost completely surrounded Savoy, and there would be only a single point of failure- the integrity of the Italian state and its defenders- as opposed to two- the Savoy-Visconti alliance and the Italian military- for the western frontier. Savoy across the Alps was an ally; Savoy straddling the Alps was a vassal. The latter was more reliably subservient to Italian interests than the former. He did, however, transfer the city of Grenoble- capital of the Dauphine- to Savoy, effectively giving him the eastern portion of those lands. Lyons, Provence, and all the Rhone remained in Italian hands. Duke Amadeus naturally complained at receiving so small a portion of the spoils, but surrounded and utterly outmatched as he was, and with his daughter slated to marry the heir he could do little more than complain fretfully. His men were complicit in all of the atrocities of Gian Maria; he could not easily defect to the French, especially not once Gabriele Maria married Duke John of Burgundy's daughter Anne of Burgundy in 1413. Amadeus was completely surrounded by the Visconti and isolated from his only potential savior, and learned too late that the Winter Serpent of Milan kept no allies, only subjects and enemies.

    The expanse of the Visconti estate mirrored the rapid expanse of state expenditures. Even the wealth of Italy had its limits, and in conquering not only the Patrimonium and Naples but Provence and Sardinia as well the Lombard state reached and exceeded those limits by a considerable margin. To the staggering costs of invading, holding and administering this newfound empire must be added the immense costs of overhauling Lombardy's existing infrastructure- Gian Galeazzo not only ordered the restoration of old Roman roads, and the completion of the Valentina Hospital in Milan, but a sprawling network of canals and dams to manage the Po valley. This network, begun in 1390, was completed in 1414 to immense celebration, and almost immediately the state saw a massive spike in trade revenues, but it would take time for this to pay down the initial costs, time which the aging Gian Galeazzo increasingly felt he did not have to spare. Not even Milan's capable bureaucracy could meet all of these enormous fiscal demands.



    Into the breach stepped two Florentine banking clans, the Medici and the Strozzi. Gian Galeazzo's reputation meant he had ready access to capital from the urban classes, but the past years had strained even those connections, and to consolidate state debts and renegotiate more favorable terms the Florentines, in alliance with a collection of Genoese and Lombard oligarchs founded The Bank of St Ambrose by state ordinance in the June of 1414. Prior to this banks were largely personal affairs, extended merchant clans hoarding their wealth in vaults and only occasionally lending it out to relatives. Loans, when they were given, were charged at enormous interest due to the heavy uncertainty involved- in the absence of any coherent means of collecting or enforcing debt banks frequently resorted to street level violence, hiring mercenaries to intimidate, beat or even kill those who failed to pay their debts.

    This bank was something different: with the full support of the powerful Visconti family the royal bank could call upon the fiscal capital of all of northern and central Italy, and following its expansion into Venice later in the decade from that republic as well. Royal backing gave it an aura of respectability and reliability- interest rates were lower, payments more regular, and the Visconti name meant peace, order, and tidy profits.


    In 1414 Gian Galeazzo finalized the succession plans for his vast estates. He and his sons had already estabilished the division of territory between them: Gian Maria was heir to everything in the north, and everything he had conquered, whilst Filippo Maria received Naples, and Gian Maria's bastard Gabriele Maria received dominion over Tuscany as an appanage to the crown of Sardinia and Corsica and thus (in theory) the Pope. This was technically opposed to the fact that Tuscany was supposedly an Imperial fief, but Gian Galeazzo's lawyers, alongside the Pope, argued that as the great Tuscan Countess Matilda of Canossa had bequeathed all her lands to the Church, so could the Church dispose of the former March of Tuscany. Similar arguments were made regarding Provence- until the Italian conquest these lands were technically fiefs of the Empire and France. France, however, relinquished all claims in 1412, while the Emperor- it was argued- had lost these lands when Provence declared its independence from the Empire during the Investiture controversy. The fief enjoyed de facto independence, but Gian Galeazzo wanted more- and Pope Innocent obliged. Citing the cession of Avignon by Charles of Anjou Pope Innocent provided documents freeing Provence from any imperial suzerainity, and placing it all under the Pope. Removing the Dauphine from imperial oversight was less straightforward, but the Pope argued that as the Emperor had formally invested the French kings with responsibility for the lands, they surrendered any claim of dominion to Paris, and the French in turn yielded the lands to the Visconti. All of this, along with the revised succession laws, ideally required Imperial as well as papal approval, but this was not impossible to get. Gian Galeazzo had courted both sides of the Imperial Civil War, but increasingly backed Ladislaus after 1411, judging (correctly) that Jobst's incompetence and Ladislaus' possession of Hungary made him the more likely victor. When Ladislaus crossed the Alps in 1413 on his way to Rome for his Imperial coronation Gian Galeazzo hosted him in Milan with every courtesy, and plied the soon to be Emperor with lavish gifts and promises of fealty. Ladislaus did not trust Gian Galeazzo, and resented his power and ambition, but after the costly civil war he could not turn away the gold offered by the Visconti, and he agreed not to contest Gian Galeazzo's succession (although neither did he explictly endorse it), acknowledged his title as “King in Corsica” and formally invested him with Provence and the Dauphine. Nevertheless Ladislaus' wariness of the slippery Visconti lord incited him to intervene against the Republic of Venice, forcing them to relinquish their claims in Aquileia, and he refused to sell them the duchy of Dalmatia despite being deep in debt. Gian Galeazzo did nothing, but the Republic of Venice naturally resented imperial infringement upon their expansion and drew inexorably closer to their ally Milan.


    In 1415 Gian Galeazzo undertook the most dangerous gamble of his career when he dispatched twelve handpicked knights to Prague with orders to retrieve- in the utmost secrecy- the heretic Jan Hus to the upcoming Council of Bologna.

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    the heretic Jan Hus of Bohemia​

    Jan Hus drew heavily from the writings of the English heretic John Wycliffe, who's writings proved immensely popular and influential both for the Lollards of England and for Hus' followers in Bohemia; Wycliffe detested the worldliness and corruption of the church hierarchy and denounced many “corrupt” church practices, such as monasticism, indulgences, simony, and even the Papacy itself. Wycliffe even argued for the complete subordination of the clergy to the state and a return to the “pure” practices of Scripture, free of the layers of doctrine and bureaucracy the Catholic Church had developed over the centuries.

    While later allegations that Gian Galeazzo was a partisan of the heretical Wycliffe are obviously unsubstantiated, there were aspects of his thought which naturally appealed to him, in particular the caesaropapist contention that Papal decrees were valid only if they were approved by the secular liege. The papacy was itself a massive institution, and the immense bureaucratic network centered on Rome represented an organ of state power outside of Gian Galeazzo's direct control, but if he embraced a reform movement that advocated that clergy abstain from worldly affairs then the Patrimonium could legitimately be annexed wholesale into his own regime.

    Consequently Gian Galeazzo applied considerable pressure on Pope Benedict to lighten Rome's stance against Hus and other reformers, and even went so far as to suggest a Church Council to address the issues raised by the heretics. This effort provoked deep and substantial resistance from Benedict, who naturally resented the idea of compromise with an excommunicated and unrepentant heretic- despite Gian Galeazzo's efforts he could not prevent Benedict from levying excommunication on the Bohemians in 1410- and for the first time the master of Italy found to his unpleasant surprise that he could not simply cow the Pontiff into obeisance whenever he desired.


    In his ongoing reform efforts Gian Galeazzo found an unexpected ally in King Wenceslaus of Bohemia. Initial correspondence between the two rulers was limited to purely secular affairs- as a potential enemy of Ladislaus of Hungary Gian Galeazzo naturally courted the King of Bohemia (though this did not stop him from currying favor with Ladislaus, before or after his victory over Wenceslaus and Jobst). Wenceslaus, while still denouncing Hus for heresy, nevertheless sought to compromise with the heretics, and it was inevitable that he would reach out to the master of Italy and the Papacy in this goal. In 1415, two years after Wenceslaus' defeat, Hus was confronted by Italian knights with an offer of safe passage to Ravenna. The duke offered his personal guarantee of safe passage, and pledged solemnly that he would prevent the Pope or any other enemy from seizing him for the duration of the Council. Hus did not fail to notice that the duke made no promises concerning his safety after the council, but the chance to speak his mind to the collective authority of the Roman Catholic Church at a council explicitly convened for its reform was too great an opportunity to ignore. Hus settled his affairs and departed for Italy.


    Hus was the most infamous attendant, but Gian Galeazzo summoned hundreds of men from across Europe- some were reformers, some were radicals, some were clerical appointees loyal to him personally. His intention was to flood the Council with a natural constituency predisposed to support him even against the Pope. Gian Galeazzo met with these and other men, including Hus himself, in the leadup to the council. No record of their conversation survives, but in all likelihood the duke- knowing full well that Hus would not back down, even under threat of death- warned him that to appear in front of the Pope was to invite his death, and pleaded with him to moderate his tone and shift his testimony in a manner conducive to Visconti's goals.


    On May 2nd, 1415, as the initial discussions were winding down, Jan Hus and his companions quietly entered into the synod at Bologna. Hus stood silently for an hour, quietly observing the proceedings; as the Pope moved to adjourn he threw back his cloak and declared himself to the assembled clergy of Europe.

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    Jan Hus before the Pope[A]​

    Hus' unmasking provoked immediate pandemonium, and only the timely intercession of Lombard soldiers prevented his untimely demise. Cardinals hurled accusations of heresy and treachery at the Bohemian as Pope Benedict looked on in stupor, “so silent and still that I feared briefly that the shock had killed him,” duke Visconti remarked waggishly in his own recounting of the event. Benedict rallied, however, and promptly joined in denouncing Hus, but at this point Visconti interceded. He revealed that he had personally pledged Jan Hus safety during the council; that he had thus delivered the heretic to Rome to defend himself and face censure; that Hus would surrender himself to the Church upon the conclusion of the Council; and that he would not tolerate any injury done “to my solemn oath before the Lord” before that time.



    Pope Benedict immediately demanded Hus repent his heresies and publicly denounce Wycliffe; but Hus, for his part, refused to engage. Instead Hus spoke of the need for unity and to prevent the sinfulness which had condemned the Church to a hundred years of schism; he denounced Indulgences, schismatic Pontiffs, and “ungodly priests who comport themselves as princes” and advocated that the Church place itself in the care “of the Caesars, as Christ commanded of his followers.”



    Benedict responded that Christ had also commanded that men render unto God what was his, and that as Christ's Vicar the Pope of Rome was naturally superior to any prince; to which Hus retaliated that that Benedict himself was of Avignon, and installed at the head of a French army, and thus a slave of the princes he claimed to be above. At this point order broke down completely, and Gian Galeazzo chose this moment to intercede personally, struggling to be heard over partisan screeching and naked threats of excommunication and violent demise. Visconti replied primarly to Hus, explicating that the seeds of the Avignon Schism were sown when the the Papacy received its lands in Provence, this after compelling Charles of Anjou to a crusade against Naples; and that the clergy, not the princes, started the Schism when they first moved to Avignon and then back to Rome; and that the secular princes had thereafter divided themselves in support of one or the other “in accordance with conscience, whim or personal gain, as men are wont to do”. Visconti concluded by reiterating his support for Benedict “over the puppet of the murderer Ladislaus” and exorting the Council towards unity and reform to prevent future Schisms from marring the Church.



    This was far and away the most dangerous and delicate of the Grand Duke's gambits. A General Church Council was not a city, or even a kingdom: Pope Benedict had already demonstrated a willingness to defy his supposed master over matters of doctrine. By inviting Hus to the Council, and giving him and the reformers his open support, Gian Galeazzo made himself vulnerable to accusations of heresy. If Benedict dig in his heels, then there was the very real risk that Rome would escape his control entirely and denounce him as a heretic.



    Yet in the reformers Gian Galeazzo perceived a unique opportunity to legitimize his grip on Rome. By portraying his efforts as an attempt at preventing future schisms, and championing the cause of clerical reform, he not only undermined the Papacy's claim to secular dominion over Italy but drew upon deepseated aspirations for a more pious Church among the European laity.

    The council convened for the day, and Gian Galeazzo almost immediately approached Pope Benedict. As with Hus, the precise nature of their meeting is unfortunately unrecorded, but when the Council reconvened the following day the Pope opened the proceedings with a denunciation of “unworldly and unworthy priests, schismatic cardinals, false Pontiffs, and greedy bishops” and declared his intention to “restore Rome to purity, so that no Schism may mar our Holy Church ever again.” It was to this topic that the Council ultimately devoted itself.


    The Council of Bologna proved a major turning point in European history. The immense theological, political, and cultural ramifications of its proceedings cannot be covered with even a lifetime's worth of scholarly work, but the major points of doctrine promulgated on May 15th 1415 were as follows:

    • that the Catholic Church was an inviolate and indivisible whole;
    • that the Pope, as the head of the Universal Church, was naturally superior to all other secular and spiritual authority;
    • that the corpus of the Church had not only the right but the obligation to participate in her affairs, including matters of Church doctrine;
    • that Rome would convene a General Council once every ten years;
    • that the Pope or the College of Cardinals could convene an irregular Council should a particular issue arise among the Faithful;
    • a general denunciation of "sinful" priests, and expansions of existing canon law on what disqualified a clergyman from his position, and how these men might be removed from office;
    • a tightening of restrictions on personal conduct for monks, nuns, abbots, priests, bishops, cardinals, and all the Clergy, and restrictions on how they could spend tithes collected from Church offices and lands;
    • that should any cleric knowingly go against Canon law, they automatically forfeited their position, and that if after receiving official censure from the Church, their superiors, their secular liege or a Council or synod they did not repent or reform they would be excommunicated, defrocked and deposed;
    • that should a Pope ever contradict canon law, or become a heretic, or cause a Schism, or commit "crimes against God, Church, or Man" he could be deposed only by a Church Council convened by the College of Cardinals, or a majority of the Archbishops of the Church explicitly for that purpose;
    • formal cession of the Papal Patrimonium to King Visconti and all temporal power vested in the territories therein as a papal fief, conditional upon the continued blessing of the Papacy for him and his heirs;
    • withdrawal of the Milanese garrison in Rome, and cession of the Eternal City and its environs to the Pope as his exclusive dominion;
    • pledge that the Visconti state would underwrite the Papacy with state funds, “so that the Pontiff and his Church might comport themselves with the dignity of their office";
    • formal denunciation of Indulgences as simony and automatic excommunication for any who issued them;


    As with all compromises the Council of Bologna dissatisfied everyone. The reformists, naturally, felt it did not go nearly far enough in disengaging the Church from worldly life; others felt it gave far too many concessions to heretics and their supporters. Pope Benedict admitted the Papal Deposition Clause only under intense duress from nearly the entire body of the Council- for not even the conservatives could argue against a mechanism to depose schismatic Popes in 1415- and viewed the formal reduction of the Patrimonium to Rome an insufferable captivity, whereas prescient clergymen saw in the now reduced Papal State an uncomfortable vulnerability to Italian pressure; Gian Galeazzo, in contrast, described the "loss" of Rome as “a grievous injury and insult to [his] dominion over Italy”- for no man could truly claim to master Italy if he did not control the Eternal City- and the withdrawal from the city itself the loss of his greatest leverage over n intractable Papacy.

    The denunciation of Papal indulgences was the only unambiguous victory for Hus and his partisans. Indulgences had long attracted criticism from clergymen in Germany and Bohemia, and it was one of the few proposals which Hus and his more orthodox[B*] colleagues agreed upon. Despite Hus' association with the proposal the German, English, and Bohemian clergy between them had enough power to force it through, especially as they could tie it to the two “secular Crusades” against Naples, first by the elder and then the younger House of Anjou.

    In the wake of the Council Jan Hus was arrested by the Church and forced to stand trial for heresy. True to his word, Gian Galeazzo had protected him during the council, and not a day beyond that. Jan Hus refused to recant his support of Wycliffe, demanding that the Church present rebuttals from Scripture against their writings, and on May 31st 1415 Jan Hus was burned at the stake for heresy in Rome.

    Rumors as to the fate of Jan Jus almost immediately appeared like a tumor in Germany and Bohemia. Allegations that he had been escorted from Italy by the duke of Milan, then seized by either the bishop of Trent, or of Aquileia, were common, as was the allegation that he had never made it to the council at all but that Emperor Ladislaus had him arrested and hanged in Germany. None of this prevented word of his trial and execution from crossing the Alps, but the rumors spread by Visconti's agents muddied the waters enough for him to wash his hands of the whole sordid affair, and when the Hussites eventually rose in revolt their enemy was neither the duke of Milan nor the Pope, but Ladislaus of Bohemia.



    Five days after the council concluded, Princess Catarina of Sicily, Gian Galeazzo's first grandchild to reach adulthood, was born to Gian Maria and Giovanna of Savoy. A son was born to the couple the following year, but died barely a month later from a fever.



    The Council of Bologna proved to be the venerable duke's last great triumph. On June 5th, 1418, as he celebrated his granddaughter's third birthday, Gian Galeazzo collapsed into convulsions before the horrified revelers. He was quickly carried away, but despite the ministrations of some of the best physicians in Europe his health deteriorated rapidly, and the Grand Old Duke Gian Maria Visconti, the first native-born king to rule in northern Italy since the campaign of Otto the Great five centuries before, died in Pavia on June 11th, 1418, at the impressive age of sixty seven.


    [A]This is from his OTL trial and condemnation. I was going to use Luther but Luther is clean shaven and Hus has a proper beard, the dirty heretic
    [B*]I briefly debated using kosher for extra laughs, but orthodox works too:p
     
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    Regicide and Rebellion
  • Regicide and Rebellion

    Gian Galeazzo's death did not immediately destabilize Italy. His prudent governance ensured an ample treasury and a loyal populace, and Gian Maria, still fresh from his victory in France, stood at the peak of his popularity; and in any event no man was foolish enough to revolt against the Iron Serpent, not with the realm at peace and the markets flourishing.

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    Emperor Sigismund of Germany​

    Germany had not intervened in Italy since the abortive expedition of King Rupert in 1404, and the ongoing civil war had prevented Sigismund from interceding in the Anjou-Visconti war. Now, however, he had secured the throne and dispossessed the rebellious Wenceslaus and Jobst of Bohemia and Moravia. King Sigismund of Hungary and Bohemia was thus crowned King of the Romans in Fritzlar on March 15th 1412, and immediately turned his sights to Italy. To become Emperor in full required a papal coronation, undertaken in 1414 with Visconti's blessing, but now that the great duke was dead Sigismund decided to test the waters once more.


    Deft diplomacy might have forestalled a war, but Gian Maria was not his father. When Sigismund demanded that “Duke Gian Maria Visconti” appear before him the king flew into a rage, calling the Bohemian “A barbarian, a pygmy, a son of a harlot, not worthy of shoveling the stool of an illiterate German, and neither Roman nor Emperor nor king of Italy.” and summoned his army for war.


    The fifty year old Sigismund was no fool. His body might be weakening but his mind was as sharp as ever- he had met Gian Maria in Milan during his 1414 procession, and readily noted the character and reputation of the Lombard heir. The insult given by his envoy was a very deliberate provocation, and before Gian Maria could muster his armies Sigismund swept through the Brenner Pass and into Italy itself. Gian Maria was forced to meet the Emperor's advance with whatever men he had near to hand.

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    Hungarian Cavalry​

    The two armies met outside the small town of Lodi on June 28th, 1418. Gian Maria was a brilliant and experienced commander, and his men were confident and in good order, but the Hungarians were veterans of the endemic border warfare with the Turks. In a classic steppe tactic, the Magyar cavalry feigned retreat, and Gian Maria took the bait. The Hungarians promptly wheeled and routed the Italians, only the latter's good order “and the ferocious discipline of the Swiss” preventing a complete collapse of Gian Maria's army. Among the dead was the young Francesco Sforza, son of Muzio Sforza and himself a condotierri.[A]



    Sigismund's soldiers, believing the battle won, promptly fell upon the Italian camp and spread out to loot the countryside. This proved a costly mistake: Gian Maria rallied his remaining soldiers and returned to the field, catching the disorganized Imperials off guard and routing them in turn. His own men, in a remarkable display of discipline, did not immediately loot the Hungarian camp as their enemies had; Gian Maria was a harsh disciplinarian, and maintained order among his men long enough to ensure the Imperials had truly fled. Only once he felt secure in his position did he turn to the loot, evenly and methodically dividing the spoils among his army and trusting his cavalry to guard the camp in the unlikely event that the Germans returned. Sigismund fell back to Verona in good order, but whatever plans he made for a further attack were immediately discarded when he received news of the revolt of the Bohemians, who on July 20th 1419 hurled King Sigismund's magistrates from the windows of the royal palace in Prague, thus beginning the Hussite Wars.

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    Hussites in battle​

    The death of Jan Hus three years prior was merely the latest in a long series of grievances against the Emperor. The Hussites- followers of Jan Hus- resented the emperor's high handed taxation; they resented also having their king, Wenceslaus, deposed, and the kingdom simply passed into the Emperor's hands with no respect for the traditional rights of the Bohemians to elect their own king. Sigismund had kept his boot firmly on the Bohemians' throats, but he erred in taking their silence for obedience and upon his departure across the Alps tensions finally boiled over. Hus' martyrdom and the Council of Bologna radicalized the Bohemians even as it polarized the Hussites themselves.

    From the outset the Hussites had been divided from the more moderate Ultraquists or Calixtines, and the militant Taborites, so named for their home city. The moderate Ultraquists, although equally harsh in denouncing Hus' murder, insisted that “with his martyrdom he won the Church her salvation” and claimed that he had been murdered not by the Pope but by either Emperor Sigismund or “the Serpent of Milan” depending on their politics; the radical Taborites on the other hand rejected the Council of Bologna almost entirely as “stained with martyr's blood” and insisted in the complete abolition of the Catholic Church of Bohemia. The major doctrinal heresy of the Ultraquists was their insistence that both bread and wine be served to the laity; at the time it was customary among Catholics for only the priests to drink the Eucharist wine. More generally they advocated church reform to eliminate secular corruption from the Church administration, and the Council of Bologna itself was very well received among them.


    In contrast to the Ultraquists the radical Taborites called for “no more lords and servants”, an end to all taxation and the collectivization of all private property (especially land), and a return to the “pure and innocent” state of the early church. Empowered by the gold mines of Tabor- their stronghold- the Taborites created a communal, egalitarian society of peasants, preachers, and citizens. They abided by a puritanical discipline, and elected the formidable Jan Zizka as one of their leaders.

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    Statue of Jan Zizka, Prague​

    Jan Zizka's innovative and unconventional tactics and skilled use of terrain mark him as the greatest military commander of his era. “The One Eyed Dragon of Bohemia” drilled his soldiers in powerful infantry tactics, utilizing the Hussites' famous wagon forts and Europe's first widespread use of field artillery and massed musket fire to overcome the much more numerous Imperial armies opposing him. Hussite War wagons typically had around twenty soldiers, split evenly between gunners and crossbowmen on the one hand and men armed with pikes and maces on the other. The typical tactic was to deploy defensively, goad the enemy into attacking via artillery bombardment, and then counterattack after beating off the assault. The Hussites' guns proved especially devastating at close range, and slaughtered hundreds of German and Hungarian knights.

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    A Hussite Camp​

    On the 22nd of December 1421 Jan Sizka and roughly ten thousand followers were encircled and besieged an Imperial army eight times their size at the Battle of Kutna Hora. Although Hussite artillery blunted the Imperial attacks Sigismund felt confident in his eventual victory. Zizka, however, proved Sigismund's overconfidence when he ordered a general attack. The Hussites grouped into armored columns, and under heavy artillery support Zizka punched a hole in the Imperial lines and escaped with his forces into the Bohemian countryside.

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    the Battle of Kutna Hora​

    Gian Maria did not wait idly for Sigismund's return. In Milan he raised fresh forces, and in the winter of 1421 his envoy arrived in the Palazzo Ducale in the Republic of Venice proposing a joint offensive against the Empire.

    The Republic of St Mark needed little encouragement. Venice had a centuries-running conflict with Hungary over Dalmatia, and Sigismund had additionally supported the cities of Friuli against the Republic. Doge Tomasso Mosenigo was offered not only the Patriarchate of Aquileia but “all the cities and lands [belonging to Sigismund] along the Adriatic Coast.”

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    The Brenner Pass​

    The Republic readily agreed and launched an invasion of Aquileia. The cities of Friuli despised the rule of the Patriarch and readily submitted to the Republic's rule, and by March 9th the Venetians were across the Izonso. Trieste was besieged by land and sea on March 14th, and after defeating a Habsburg relief army on April 24th the city finally fell on June 1st, 1422, the banner of St Mark raised above its walls by the victorious Venetians.



    The sheer effrontery of the Italian invasion and the lingering menace of a Polish intervention finally convinced Sigismund to negotiate with the rebels. On July 22nd, 1422 he met with the moderate Ultraquists to discuss terms. The Hussites reiterated the demands made in the Four Articles of Prague- freedom of worship, acceptance of a dual communion, expropriation of all church property, and punishment for mortal sins, especially prostitutes which were singled out.



    The Papal Legate present in Sigismund's camp steadfastly opposed any reconciliation with the heretics whatsoever and threatened excommunication for attempting to do so, but Sigismund by now viewed the Church as a mere instrument of the Italians, and largely ignored the Pope's threats. By the Peace of 1422 the Four Articles of Prague were largely accepted, in modified form:[b*]

    the right of the Hussites to use communion “in both kinds” ie with wine and bread;
    general tolerance of the Ultraquist Church, on condition of a personal oath of loyalty of all its members to King Sigismund himself;
    Royal veto power over the appointment of Bohemian clergy;
    the subordination of the clergy and their courts to the king and his magistrates;
    the reduction (but not elimination) of existing Church estates and an end to their tax privileges;



    The Bohemian revolt thereafter rapidly drew to a close. Tabor itself was besieged and taken by a combined Ultraquist-Imperial army, and Jan Ziska and what remained of his followers forced to flee to Poland. With Bohemia pacified Sigismund departed for Italy with the bulk of his army, leaving behind his lieutenants to finish sweeping up the remnants of the rebels.



    Gian Maria anticipated Sigismund's return, however, and as the Germans were crossing through the Brenner Pass they were assailed “by a great force of fierce Italians.” The Germans were routed, and in the chaos Emperor Sigismund himself was wounded and taken prisoner.



    What followed next is disputed. German sources claim that Gian Maria struck down the Emperor “in a rabid rage.” Italian sources give a different end to the Emperor: upon being brought before him, Gian Maria exclaimed, “You call yourself King of the Romans, but the Romans deposed their tyrants and destroyed them,” before beheading Sigismund “with a single stroke of his sword” and vowing to mount the corpse above the gates of the royal palace of Fritzlar.



    If there is any truth to the Italian account then there was method to Gian Maria's madness: with Sigismund died the House of Luxemburg, which had ruled Germany for almost seven decades. Bohemia already smoldering in rebelliousness against the Empire; Gian Maria may have perceived that, with a single (literal) stroke, he might destroy Germany's fragile peace and plunge his northern neighbor into the same sort of internecine squabbling that he had so ruthlessly exploited in France. He was not alone on his designs on Imperial territory- to the west, the powerful duke John of Burgundy desired the rich lands of Alsace, Luxemburg, and Metz, while to the east Poland rallied once more to the aid of the Hussites.



    In 1410 the Wolf of Lombardy taught the French to fear his name. Now, more than a decade later, he intended to give the same lesson to Germany.



    [A]For those who don't know, the 1444 Peace of Lodi OTL was a masterpiece of diplomacy by none other than Francesco Sforza, the condotierri captain who married Filippo Maria's bastard daughter and claimed his duchy after the Visconti's extinction and among the general chaos of the Ambrosian Republic. Killing him at Lodi was a trans-timeline irony I simply couldn't resist.



    [B*]This is a major divergence over OTL, where Sigismund refused to compromise at the behest of the Papacy. TTL, however, the Hussites (and reform in general) received a veneer of respectability from Bologna, and the subordination of Rome means Sigismund doesn't trust the Pope to have his best interests in mind, not when Gian Maria is ravaging the Austrian countryside.
     
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    Dogs of War
  • Dogs of War

    News of the Italian advance arrived as swiftly as that of Sigismund's death. Gian Maria deliberately spared some remnant of the villages razed by his army, letting the terrified populace send word of his arrival northwards.


    The German electors- minus Bohemia, which lacked a king and was once more in open revolt- hastily assembled at Augsburg and elevated Duke Albert the Magnanimous- the King of Hungary following Ladislaus' demise and additionally claimant to Bohemia- as their new emperor. In the span of a single afternoon the king was acclaimed, anointed, and marched from the city at the head of a German army. Five days from Augsburg he received two messengers from the Italians- from a terrified burgher, who dreadfully informed the Kaiser that “the Iron Serpent as done to Innsbruck what he did to Toulouse,” and the second from the Wolf of Lombardy himself. Gian Maria's message was simple: if you are king of Italy, then come and take it from me.

    Albrecht_II._von_Habsburg.jpg

    Albert the Magnanimous, King of the Romans, Hungary, and Bohemia​

    King Albert obliged, and on October 7th 1422 the Austrians met the Italians along the banks of the Inn. As in France Gian Maria entrenched himself on foreign lands and dared the enemy to dislodge him; dug in on the banks of the Inn and in firm control of the rocky terrain, a battle would be a dicey proposition. King Albert opted wisely to negotiate. By the Treaty of Innsbruck the Italians gained all of Tirol, whilst Venice gained Friuli, Istria, and Carniola. Tirol- controlling the vital Brenner Pass, and the rich silver mines of Innsbruck- proved to be both the most enduring and most immediately beneficial of Gian Maria's conquests. Europe at this time was thoroughly obsessed with commodity currency; fiat currency, such as the paper money issued by the Yuan Dynasty, was unthinkable. As the Italian economy flourished the money inevitably supply contracted, and the first signs of an economic crash were already noticeable to sharp eyed merchants tracking prices across Lombardy. In conquering Tirol, Duke Gian Maria inadvertently forestalled the looming deflationary crisis by injecting a new burst of liquidity. Italy continued to prosper, blithely unaware of the peril unknowingly thwarted by its warlike king.


    The loss of significant family territory was a major loss of face for Albert, but with the Poles invading Bohemia he felt peace was the better option. Dynastic squabbling may also have played a role in his acquiescence- the lands in question were under the rival Leopoldine branch of the Habsburg family, and Emperor Albert was of the Albertinian Lin of Austria Proper. Faced with a choice of defending his cousin's territory and pursuing his own claim to Bohemia- and its priceless electoral vote- Albert chose the latter. Predictably, Duke Ernst of Austria was enraged, and rose in revolt against his cousin, but Albert had been expecting this and crushed him at the Battle of Salzburg. Ernst was tonsured and stripped of his lands, and the duke's three year old son and heir Frederick V fell under the control of Emperor Albert, who now turned his undivided attention against the Hussite rebels. The Hussites, however, had invited the mighty King Wladislaw II Jagello of Poland and Lithuania to take up the crown of Bohemia.

    240px-Jogaila_%28W%C5%82adys%C5%82aw_II%29.jpg

    King Wladyslaw of Poland​


    The last pagan king of Lithuania, Grand Duke Jogaila Gediminid converted to Christianity and married the formidable King Jadwiga of Poland[1], uniting the two realms. This alliance was largely aimed at the Teutonic Order, which posssesed the entirety of the Prussian coast as well as the Baltic states of Livonia and Estonia.

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    The Teutonic Order's Expansion, prior to the Battle of Grunwald​

    In the 11th century Poland claimed dominion over Pomeralia- essentially all of Pomerania east of the Oder- and Silesia, but the fragmentation of the kingdom following its dynastic partition and the Mongol invasions allowed first the Danes and then the Germans and Bohemians to gradually take control those lands for themselves. The Teutonic Order was nominally a Polish fief- they had been invited by the Polish king to settle in Prussia following their eviction from Hungary- but Poland's infirmity allowed them to become independent, and even expand into Poland itself with the annexation of Chelmno. Thus the Poles naturally drew closer to the Lithuanians, who despite their pagan religion shared a common enemy in the Teutonic Order, and with Jogaila's conversion and marriage the alliance between them was formalized. Her death undermined his claim but Wladislaw skillfully defused tensions by marrying Anna of Celje in 1402, the grandaughter of King Casimir III of Poland. Wladyslaw had been forced to grant Lithuania as a fief to his cousin Vytauas after a revolt in 1392; the Union of Vilnius and Radom reaffirmed Lithuania as a Polish vassal and stipulated that once Vytauas died the Grand Duchy would return to Wladyslaw, and if Wladyslaw were to die without heirs the lords of Lithuania would elect their own ruler. The treaty additionally granted the Lithuanian nobility many of the same concessions enjoyed by the Polish aristocracy, which combined with the ongoing defensive alliance strengthened Wladyslaw's support in Lithuania and ties between the two states. Lithuania then undertook a war against the Teutonic order with tacit Polish support, a war which went against them, and peace was signed in 1404.


    In that same year Wladyslaw engaged in negotiations with King Wenceslaus of Bohemia, who offered to return Silesia to him if Poland would support his struggle against Ladislaus of Hungary. Although intrigued Wladyslaw declined, unwilling to open a new front while the Order yet remained an inveterate enemy. In 1408, the King conspired to provoke a Samigotian uprising among the pagans in that recently conquered territory of the knights; the uprising began in May 1409 and when the Teutonic Knights uncovered Polish involvement they attempted to undermine Wladyslaw's support by courting his nobles, but Wladyslaw himself threatened the knights with war if they suppressed the revolt. On August 6th 1409 the Teutonic Order correspondingly signed a formal declaration of war against Poland. Both the knights and the Polish king looked abroad for allies.


    Much as Gian Galeazzo had done in Italy the monastic state vacillated opportunistically between Pope and Emperor, and called upon both to support them. They claimed that Wladyslaw's conversion was a sham; Wladyslaw accused them of “wanting to conquer the world.” Both looked abroad for allies- and here does the Polish-Teutonic feud intersect with the broader Italian-Imperial conflict. In 1410 Gian Galeazzo, recognizing Poland could serve as a useful counterweight to Hungary-Bohemia, received their entreaties warmly, and the Pope subsequently denounced the Order and their “false Crusade” and formally invested King Wladyslaw as “Prince of Prussia and Pomeralia.” As for Poland, Wladyslaw supported Wenceslaus, perceiving him to be a more amiable neighbor than the formidable Ladislaus of Hungary. In response Ladislaus entered into alliance with the Teutonic Order and declared war on Poland, although the Hungarian nobility refused to offer more than token support for the venture. Following the Polish-Lithuanian victory at the Battle of Grunwald on 15th July 1410. In the wake of the battle Wladyslaw pressed the attack, and by the following year he had forced the Teutonic Order to submit; the new grandmaster Kuchmeister von Sternberg secularized the Order, which was partitioned between “Royal Prussia” in the west and “Ducal Prussia” in the east, the latter held by the former Grandmaster as a Polish vassal.[A] Wladislaw followed up his victory with an invasion of Silesia in support of his ally Wenceslaus, but Ladislaus defeated the Poles in 1412 and forced them to withdraw. Ladislaus subsequently invaded Poland in 1415 and forced them to surrender the territory of Neumark and Posen[B*] but was forced to accept the loss of the Teutonic Order via Papal intervention, and in 1416 he pawned the captured territories to Margrave Frederick I of Brandenburg.

    Ladislaus' death proved a golden opportunity for Wladyslaw to take his revenge. After securing his flank by marrying his daughter and heiress Jadwiga of Poland[C] to Margrave Frederick's younger son Frederick II in 1422 he invaded Bohemia at the side of Jan Zizka and the Hussites. Albert attempted to use this to smear Wladylsaw as a heretic, but the Pope- under Italian pressure- refused to oblige him, reminding the Germans that Ladislaus himself had consorted with heretics. The invasion was too much for Albert to handle and he was forced to surrender Bohemia in its entirety to Poland. Wladyslaw jubilantly entered into Prague to the adulations of the crowd; Wladyslaw of Poland, now also Wladyslaw II of Bohemia, entered through the Golden Gate of St Vitus Cathedral on January 1st 1423 and acclaimed king by the princes of the realm.

    St-Vitus-Cathedral-Clock-tower.jpg


    St Vitus Cathedral. The cathedral was not yet completed for Wladyslaw's coronation, and its construction was a major project of the new king
    By the Treaty of Poitiers in 1417 Charles the Mad formally renounced all claim to dominion over the lands of Aquitaine, recognized English ownership of Anjou and additionally granted independence to the Kingdom of Brittany and County of Flanders as English protectorates, all in exchange for Henry's formal renunciation of his claims the French throne; effectively the treaty restored the terms of the Treaty of Bretigny of 1369. As Henry was at the time in possession of nearly all the old Angevin Empire the treaty was considered a godsend in the much aggrieved French court. The cause for this sudden burst of generosity was made clear when the following year King Henry launched an invasion of Holland in support of his brother's beautiful new wife Jacqueline of Hainaut, daughter of the last Wittlesbach ruler of Hainaut, Holland and Zeeland and heiress to those lands.

    220px-Jacoba_van_Beieren_door_Hollandse_school_ca_1600.jpg

    Jacqueline of Hainaut, Duchess of Holland
    Henry was greatly alarmed by Burgundian expansion in the Low Countries, and with France on its knees the intercession of Emperor Sigismund was enough to convince him of the merits of peace. The Emperor offered Henry his niece, the Duchess Elisabeth of Luxemburg, in marriage; Sigismund sought to restore order on his western flank, end the “un-Christian warfare which rages in Our Brother's kingdom” and secure the formidable king Henry as an ally against Burgundian encroachments in Lorraine, whilst forestalling any potential alliance between Henry and Gian Maria Visconti.

    The English advanced quickly, and in the Battle of Ghent the Burgundians met with disaster. Duke John in the middle of a battle was struck in the face by a musket round. He survived the initial injury and retreated with his army, but the wound festered and John the Fearless died in great agony on June 14th 1424.


    John's death ended any Burgundian designs on Holland. His sons immediately took to quarreling amongst themselves- Philip, as the primary heir, claimed Champagne for himself, but his brother John of Lorraine viewed it as his natural inheritance, as under Salic law sons were supposed to divide their father's inheritance evenly between them. The new king Louis XI of France used the opportunity to drive the Burgundians from Reims and launch an assault on the Duchy of Bar. He erred in attacking territory held by both branches of the Burgundians, however, and in response to the king's aggression the Burgundians promptly reconciled, agreeing to partition Champagne between them, joined forced to attack the king. In response Louis summoned what remained of the Armagnac, officially legitimizing the House of Orleans in contravention of the Pope's decree. This predictably roused the ire of the Papacy, but Gian Maria was neither willing nor able to push Benedict to censure France.


    Whilst on campaign in Lorraine King Louis XI witnessed a twelve year old peasant girl strike one of his soldiers. The man attempted to retaliate but the king interceded on her behalf, demanding she explain herself. The girl revealed herself as Jeanne, and “bold as a man” accused the soldier of stealing food from her family. Impressed, the king offered to “give her any husband it is in my power to grant.” Jeanne refused, however, proclaiming that she “had no masters but God and Your Majesty and would serve no other.” Jean ultimately became a member of the royal household; Louis seemed to have entertained the girl's “unwomanly” notions on a royal whim, whether out of amusement or affection, and she soon was training at arms with soldiers in the king's employ.


    Louis met Duke Philip in battle just north of Nevers. The young king quickly proved his potential as a general when he routed first the elder duke and then three days later destroyed Duke John's army in the Battle of Nancy; Duke John was captured by an Orleanaise knight. Unfortunately for John, Duke Charles of Orleans valued vengeance for his father over a ransom or political leverage and rashly executed the unfortunate captive. This predictably enraged King Louis, who naturally had no patience for independent minded dukes scuppering his plans, and he promptly arrested Duke Charles and reneged on his earlier decree, stripping the Orleans of all rank and privilege and confiscating their estates for the Crown.


    King Louis made peace with Duke Philip on October 3rd 1424. The Duke surrendered all pretensions to Champagne, ceded Nevers and Artois to the King and yield the regency of his nephew Charles of Lorraine to his mother, the Duchess Isabella of Lorraine. He was additionally obliged to pay an indemnity for “the damages done by his negligence to the realm.”


    Drawing upon over a decade of experience, the near catastrophe at Lodi, the ready availability of Swiss mercenaries, and the example both of the ancient legions and the Ottoman Janissaries on July 15th 1425 King Gian Maria Visconti created Europe's first standing army since the fall of the Roman Empire with the Ordinance of Arms. Comprised of a permanent garrison of two thousand “Swiss Guard” and a larger contingent of semi-professional urban militia the Black Legions of Italy were quickly dubbed “the Serpent's dogs” by hostile commentators, this name quickly became a source of pride for the legion, who were armed, trained, and equipped all at the King's expense, the vast arms industry of Milan put to the use of the state.





    [1]So called because she reigned in her own right- a queen regnant- rather than as a consort; as “co kings” the couple ruled Poland until Jadwiga's death by childbirth in 1399
    [A]OTL Wladyslaw didn't press the advantage, TTL with Papal backing and the imperial civil war ongoing he does. The peace treaty's terms are basically equivalent to the Order's submission
    [B*]I'm using the German names primarily because they are at this point in German hands
    [C]So it turns out not only did "Jadwiga" exist but she was actually her father's heir until 1424 and betrothed to Frederick II von Hohenzollern as OTL and Frederick II was slated to be the king of Poland Lithuania and he inherited Brandenburg because his elder brother was obsessed with Alchemy and got shunted off to Bayreuth. Jadwiga died in 1427, supposedly poisoned by her stepmother, and her younger brother Wladyslaw III inherited the throne and went off to die at Varna. Basically: we came very close to having Brandenburg-Poland-Lithuania in OTL. All I need to do is stop Wladyslaw from having any surviving kids and keep Jadwiga alive.
     
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    Iberian Entanglements
  • Iberian Entanglements

    Following the Italian annexation of Mallorca, the Republic of Genoa rapidly gained ascendancy in the Western Mediterranean. Genoa had a long presence in Iberia but Catalonia's weakness and France's desolation presented an opening for the Ligurian city which they quickly exploited.

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    The Nasrid Emirate of Granada, a Genoese protectorate​

    In the wake of the disastrous Battle of Chioggia the Republic of Genoa rapidly declined, whilst their rival Venice rose ever higher. The city quickly fell into the orbit of her powerful neighbors, first France and then Milan, who in 1407 annexed Genoa into her territories. Few mourned the end of the Republic- the Milanese podesta put an end to the bloody infighting, and with peace and unity came wealth and security. Genoa prospered, and Visconti rewarded the republic by letting her run amok in the west.

    rock-of-gibraltar.jpg

    The Rock of Gibraltar, annexed by Genoa​

    In 1416, one year after Portugal captured Ceuta, Genoa secured from the Emir of Granada a perpetual lease of the Rock of Gibraltar. Strategically positioned at the inlet of the Mediterranean into the Atlantic control of the Rock gave Genoa ready access into the Atlantic beyond. This began the realignment of Granada as an Italian client, and opened the door to Genoa's later excursions. In 1422 the Genoese Bank of St George- the first in Europe and inspiration for Milan's Bank of St Ambrose (founded 1414) and Venice's Bank of St Mark (founded 1415)- formally chartered the Maona dell'Oceano. As part of its charter the bank gave state support to ventures too risky for private capital- previous Maona had captured Corsica and Chios for Genoa- and the Maona, exploiting Genoese presence in Mallorca, Gibraltar and Granada was tasked with exploring the Gambian Coast, and investigate the possibility of seizing the islands of Madeira, the Canaries and the Azores as sugar plantations in the style of Venetian Crete.

    black-slaves-harvesting-sugar-cane-on-a-plantation-in-the-u-s-south-c-1800.jpg

    Slaves cutting Sugar Cane

    Genoese sailors had visited the Azores before, and an atlas from 1351 marks and labels the islands. West Africa was a valuable source of gold and slaves, and by bypassing the traditional trans-Sahara trade routes Genoa hoped to massively increase their profits and capture the market at its source.


    The Genoese expedition set sail from Genoa and arrived in the summer of that year. They made contact with the Frenchman Jean de Bethencort, self proclaimed king of the Canaries and nominal vassal of Castille, and agreed to support his subjugation of the island in exchange for the cession of a harbor and extensive estates in his kingdom. Jean renounced King Henry III and Castille and the Genoese drove off a retaliatory raid, securing him as their client king. The Genoese then made anchor at Madeira, where they imprisoned the handful of Portuguese settlers and seized the nascent colony for themselves. With the islands secured the Genoese sailed west, sailing up the Gambia and making contact with the crumbling Empire Mali, offering salt and steel in exchange for slaves and gold. In the following year brought sugar crops from Sicily slaves imported from Gambia the Genoese founded the first sugar plantation on Madeira and by 1430 the island was wholly given over to sugar production.



    This effectively ended the Venetian's monopoly, and when complaining vociferously to King Gian Maria failed to stop the Genoese the Venetians resolved to double down on their control of the Eastern Mediterranean. In 1425, one year after the Madeira colony was founded by Genoa, Venice effectively annexed the Kingdom of Cyprus and transformed the island into another plantation as a stopgap measure, and that same year they approached the Mamluk Sultan of Egypt with a proposal for a revived Canal of the Pharaohs. offering both the extensive capital of Venice and the engineering experience of Milan for the venture. The Sultan, although intrigued, balked at the costs of the venture; nevertheless he did grant the Venetians the port city of Aqaba, which rapidly became a Venetian naval base on the Red Sea, complete with its own miniature arsenal.

    440px-Port_of_Aden%2C_Yemen_from_ISS.jpg

    The Harbor at Aden, entrepot of the Orient​

    Venice long had ties with the far east. Marco Polo, of course, resided in the court of Kublai Khan during the 13th century, and in 1419 Niccolo di Conti departed from Damascus on a twenty-five year journey across the far east, reaching as far east as Malaysia. In 1421 when Zheng He sailed into Aden Venetians in the city reported it to the Republic, tantalizing the Republic with a glimpse of the far east. In the face of stiffening Genoese and Pisan competition Venice redoubled their efforts, and by 1427 they had established a trading post in Aden, from which they intended to capture the lucrative spice market for themselves. Just as Genoa had done in Granada, Venice quickly extended her influence into the Sultanate of Yemen, hijacking the centuries old Indian and Arab trade networks to dispatch envoys and trade missions thousands of miles overseas. By 1440, when Niccolo di Conti finally returned, he was astonished to find hundreds of his countrymen given over to an entire quarter of Aden, and informed that he had barely missed the departure of a formal emissary to China. News of his successful return quickly reached Venice itself, and thanks to the invention of the printing press in 1433 by a Pisan goldsmith accounts of these and other expeditions spread like wildfire across all of northern Italy.



    Merchants were not the only Italians to sail to Iberia. In 1416, Ferdinand of Aragon died, and the throne of Aragon passed to Alfonso V the Magnanimous. James I of Urgell, encouraged by Gian Galeazzo- who along with the Pope officially recognized him “as king of the Three Crowns of Catalonia and of Gothia” promptly began orchestrating an invasion, but Gian Galeazzo Visconti, despite extending extravagant promises of aid to the pretender left James I of Urgell to rot on the Catalan coast, a paltry squadron of Genoese cogs and a scarce two hundred condotierri the only aid he ever received from Italy. This was opposed strenuously by Gian Maria, who dreamed of conquering the rich lands of Catalonia ever since his great chevauchee, but Gian Galeazzo was content merely with provoking an Aragonese pretender from afar, so as to prevent the new king from even considering a reconquest of Visconti held lands.

    Alfonso-V-el-Magnanimo.jpg

    Alphonse the Magnanimous, last King of Aragon​

    James of Urgell's expedition predictably failed, and in 1422 he died from dysentery at the age of forty four, passing Toulouse and his claim to Aragon to his son Louis, so named for either the then Dauphin of France, or the fallen Angevin king. Despite possibly being named in honor of the slain Louis of Anjou, Louis of Montpelier, now styling himself King Louis I of Gothia and Aragon did not begrudge the fallen king's murderer, and in the fall of 1425 he appealed to the Visconti once more.


    Gian Maria by this time felt secure in his possessions, and with a perfect opportunity to test his newly minted army he eagerly accepted “King” Louis' appeal. By the spring of the following year he and his Legions were besieging Valencia, whilst his ally Louis of Gothia's path through the Pyrenees was greased with Lombard gold.

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    A 15th Century Cannon​

    The siege of Valencia was not the first recorded usage of cannons in Europe, but the artillery train brought by Gian Maria far exceeded anything that Europe had ever seen. In a single terrifying week more than a hundred Italian guns- the entire Royal Arsenal of Milan- brutally bombarded the Valencian walls, which “fell like sand dunes before a hurricane” to the Italians. The city promptly surrendered and was promptly sacked.



    Across the Pyrenees King Louis XI of France looked upon the Italian king with justifiable concern. Louis of Gothia was nominally his vassal, but after the Treaty of Poitiers all of Toulouse was divided from French territory by the English holdings in Aquitaine. Many attributed the fall of Valencia to Gian Maria's “devilishness” but Louis was intrigued by reports of the many guns of the Italians. Jan Zizka had humiliated Emperor Albert relying heavily on artillery, and if Louis was to restore France to her rightful place as a great power he had much to learn from them.



    In 1424, Louis' agents hired Hussite veterans and brought them to Paris. France, even ravaged by war, was a rich nation, but King Louis' antiquated financial administration could not support the ruinous costs of a standing army as readily as the supple Italian state. If he was to create a standing army he first needed to crush the last vestiges of the feudal order, and thus on 1426 he issued the Abolition of Privileges Act. In the ordinance Louis decreed that “the nobles and priests shall no longer live in France and contribute nothing to her defense.” All tax privileges were abolished; the right of execution, justice, and the raising of armies reserved for the crown and the crown alone; those nobles who remained were obligated to take up permanent residence in the royal court at Versailles, their estates inexorably absorbed by the crown as the demands of court life impoverished the lords of France. Louis imported bureaucrats from Flanders and Germany to staff a greatly expanded royal administration. These and other men were formally ennobled by their new offices- the so called nobles of the robe- and in time the landed nobility of France were almost entirely replaced by the bureaucratic class, even as the greater nobles and princes were liquidated into the royal estate. The memory of the Great Terror of 1410 and the treachery of the princes which enabled it allowed Louis to rally the people to the cause of destroying the aristocracy's political will to resist his designs. France's massive losses paradoxically aided Louis in this revolutionary endeavor- although much of the lost territory formerly belonged to the king, by eliminating first the Orleans and then the Anjou Louis expanded the royal domain more than any king since Philip Augustus, and the very compactness of what realm remained to France aided immensely in centralizing all power and authority in Paris. The “Constantinople of the West” eventually became the nerve center for a vast bureaucratic machine geared almost entirely for war.[A]



    In Aragon king Alfonso chose to march against the Goths first, but he did not expect Valencia to fall so quickly and Gian Maria stole a march on him. King Alfonso, caught between two armies, was destroyed outside Tarragona on June 1st 1426.



    Later recountings insist that Alfonso died at the hands of King Gian Maria, but this is flatly contradicted by contemporary accounts, all of which blame the unfortunate ruler's untimely demise squarely on a Swiss halberdier. Upon learning of the battle, King Albert of Hungary joked morbidly that he was “glad I had the sense not to commit to battle [in 1422], lest my crown be the third trophy to adorn the Serpent's wall.”



    Following the fall of Valencia Gian Maria began to rather grandiosely style himself as Imperator Italiae et Hispaniae. Imperator meant commander and was the rank born by generals of the Roman Republic; upon Caesar's accession he adopted the title so as to avoid trampling on the Romans' republican sensibilities, and from here did the word Emperor come to denote the rulers of Rome. Gian Maria was not ignorant of the full implications of the title- mere commander he might be, but he dreamed of Empire. The title greatly offended king of Castille, who was already understandably predisposed against Gian Maria after the Wolf murdered his cousin, and Castille marched to war.



    Gian Maria blithely compounded his problems by raiding into Navarre. Queen Blanche was the spouse of Alfonso's younger brother John II, and she had naturally supported Aragon against the invaders, an act for which Gian Maria felt compelled to punish her. Yet in attacking Navarre Gian Maria aroused the immediate ire of the English. Since the Treaty of Poitiers in 1417 Henry V viewed Navarre, like Brittany, as his vassal and client, and in attacking that mountain kingdom Gian Maria effectively declared war on his one time ally as well. Henry V promptly dispatched an army under his brother Thomas of Lancaster to Aquitaine. Thomas was tasked with “chastising” the Italians by invading their Iberian ally, the County of Toulouse. Toulouse was nominally a French fief, but in elevating Louis I to the royal dignity and entertaining his Catalan ambitions Gian Maria gave Louis XI of France a gift-wrapped excuse to wash his hands of his namesake's debacle.



    News of the English invasion sent Gian Maria into a rage, but when Louis of Gothia withdrew from Aragon and sued for terms even the Iron Serpent realized that facing the full might of England and Castille at once was an impossibility. By the mediation of Pope Eugene IV on September 11th 1427 the kingdom of Aragon was partitioned between the three powers. Catalonia went to King Louis I of Gothia, whilst Valencia- by right of conquest- went to Gian Maria. The rump of Aragon passed to King John II of Aragon and Navarre.



    The conquest of Valencia is commonly regarded as a waste of resources, “the king's vainglorious pursuit of new lands to water with royal skulls and soldiers' blood” and the subsequent expansion of English power into Iberia denounced by later historians as Gian Maria's greatest geo-political failure. “The slimy claws of Perfidious Albion” proved a major headache for Italy in the years to come. More sympathetic chroniclers point out the expansion of Gian Maria's client king Louis of Gothia as a noteworthy and long-lasting gain; Catalans, writing in later centuries, view the entire expedition as a moment of national triumph, and lament only that Valencia, Mallorca, and Provence were not “reunited with their mother country” as was Barcelona itself. For good or ill the anniversary of the Treaty of Narbonne remains a national holiday for the Gothic state, as the moment when the Catalan people definitively cast off French and Spanish “oppression” and finally took their rightful place among the community of nations.[1]



    In the south King Filippo Maria of Naples launched his own invasion, forcing the princes of Albania and Achaia to submit to him as their king. This unnerved the Venetians, who now faced a Visconti king on both sides of the Aegean, but with the cession of Durazzo, Modon and Corinth to the Republic as the price of their support, the Visconti brothers still acting in accord and the Habsburgs in Hungary and Austria greedily eyeing the Republic's Adriatic conquests they could do nothing but remain faithful to the Visconti and trust in their alliance to protect them.



    Gian Maria returned to Italy discontented, but he would not have long to have another chance at glory, for as the summer of 1427 reached its peak the newly crowned Emperor John III Paleologos arrived in Italy requesting a Crusade against the Ottomans.



    [1]As with many nationalists, the Catalans are taking a decidedly liberal view of history. The rulers of Aragon, until Martin the Elder's death in 1410, were of the House of Barcelona and themselves Catalan. Aragon was a composite and highly decentralized realm with its constituent parts enjoying substantial self governance, and the idea that Catalonia was “oppressed” by them is laughable at best, drawing upon pro-Italian propaganda and future skirmishes between Aragon itself and the Catalan kingdom.

    [A]This is somewhat inspired by what happened to Brandenburg after the Thirty Years War, aka that time Germany basically endured three decades of what I dealt the French over two years. At the start of the 17th century Brandenburg-PRussia was your typical composite dynastic state, although somewhat larger and a prince elector; by the end of that century, it had something like the 5th largest army in europe despite being 16th in population. Prussia's origin is a golden example of how social institutions, capable leadership, skilled diplomacy, and general luck can make or break a nation's rise to power.
     
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    Aut Caesar Aut Nihil
  • Aut Caesar Aut Nihil

    The Ottoman Empire began as a Turkish beylik in northwest Anatolia. When its founder Osman I died in 1324 he left his heirs a considerable portion of the Roman province of Bithynia. As the Byzantine empire collapsed into civil war in 1341 the Ottomans reduced the last remnant of Imperial territory in Anatolia, and crossed the Sea of Marmara to seize Gallipoli in 1346. The Ottomans, benefitting from their tolerant and effective administration and the fragmentation of the Greeks and the Serbs rapidly expanded, and after defeating the Hungarian crusaders under King Ladislaus in the Battle of Nicopolis in 1396 and subsequently annexing Bulgaria, they had by the time of Tamerlane's invasion of 1402 had conquered effectively all of the southern Balkans and Anatolia.

    300px-Osman_I_area_map.PNG

    The Ottoman Beylik's initial expansion​

    The Battle of Ankara ruined the Ottomans. The great Sultan Beyezid saw his army destroyed, and he himself was captured. Bayezid himself died in Tamerlane's captivity and his sons tore the empire apart in a decade long civil war, costing the Ottomans much of Anatolia and Serbia and southern Greece. If the peoples of the Balkans thought the Empire destroyed, however, they were sorely mistaken. Upon killing his brother at the Battle of Camurlu Mehmed Celebi defeated his brother and crowned himself Mehmed I. By the time of his death in 1421 Mehmed had expanded from his base in the Pontic coast to reclaim all of Greece and western Anatolia. His son Murad II faced an insurrection by the pretender Mustafa Celebi, released by Emperor Manuel II to sow chaos in the Ottoman Sultanate, for which the Turks besieged Constantinople unsuccessfully in 1422 and seizing the city of Thessalonika from the Empire in 1424.[A] Murad overcame the pretender and annexed the remaining Turkish beyliks in Western Anatolia, then went to war against Serbia, Hungary, and the Karamanid Emirate.



    Italy's crusade was well timed indeed. Gian Maria quickly accepted Emperor John Paleiologos' appeal and announced his intention "to do battle with the Turk in the name of Christ." News of the Crusade spread across Europe, and men filtered across the Alps. King Albert himself lent Gian Maria “fifteen hundred knights and the promise of an invasion of Ottoman Serbia.” The German Kaiser had little love for Gian Maria but the opportunity to strike at the Ottomans was too great an opportunity for him to ignore, and as Roman Emperor and King of Hungary it would be impolitic for him to remain on the sidelines as his Italian rival marched against the heathens.



    Gian Maria Visconti sailed from Venice on April 19th 1428, accompanied the full strength of the Black Legions, and an additional force of “Swiss mercenaries and German volunteers” which all told numbered perhaps at most twenty five thousand strong. He met his brother's army in Athens on June 4th 1428- combined with the Duke's forces, and the Venetian marines, the army numbered almost forty thousand men. A Hungarian-Imperial army of eighteen thousand crossed the Danube into Serbia later that month; King Ferdinand of Poland marshaled his forces for a campaign in Dobruja but was delayed by a pagan revolt in Samigotia and ultimately failed to join the Crusade.



    The Sultan Murad, recognizing the severity of the Latin offensive, made a quick end to his campaign against the Karamanids, extracting from the emir a pledge to “maintain peace while he defended himself against the infidels.” Thus freed of all threat to his east he moved quickly from Anatolia into Europe, but ran into trouble when his forces attempted to cross the Sea of Marmara. A combined Italo-Venetian navy fell upon his transports in the middle of the crossing, sweeping aside the defending Turkish fleet “and drowning many thousands of Saracens in the Bosphorus.” Among the dead were a full thousand elite Janissaries of the Sultan's guard, and a considerable portion of the Sultan's artillery.



    The sultan, surveying the crisis in the Balkans, decided on a southern strategy. Serbia was largely peripheral to the Empire, but Greece... he was the Sultan of Rum; to lose Greece, or even Rumelia- and this alone could be the target of the Italians presently massing in Athens- would cripple the empire. Tamerlane's invasion, after all, had done no harm to the Empire's European holdings, and it was from this power base that the Ottoman Empire eventually reclaimed what it had lost.


    Consequently the two most powerful armies in the world- under the command of the two greatest warrior-kings of their age- met at the small town of Karitza, in the shadow of Mount Olympus.



    The subsequent “clash of civilizations” is so heavily mythologized that even after centuries of titanic investigation it remains impossible to separate fact from fiction.


    It is generally agreed that Gian Maria- fearing the ottoman guns- deployed his infantry into armored columns, with the intention of rapidly advancing against the Turks and punching a hole through their lines. This was a very risky strategy- cannons were in the 15th century notoriously inaccurate, but by presenting a deep and narrow formation to the Turks Gian Maria exposed his army to enfilading fire from the deadly Ottoman Janissaries and their artillery. If his own troops wavered in their advance, or the Ottoman gunners got lucky in their barrage, his army might rapidly unravel and be subsequently destroyed; the Iron Serpent of Lombardy placed his faith in the discipline of his men, for if they could brave the enemy fire and close to engage in melee the heavily armored and dense formations would “roll over the lightly armored Saracens like cannons against a wooden wall.”


    Mehmed in contrast deployed his forces largely on the defensive. The Italians had an edge in overall number of artillery emplacements, but Mehmed had the edge in quality; in regards to the infantry the situation was reversed, the elite Janissaries vastly outnumbered by lightly armored Ghazis and Christian auxiliaries forcibly conscripted from the Empire's Balkan territories, whereas Gian Galeazzo's Black Legions were heavily armed and obsessively drilled “in the style of the Swiss and the Hussites.” The Ottomans, like many oriental nations, favored cavalry over infantry, although the heirs to Osman exploited gunpowder both with their musketeers and artillery. The losses in the Bosporus cost Mehmed greatly, but even reduced by the Italian naval action his heavier cannon significantly outranged and outgunned their Italian counterparts, as Gian Maria- favoring lighter pieces as part of a general doctrine of aggressive maneuver- had far too few heavy guns to contest the Ottomans at longer range. The general distrust of armor owed itself as much to climate as to culture- as the Crusaders discovered, heavy armor proved debilitating in the hot weather of Syria and Anatolia. By placing his army athwart the Christian advance Mehmed hoped to counter the Italian armor and force the crusaders to exhaust themselves on the attack. The Italians had sworn to drive the Ottomans from Europe, and so they must dislodge the Turks from their entrenched position at Karitza or die in the attempt.

    On the dawn of June Gian Maria committed to attack, “trusting in Almighty God to grant him victory as He had willed in all the king's previous battles.” The columns advanced, screened by light hussars from Albania, Hungary, and Serbia, and Gian Maria's own mounted Crossbowmen, primarily from Genoa. As a last minute improvisation Gian Maria gave some of his spare mounts to the most talented of his Lombard arquibusiers, inadvertently presaging the emergence of Royal Dragoons in the decades to follow. The Italians advanced quickly, what few heavy artillery pieces they had ordered to engage in a concentrated counter-battery fire against their Ottoman counterparts. The king feared the Ottoman artillery above all else- even the Janissaries- and even though his columns had integrated light guns “in the Hussite style” if they could not close quickly they risked utter annihilation from the barrels of the Ottoman cannons.

    Within an hour of their assault the Italian advance met with disaster. An unlucky (or lucky, from the Turkish perspective) strike by Ottoman gunnery destroyed the sergeants of the rightmost column, killing dozens of their men and panicking the rest. The column- composed largely of fresh trainees- quickly unraveled, threatening the integrity of the entire right flank. Sensing weakness Murad gave the fateful order for a general advance, abandoning his pre-prepared positions in order to seize upon the vulnerable Italians and rout them from the field entirely. Gian Maria in response ordered the Neapolitan cavalry to charge the advancing Ottomans, purchasing with their lives vital minutes with which to allow his infantry to redeploy, and this they accomplished at great cost to themselves. Gian Maria had saved his army but at the cost of the his brother's cavalry, who henceforth would play no role in the decisive battle.

    The Italian columns, incredibly, maintained good order and rapidly redeployed from columns to staggered lines in preparation for the oncoming Ottoman advance. To the “dreadful cries of the Saracens” the Italians met with appeals to “the Virgin Mary, St Ambrose, St Mark, St Stephen and countless others as suited their personal faith.” The Ottoman wave broke against the steel pikes of the Italian host and the battle devolved into a general melee.

    Melee combat, especially the dreaded push of pike between Swiss pike blocks, resolved on many factors, chief among them which force would break first- not for nothing did the Greeks give the goddess of fear- Phobos- dominion over the battlefield; whichever force broke ranks first usually lost the battle entirely. Many other factors besides morale played a role- discipline, unit cohesion, training, experience, the equipment of the troops. In the dreadful struggle of 1428 the Italians held a decisive advantage in the armor of the Swiss, the light guns “which tore great gaping wounds in the Saracens' ranks” and the fanatical discipline and unit cohesion of the Italian Legions; perhaps, the simple disparity in equipment gave them the edge, the bristling hedgehog of Swiss trained pikemen significantly outranging the spar-armed soldiers of the Ottomans, even as their armor defended them from the Turks' swords and arrows.


    Regardless of the exact cause the general melee ultimately swung decisively in the Italians' favor, and Murad, in a last ditch gambit to salvage his army committed the Ottoman reserve under his own personal command. The powerful Turkish cavalry smashed into the exhausted Italian right flank, and no amount of training or discipline or religious zeal could save the weary soldiers from annihilation. In their death throes, however, the Italians provided Gian Maria the perfect opportunity, for he too had retained a cavalry force as a mobile reserve. Observing the Sultan's charge Gian Maria waited impassivley as his men died in their hundreds, their bodies becoming an obstacle for the Turks. Only once the Turkish charge began to peter out, blunted by the sheer mass of the Italian right, did Gian Maria commit. “To the general cry of DEUS VULT the King advanced with his knights, falling upon the Sultan and his guard with the full fury of the Roman race.”


    Traditional accounts claim that Gian Maria “inexorably carved his way to Murad, slaying two Turks with every swing of his sword.” Contemporary sources insist that “the king smote Murad with his lance,” though this might refer to the reserve cavalry force itself, which in Roman style was referred to as “a lance of cavalry.” Later accounts insist that the king had received the Holy Lance of Longinus from the Byzantine Emperor, and that “he smote the heathen king with the same spear which had pierced the side of Christ Jesus.” In the general melee Gian Maria is said to have come within moments of death: “as he raised his sword for the killing blow against Murad,” recalls one chronicler, “his loyal retainer turned the blade and saved the king's life.” This is almost word for word a copy of the account of Alexander the Great and his companion Cleitus at the Battle of the Granicus and modern historian unanimously dismiss it as a later embellishment. In truth by the Sultans' demise the Ottoman army was already crumbling. As Gian Maria had anticipated a general melee was resolved in his favor, and the Ottomans were inexorably overcome in a long, brutal, yet unambiguous victory.


    Mehmeds death proved to be a blow from which the Ottomans would never recover. Three decades before, the death of Beyezid triggered an Ottoman Civil War; now, with the empire assaulted on all sides and the throne of Osman passed to a boy of ten, civil war was the least of the empire's problems. In the wake of Karitsa Gian Maria pressed the attack, and after a bloody assault the Ottoman capital of Adrianople fell to the Crusaders on July 4th 1428; the young Sultan Ahmad and his younger brother Alaeddin were put to death. Thus ended the line of Osman and with them the Ottoman Empire.



    Amidst the general chaos of the Ottoman collapse the Sultan Ibrahim II Bey of Karaman reached out to the crusaders for an anti Ottoman alliance. What use did they have for Anatolia, after all? The Latins had set out to destroy the Ottoman menace and drive the Turks from Europe, and in both tasks they had succeeded beyond their wildest dreams. Italy had no further interest in Anatolia, or so it seemed to the Karamanids. Gian Maria, however, was in no mood for any heathen alliances nor for compromise, and to the delight of Emperor Michael and the dismay of his brother and the Venetians Gian Maria demanded the complete and total submission of Karaman and all the peoples of western Anatolia to the secular and spiritual authority of Rome. When the Karamanid ambassador attempted to dissemble Gian Maria ordered their execution, ostensibly against supposed attempts to spy on his forces but probably because the hapless Turks piqued the King's temper, and over the strenuous objections of his allies Gian Maria crossed into Anatolia on July 15th 1428. His army- their mission complete- might well have balked at this reckless venture, but after Karitza “if the king had ordered them to march into hell the army would have thrown themselves into the inferno in their haste to strike at the devil” and supported him unquestioningly. By the beginning of August the Karamanid capital of Iconium was destroyed, and this was but the beginning of Gian Maria's rampage across Anatolia and the Near East. Germiyan and Mentese also declared their independence following the Ottomans' destruction and Gian Maria's demand for utter capitulation met with equal consternation in these beyliks, but they were even less able to resist the Iron Serpent than the Karamanids, and after subjugating Asia Minor Gian Maria struck east, destroying the Germiyan and routing the Mentese-Karamanid alliance in August 1428. Ibrahim, the last sultan of Karaman, fled before “the Italian White Death” and Gian Maria pursued him relentlessly. On September 14th his army crossed into the territory of the Sultanate of Dulkadir, who refused to surrender the Karamanid emir and responded to the Italian invasion with traditional Turkish tactics of skirmish and hit-and-run raids against the Italian camp. The unyielding discipline of Gian Maria's troops proved vital to their continued success, as they outright ignored all the many provocations by the Turks- who “fought like a swarm of bees, seeking to enrage the Italians and provoke them into breaking formation”- and the corpses left in their wake. Ultimately Dulkadir was utterly unable to deflect the mailed fist of Italy and the capital of Erbistan was sacked on October 1st 1428, the house of Dulkadir “destroyed down to the last babe.” The Karamanid Sultan escaped Gian Maria's wrath once again, prompting the king in a fit of rage to order the entire town of Erbistan to be razed to the ground, its population slaughtered “down to babes at the breast” by the vengeful Visconti. As for Ibrahim himself: he crossed the Taurus mountains into Syria, barely slowing long enough to take a ship from Egypt and fleeing first to Aden and thence to India “so that he could place a thousand leagues of open water between himself and the Italian Alexander." The Sultan in exile eventually took up service in the Sultanate of Malacca, dying in 1454- according to legend, because a Venetian merchant “was mistaken [by Ibrahim] for the White Death, and caused him to die from the fear that the bane of the Turks had somehow found him in his exile.” Gian Maria remained ignorant of Ibrahim's fate, and drew up plans for a full scale invasion of the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt.

    It remains uncertain just how far Gian Maria intended to march when he first set out from Italy. Certainly, he intended to utterly destroy the Ottomans- a feat neither Tamerlane nor Emperor Sigismund had accomplished. Yet the sheer magnitude of his success seems to have kindled the flames of his ambition higher than ever before. After settling in Sis for the winter- and thereafter adding “Prince of Cilicia” to his ever growing list of titles- Gian Maria turned to the local Armenians, training them in the Swiss style as Italian auxiliaries. When he attempted to follow through on his planned of Syria however his army revolted. They had reached the Taurus Mountains, destroying not only the Ottomans but all the Turks of Anatolia, and they would go no further. Gian Maria “threatened eternal damnation and hellish punishment” but could not convince his soldiers to march even a foot beyond Cilicia and thus grudgingly settled in to Sis for the winter.

    Gian Maria was not a man to admit defeat, however, and in his desperation for la gloire he even resorted to that most dangerous of all weapons- diplomacy. Throughout the quiet winter of 1428 minstrels sang incessantly of Baldwin and the Crusades; the army's priests and chaplains reminded the soldiers that to reclaim the Holy City “would bring the glad eyes of the Lord and his blessings upon them;" Venetian merchants and Armenian scouts spoke glowingly of the wealth of Damascus and Antioch; the king's soldiers “heard lurid tales of the unending wealth of the Nile, whose sultan garbed his servants as kings and his slaves with golden chains”. Gian Maria made a direct appeal to his men, boasting of the wealth and glory they would win if they conquered the Levant: “follow me in the east as you did in the west,” he pleaded to his army, “follow me once more to victory, and our names shall live forever.” When Gian Maria Visconti departed Sis in March his army “zealous in their faith in God and the King” were united in their obedience. “Upon crossing the Taurus mountains the king exclaimed that he would either reclaim the kingdom of God or topple Satan in Hell.” With the spontaneous declaration of “Aut Caesar aut nihil”- Caesar or nothing- Gian Maria Visconti crossed into Syria on January 15th 1429, riding hard for Jerusalem.



    [A]OTL the Venetians, under a rather bizarre bit of opportunism, took control of the city and futilely attempted to hold it for an eight year siege. TTL Venice is focusing her efforts on pushing through Egypt and Arabia and doesn't feel the inclination to tangle with the Ottomans over a doomed city.





    I must confess that actually describing battles are a pain in the ass. In general I assume that the respective commanders aren't blithering idiots except when explicitly noted before hand, and I endeavor to make their actions and tactics seem reasonable in light of their own perspectives, goals, and available resources and information. Medieval battles were comparatively rare- as the saying goes, it takes two to tango. If a general didn't like the looks of an engagement (as with Albert in Tirol ITTL) they generally refused to engage and turned to negotiation or raiding or attacking something else or at a different time and place (see: albert making peace, with the intention to come back for round two when he beat the Poles... except the Poles had Jan Sizka and he never got the chance). Part of Gian Maria's brilliance is his tendency to quickly seize upon something that an enemy must defend (attack what an enemy must defend, or something like that, I forget the exact quote), establishes himself on favorable ground and provokes his enemy to dislodge him on decidedly unfavorable terms- see: the Rhone, Brenner Pass, Innsbruck. In the Great Turkish GM first encounters a scenario where this tactic doesn't work and is forced to improvise against an enemy who can afford to stay on the defensive. Two major aspects of war are chaos- “no plan survives contact with the enemy”- and information (and misinformation). The greatest of generals can yet be defeated if he doesn't know his enemy, or if (as with Alfonso dramatically underestimating how long Valencia could hold out against the Italians) they are working from bad intel/assumptions; when that happens then they're in trouble no matter how competent they are supposed to be.
     
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    In the shadow of Alexander
  • In the Shadow of Alexander

    News of Gian Maria's advance met with equal consternation in Cairo as in Constantinople. Filippo did not begrudge his brother's schemes- and they did have claim to Jerusalem, as the Papal legate reminded him, which may have persuaded him to dispatch half of his cavalry- fifteen hundred knights- to reinforce his wayward brother. He also negotiated the partition of Turkish Territory. By the Treaty of Constantinople, the Venetians gained all the remaining Genoese colonies, Athens, Corinth, and Gallipoli. the Marquis of Montferrat abdicated his holdings in Italy and received the Kingdom of Thessalonika. Serbia and Walachia became Hungarian protectorates, the latter also gaining Dobruja, while Bulgaria was recognized by all as a free and independent kingdom as a buffer between the Italian and Hungarian sphere of influence. For recognizing Latin gains in the west Emperor John VIII gained not only Adrianople and Philippolis in Thrace but all of Asia Minor and Bythinia.


    The Venetians were aghast. They had joined to destroy the expansionist Ottomans, not to attack their protectorate, and loudly insisted that they would have no part in the harebrained scheme. Unbeknownst to the Italians Venice's ambassadors- presently in the middle of delicate negotiations with the Sultan Barsbay- warned the Mamluk king of the oncoming invasion. Barsbay thanked the Venetians and imprisoned all of their merchants and ambassadors, along with all other Latins in the realm, to prevent them from spying. The Venetians did indeed spy on Egypt's disposition, though they used the local Copts to do so when their agents were barred. The Sultan rode forth with all the strength of the Mamluks to meet the invaders.


    Gian Maria took Antioch on March 14th 1431, and marched south along the coast, resupplied by Genoese galleys. He met the Sultan along the coasts of Lebanon. Accounts for the battle are scarce, but it seems that the Sultan attempted to lure the Italians away with a feigned withdrawal. Gian Maria was by now well versed in the tactic, however, and the Italians held firm, “the fury of their guns killing many horses and provoking the Mamluks into attack.” Thus on May 8th 1431 Barsbay of Egypt became the fifth and final ruler to perish at the hands of Gian Maria Visconti.


    In the wake of this victory the Venetians promptly changed their tune. Revealing all they knew of Egypt and professing congratulations for the king's valor they insisted that they had been praying for his victory all along. From his brother Gian Maria received more substantial support, and the Neapolitan reinforcements gave his army a new lease on life. After taking Damascus in September the weary Crusaders, summoning the last of their strength “and marching with the mad fervor of martyrdom in their eyes” crossed into Palestine and approached the Holy City. The Mamluk governor, fearing what might befall the City of God if “the Iron Snake of Romania should seize it by force” agreed to terms, and in exchange for a pledge that he would do no injury to the people or the holy places, be they Christian or Muslim yielded Jerusalem without a fight. On Christmas Eve 1431 Gian Maria Visconti rode into Jerusalem and crowned himself in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher.



    In the wake of Barsbay's death Cairo descended into civil war, but by November the new Mamluk sultan was rallying his forces for a new assault. News of Damascus' fall reached him, however, and he decided to sue for terms, offering all of Syria and a massive indemnity if the Latins would depart in peace. This was naturally unacceptable to Gian Maria who insisted on “all the lands of the Orient” being placed under his dominion.


    Gian Maria, impatient with the Sultan's dithering, dispatched several hundred horsemen to raid Egypt itself. Although they could do little against the cities of the Nile the raid panicked the Sultan, who thought it presaged a full invasion. He immediately agreed to everything Gian Maria had demanded and more: ceding all of Syria and Palestine to Italy and paying a massive ransom for the remnants of his kingdom. Venetian diplomats extricated themselves admirably from Egypt's ruin and secured not only Aqaba but Damietta for the Republic of St Mark.



    For “abandoning” his supposedly inevitable invasion of Egypt Gian Maria received additionally “the ransom of a hundred kings, enough gold to craft an army, enough silk to enclose all of Milan.” The Iron Serpent received silks, spices, slaves, sugar, silver and gold and pearls and gems and the pelts of great beasts; twenty tusks of the finest ivory, a marble bust of the god Apollo dating from the reign of Alexander; four live elephants, a lion, thirty hawks, and a hundred Arabian horses.



    Over the course of two years, the Italian soldiers had crossed over a thousand miles of hostile territory. They had fought in ten battles against half a dozen realms, besieged and conquered “all the cities of Asia and Syria;” between battlefield losses, enemy raids, sieges, disease, desertions, drownings, dehydration and all of the many calamities which might befall an army in enemy territory the twenty thousand crusaders which had set out from Venice numbered just shy of eleven thousand upon their entry into Jerusalem, having endured an incredible 45% losses without losing cohesion or abandoning their general. “With the Great Crusade,” wrote one chronicler, “the name Gian Maria Visconti entered the annals of military history alongside Alexander of Macedon and Hannibal of Carthage, for only exceptional men could inspire men to such herculean feats of arms.” He had destroyed the Ottomans, and dealt the Mamluks a blow from which they would never recover.



    Gian Maria's military triumph came with a personal victory as well, for on October 14th 1432 his son and heir Gian Galeazzo II was born.



    The jubilant king celebrated his son's birth with a massive festival. Gian Maria, conqueror of Jerusalem, Iron Serpent of Milan, would never have believed on that joyful day that within a year he would be dead.



    Within the year Gian Maria followed his triumph with an invasion of Tripoli. His army, victorious over the Ottomans and the Mamluks was irresistible, and the coast of Libya and Tunisia rapidly fell into his hands and he forced the Hafsid emirate to become his vassal and cede the city of Carthage itself as an Italian protectorate.



    Joan of Arc had arrived in Italy with the intention to take up the banner of the Crusade. She arrived too late to do battle in Jerusalem, but managed to secure passage to Africa, where she participated in Gian Maria's conquests. Joan distinguished herself admirably, but given her history it was inevitable that she and Gian Maria would clash, and on April 30th 1433, as Gian Maria was inspecting his troops she rushed forward from the mass of bodies and struck him in the face with her blade.



    The King's bodyguard rapidly struck Joan dead “and were perplexed to find the traitor a woman” but it was too late for Gian Maria, who died in Carthage on May 14th 1433.



    For fifteen tumultuous years, Gian Maria Visconti ruled Italy with an iron fist, and the kingdom spent nearly all of those years at war. Vilified by the Germans, hated by the French, despised by his subjects and murdered by one of his own soldiers, Gian Maria Visconti fought half a hundred battles across three continents and two decades and emerged victorious every time. To this day he remains a deeply controversial figure, even within Italy itself. “The Italian Alexander”, to some, “the Italian Tamerlane” to others; “in the Iron Serpent the Roman virtue of Italy was reborn,” effused one contemporary, “he drove out the Germans, destroyed the Turks, subjugated the Spanish and avenged a thousand years of humiliation at the hands of the barbarians.” Another account resoundingly damns him, “slaughter of babes, despoiler of cities, destroyer of nations, murderer of kings, and enemy of all justice and decency! May he burn in the deepest pits of Hell!” Both came from the same man: the archbishop of Bologna. Gian Maria Visconti conquered broad swathes of the Mediterranean world, leading the heirs to the Romans once more on a quest to make that ancient sea their own; even if his empire did not endure beyond his death, in the wake of his victories Italy was given a measure of national self confidence. No longer would she pay obeisance to the memory of Charlemagne and Otto the Great; the shameful memory of century after century of invasion and internal division were forever cleansed in a massive burst of blood and slaughter.



    Gian Maria's epitaph in Pavia reads as follows:

    Here lies Gian Maria Visconti, King of Jerusalem and Caesar of Italy;
    feared by all, vanquished by none; slain by a woman.
    Let his name and deeds be remembered.
     
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    The Best Laid Plans
  • The Best Laid Plans

    Visconti Map.png

    Europe and its environs at the death of Gian Maria in late 1433​

    Gian Maria's death left his vast estates in the hands of his son Gian Galeazzo II, promptly acclaimed and coronated "king of Sardinia, Corsica, Valencia, Mallorca, Sicily and Grand Duke of Lombardy, Italy, and Provence" in the duomo of Milan on June 9th 1433. The regency- and control over the kingdom- hinged on who held the the person of the two year old monarch. Two factions vied for dominance- the Savoyards, under the Dowager Queen Giovanna of Savoy and her father Duke Amadeus VIII of Savoy (since his cousin's death in 1418 the ruler of Turin and Piedmont as well), and the Sicilians, under King Filippo Maria of Naples. Duke Amadeus retired and abdicated the government of his territories to his son and heir Ludovico.



    Filippo Maria was in Palermo when news of his brother's murder filtered north. Crucially his position gave him a few days' warning over the Savoy, and he immediately rushed to Lombardy with whatever men he had on hand. Gian Maria's campaigns had made the prospect of his violent demise an eminent possibility, and Filippo himself had many friends in the north, greatest of whom was Cosimo de Medici, head of the powerful Medici family of Florence and in 1433 the forty four year old chair of the Bank of St Ambrose. Cosimo's son Piero, now sixteen, had married Filippo Maria's bastard daughter Valentina in 1429, as her father made his preparations for the Crusade. Cosimo came to respect the calm and clever Filippo, whose frugal and pragmatic tenure easily established a working relationship between him and the merchant classes similar to that of his father Gian Galeazzo. Filippo's heavy involvement in Milanese politics, the careful encroachment of Sicilian partisans and Florentine coin in the Lombard capital, and the surprisingly rapid ascension of Sicilian power in the north have led some to suggest that the two were in 1433 scheming to assassinate Gian Maria and seize the regency for Gian Galeazzo II for themselves, but neither were foolish enough to leave any incriminating evidence behind for posterity and Gian Maria's murder scuppered any possible plans.


    Opposing Filippo Maria in support of the Dowager Queen were “The Signore Diadochi” the great captains of Gian Maria: the Malatesta, the Terzi, the Rossi, and new names, new men who distinguished themselves and caught Gian Maria's eye. Perhaps the most famous of these was the Crusader Albert of Chur, a Swiss commander who was knighted by the king after Lodi and commanded the foot at the battle of Karitza. Albert had risen quickly under Gian Maria's favor, and shared his king's opinion of his brother- that he was a cowardly snake, if a useful one. More significantly Albert feared- like the rest of the captains- that the famously frugal and un-warlike Filippo would end the largesse they enjoyed under Gian Maria, and viewed the long regency as a means of becoming de facto rulers of Lombardy.


    Gian Maria's death in Carthage provided a decisive advantage for Filippo- the captains and the bulk of their supporters were with the late king in Africa, and Filippo Maria controlled the seas. The new regent delayed retrieving the stranded Black Legion for nearly a year, protesting that the Legion was needed to secure Africa in the face of a Hafsid reconquest, and in the meantime seized the capital with his followers. Giovanna herself absconded to Savoy with the young king and as much of the treasury as she could carry, although in truth there was not much to take. Gian Maria's warmongering had left his finances in perilous condition, even as state revenues were greater than ever. Filippo himself could not trust the Black Legion but neither was he immediately willing to destroy them- calling the Legion “the only good idea my brother ever had”- and so long as he could secure the treasury there would be men among them who could overcome their disdain for the Sicilian serpent.


    In Italy Filippo Maria sold Belluno and Vicenza to the Republic of Venice, in order to pay off his brother's debts and recoup the gold stolen by the Savoy. Both territories were rather peripheral to Italian interests, and by strengthening Venice Filippo Maria hoped additionally to create a useful buffer against Austria. The cash was then put to use employing a new Swiss company. The Lord Regent then reached out to the condotierri Enrico Malatesta in Africa, offering him his daughter Anna Maria and full command of the Legion in exchange for betraying his comrades. As the legions crossed the Mediterranean Albert and his fellows were fallen upon by the Malatesta and cast overboard. Upon arriving in Italy, however, Filippo promptly betrayed Enrico and had him hanged as a traitor. He then installed his own Sicilian and Albanian officers in the echelons of the Legion, and gave total command to his own condotierri- chief among them Francesco Brussoni, a veteran of Lodi and the Great Turkish War- and divided it into two groups- one cohort to garrison Innsbruck, another to garrison Carthage, both far removed from Milan and its politics. Filippo's own mercenaries- far less attached to Gian Maria and his son- then marched into Savoy, annexing the county entirely and retrieving the wayward king and his mother. One might have expected the prince to meet with an unfortunate accident- this was the fear that motivated Giovanna to flight- but it must be remembered that Gian Galeazzo II was not only Filippo Maria's nephew but also his heir, for in 1433 he had no legitimate sons of his body. Consequently the two year old was quickly betrothed to his first cousin Valentina, Filippo's youngest daughter, and formally acknowledged as the heir to the united Visconti dominions. The loss of so many skilled officers may have secured Italy but it also meant the loss of valuable leadership experience and Italy would suffer for it soon enough.


    Gian Maria was not the only significant death of 1433. As King Filippo Maria was consolidating his grip on Lombardy, Duke Philip I of Brabant breathed his last in Antwerp at the relatively young age of forty-seven. With his death died the Brabantian branch of the House of Valois-Burgundy, and the unstable peace in the Low Countries. Duke Henry's only son Philip died from a hunting accident at age fourteen, leaving the duchy to pass to his sister, the Duchess Margaret I of Brabant, currently betrothed to Duke Henry of Holland and Hainaut. By the marriage treaty forced upon them by King Henry V of England, if Duke Philip died without legitimate male heirs then Brabant would pass to Margaret, thus unifying Holland, Hainaut and Brabant under the younger house of Lancaster.

    Philip_the_good.jpg

    Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy​

    The succession was immediately contested by Duke Philip of Burgundy, also Count of Flanders, who invaded Brabant in order press his claim. Duke Philip was supported by his royal cousin King Louis XI of France, just as Duke Humphry sought the aid of his oldest brother, King Henry V of England. Fifteen years after the Peace of Poitiers England and France were once again at war.



    Henry dispatched his brother Thomas, the duke of Clarence, to Calais with an English army. By the Treaty of Poitiers English Picardy had been enlarged nearly thirty miles inland, and from this heavily fortified position Henry intended to conquer all of Picardy. If this could be accomplished then Flanders would be isolated from France and quickly overrun; at a single stroke Henry might secure all of the Low Countries for the House of Lancaster.



    Louis marched from Paris and met the English at Arras on June 19th, 1433, presently under siege. Thomas was confident of his success. His army was larger, his commanders veterans from Henry's wars a decade prior, and the French had proven time and again to be their own worst enemy. As the last morning mists burned away Prince Thomas was treated to an unsettlingly novel sight- the French army deployed, not in columns or in lines but in great ungainly blocks, a “veritable forest of pikes” checkered like squares on a chessboard. Louis' army contained many Hussite officers on lease from his Polish ally King Frederick as well as a smattering of Swiss, French and German officers from the Crusades, and Louis himself had integrated lessons of both armies and drilled the French soldiers relentlessly in the fields outside Paris. Jan Sizka had proved the power of the gun, Gian Maria had shown the strength of the pike, and Louis now combined them both in the first organized deployment of pike and shot on the continent.



    Thomas ignored his misgivings and ordered his men to battle, trusting his fabled longbowmen to overwhelm the massed French foot and his siege lines to repel them if they did. The French, however, largely shrugged off the English barrage and advanced with the inexorable force of a tidal wave. Louis' artillery opened a hole in the English defenses and by the end of the day Thomas and the majority of his army were dead.



    Arras proved a major upset to foreign monarchs, most of whom expected another English victory and naturally were quite shocked that the French should have the gall to win for once. The Duchess Jacqueline fainted on hearing of her brother-in-law's demise, while King Frederick of Poland remarked dryly that “while the English king had an army, the French army had a king.”



    Louis swiftly followed up his victory by besieging Calais on June 22nd and after seizing Hainaut in July a combined Franco-Burgundian army drove Duke Humphrey from Brabant. The advance faltered in Holland, as the Dutch broke their levies and flooded the countryside, effectively rendering their cities islands. Louis thus turned south, advancing quickly into Aquitaine. The French defeated an Anglo-Breton army south of Angers and after a grueling four month siege Louis triumphantly entered into Poitiers on October 4th 1433. By the end of the year it seemed as if Louis might effect a complete reconquest of the south.


    charles-vii-the-victorious-2221403-2271461-king-of-france-1422-1461-bb5t6r.jpg

    Louis XI's triumphal entry into Poitiers​


    It was at this point that Emperor Albert the Magnanimous chose to intervene. Like the Luxemburgs before him Albert of Austria decided to intercede personally between his two powerful neighbors. Albert himself had no marriage ties to the Lancaster kings of England, but he viewed the English as a valuable counterweight to Italian power in the west and an obstacle to further French encroachments on the Rhineland, and feared for the stability of the Imperial frontier should England be driven from the continent as Louis seemed about to accomplish.


    By the Treaty of Poitiers, Henry V of England and his ally Duke Humphrey were forced to acknowledge Duke Philip of Burgundy as the ruler of Brabant, forever renouncing any claim over the duchy and cede the county of Hainaut to Brabant as well. England was also required to cede both Poitiers and Auvergne to France as the price of peace, and additionally pay a significant ransom for English prisoners taken by Louis on his campaign.


    Louis' conquests ensured that the French would forever remember Louis' reign as a period of national exultation. The conquest of Poitiers, coming so soon after Gian Maria's death and the English defeat at Arras, seemed all at once to expunge the shameful debacle of two decades before. “Poitiers was humiliation, defeat, degradation at the hands of les Anglois and les Italiennes,” a French diplomat explained to his Austrian counterpart, “In 1433 both were destroyed by the efforts of God and King; now Poitiers was victory, glory, triumph over our assailants and the recovery of the honor and dignity of France.” King Louis himself had a different perspective- the king had won a great victory, but complained that it was not as decisive as it should have been, and he excoriated Albert in his journal. “The Germans have robbed me of my triumph,” he railed bitterly, “all the South lay before me, and now forever out of my reach!” Further disappointment over failed ambitions followed when Philip of Burgundy ceded Burgundy to Louis and took up permanent residence at Antwerp. For his support Louis had demanded Philip cede either Burgundy or Flanders to the king as both were French fiefs, undoubtedly hoping that Philip would chose his ancestral lands over Flanders itself. Philip, however, proved his far-sightedness when he chose instead to consolidate his hold on the Low Countries. Louis attempted to force the issue by occupying the Free County of Burgundy but Emperor Albert again interceded to thwart him, this time at Philip's personal request.



    The Battle of Arras eliminated any lingering doubts that “the Italian model” was the future of warfare. Already king Frederick of Poland had organized his regiments in the French style, utilizing the veterans of the Hussite Wars- including the venerable Jan Zizka, now nearly seventy- and French observers from Louis' army. France and Poland drew ever closer by the friendship of their kings and the cooperation of their officers, and Frederick sealed his newfound alliance by marrying Louis' daughter the Princess Margaret of Nevers in 1433. Frederick proved a capable and energetic ruler, and although he could not curb the powerful Lithuanian and Polish nobility (outside of Prussia, Poznan and Krakow, where he used settlers from Brandenburg to establish a contingent of royal knights to undergird his regime) and did not waste effort in trying to do so. Instead he cleverly exploited the Hussite conflicts to strip most of the local magnates of their lands and turn Bohemia into a stronghold for royal power, centering his regime on the wealthy city of Legnica in Silesia, which soon became the de facto capital of Hohenzollern Poland.


    England too learned from Arras, and Henry devoted the rest of the decade to establishing a “Louisan Army” from the aging veterans and yeomen retainers of his army; the next French invasion of Aquitaine would meet with much stiffer resistance.


    Of all the great powers only Austria failed to reform her military. This was not for lack of trying- Albert was no fool and he clearly saw the danger in being bracketed by Italy on the one hand and Poland on the other. Yet Hungary, although far from poor, was a thoroughly rural nation, given over to the rule of powerful landed magnates, all of whom jealously guarded their privileges, and the Habsburgs' estates in Austria suffered greatly from Gian Maria's conquests, as Tirol especially (but also Further Austria, including the Breisgau in southern Alsace) were easily among the most valuable Habsburg lands and their loss crippled the Emperor's finances. Although Albert- a fairly capable and august ruler, and additionally a successful Crusader after 1430- was popular, his gains in Serbia could not convince the Magyar nobles to surrender their much cherished rights. His costly failures in Germany further weakened his position, and when in 1433 he was presented with an ultimatum he had no choice but to abandon the project. By the Golden Charter of 1433 Albert effectively alienated the royal power of taxation and reaffirmed the rights of the Hungarians to maintain and raise their soldiers at the behest of the king. By legend, Albert, upon signing the charter, allegedly remarked that “it was the death warrant of Hungary and the doom of your dynasties.” Albert himself died not long after the charter was signed, passing into the embrace of God on March 3rd 1434.


    For nearly a century Hungary had been united with either Austria, Bohemia or both under first the House of Luxembourg and then the House of Habsburg. During this time most of the Hungarian kings had treated the kingdom as merely a tool to advance their interests within the empire, and by 1435 there was significant unrest among the aristocracy and open talk of avoiding any further imperial entanglements. In the face of these and other dangers the twenty year old Duke Frederick V of Austria could rely upon only himself, and he soon proved readily equal to the challenge.


    229px-Hans_Burgkmair_d._%C3%84._005.jpg

    Frederick V of Austria, King of Hungary and claimant to the Holy Roman Empire
    Mocked as “king sleepy head” during his lifetime, Frederick V is widely considered the House of Habsburg's greatest prince and diplomat, and even at such a young age he worked tirelessly to secure his rightful inheritance. Frederick V consciously chose to pursue the Hungarian crown before the German and Imperial inheritance; this may have been a simple matter of expedience as much as anything else- Frederick was in Hungary, and not Germany, when his uncle died; but Frederick, who even at such a young age demonstrated great aptitude as a statesman, understood that he would appear more dignified to first assemble the Hungarians and secure his election, and only then enter Germany, on his own terms and with his uncle's crown already secured, rather than rushing first to Germany and then hastily returning hat in hand back to Hungary. This was a wise choice, but it also meant that Frederick could not personally attend to Germany for the first few months following Albert's death, on opportunity Filippo Maria- himself equal to Frederick's genius and having two decades of experience on the prodigal Austrian king- readily and eagerly exploited.



    As the silver-tongued serpent schemed, Frederick of Austria won the truculent Hungarian nobility to his cause. Appealing to the assembled nobles in person, he pledged- in fluent Hungarian- to uphold their rights, respect their laws and customs, and vowed upon the Bible to hold his court in Hungary “until such time that I have an heir of my body, who might in his manhood come among you as your king.” Taking in addition the sister of the Transylvanian magnate Janos Hunyadi as his wife Frederick masterfully assuaged the misgivings of the Hungarians and secured his near-unanimous election to the Hungarian throne. Crucially among the concessions granted to the Hungarians was a pledge that he would abandon the “tyrannical pretensions” of Albert and uphold their “Golden Liberties” as set forth in the Charter of 1433.



    In the meantime Filippo Maria acted with full alacrity to pursue his election. He first sought the Prince Bishoprics, donating an immense wealth to the Archbishop of Cologne, ostensibly to complete the cathedral of Cologne but in actuality a bribe. He argued that the young king Frederick clearly viewed his own dynastic interests as superior to the empire and was lacking in experience to Filippo Maria, a veteran Crusader; the archbishop, in truth, had a longstanding relationship with the Visconti as the Arch-Chancellor of Italy and Filippo had been courting him for nearly a decade by 1434. Thus securing his first vote he turned to Trier, but the archbishop resented the Visconti alienating Provence from the Empire- and thus from himself- and rebuffed Gian Maria's advances. The Archbishop of Trier proved more amenable but he eventually revealed that he had already “sworn a solemn oath to Emperor Albert” to support the Habsburgs, and Filippo, dismayed, praised the archbishop's integrity and wrote him off as a lost cause. Amidst this furious War of Letters Filippo Maria approached Humphrey of Holland and between them they concocted a plan to “make the duke a king and the king an emperor.”



    In June Filippo married his third daughter Violante to Louis IV, heir general to his father Louis III, the Count Palatine of the Rhine- one of the seven Prince Electors of the Empire. He gave his eldest daughter Caterina to another Wittelsbach heir in July, pledging her to Louis IX, future duke of Bavaria-Landshut and son of the current Duke Henry XVI. Filippo himself took the fourteen year old Elisabeth Louis' sister, as his second wife following Sofia's death in August, thus not only reconciling the powerful Bavaria-Landshut family from their lingering ties to Barnabo Visconti[1] but also binding himself thrice over to the prestigious and powerful Wittlesbachs, archrivals of the Austrian Habsburgs and one of the three great dynasties of Germany. As dowry Duke Henry XVI received the Principality of Achaia. The German prince had no interest in Greece, but a princely title- which being a papal fief and well removed from Germany might readily become a royal crown in due time- was another matter entirely. The exceptionally ambitious Henry did not stop here- the duke married his eldest daughter Joanna to the Dauphin (and future king) Charles of France in 1429. King Louis XI of France encouraged the royal pretensions of Bavaria, seeing in the Wittlesbachs a powerful ally with which to aggravate both Austria and Italy. As Albert of Austria proved in 1432 an undivided Empire could easily stymie French ambitions on the continent; Bavaria was well positioned to counter any further such intercessions from deep within Germany itself.



    Frederick had by now secured the Hungarian throne, and subsequently sought to reclaim the rest of the Luxembourg inheritance by gaining not only the Empire but Bohemia as well; surely, the Austrian archduke naively believed, Frederick of Brandenburg-Poland could not seek to keep Bohemia and Brandenburg both, as Frederick II was presently the heir to Brandenburg in addition to the King of Bohemia-Poland-Lithuania and had no eligible siblings. Frederick himself was his father Margrave Frederick I's second son, but his elder brother John the Alchemist, had willingly absconded to Bayreuth at the behest of their father, where he spent his days turning the mines of that province towards his efforts to extract gold from lead.[A]



    Consequently Frederick V offered to Elector Frederick II of Brandenburg his sister Elizabeth of Austria and his renunciation of the disputed provinces of Silesia and Lusatia to Brandenburg-Poland, in exchange for Bohemia and its electoral vote for the House of Habsburg. The Saxon Elector Duke Frederick II was since 1431 already married to Frederick V's sister Margaret, winning that vote for the Habsburgs as well.



    This was Filippo Maria's nightmare: the powerful kingdoms of Hungary and Poland, bound by blood to the three electorates of Brandenburg, Saxony, and Bohemia and thus coming only a single vote from winning the Habsburgs the Imperial crown. Yet Frederick “The Iron Tooth” of Poland-Lithuania had no intention of ceding his rightful inheritance, certainly not to this young Austrian upstart. He accepted the Habsburg bride but not the alliance, and upon entering Berlin he claimed his birthright as King Frederick I of Bohemia, Poland and Lithuania and the Prince Elector of Brandenburg itself.



    Frederick's coronation immediately and dramatically arrested all of the scheming and diplomatic maneuvering between the competing imperial candidates. “The chimeric monstrosity of a full union between Jogaila and Hohenzollern,” wrote Filippo in his memoirs, “represented an unqualified evil to which all of Europe was strenuously opposed. In such an overmighty prince rested a mortal threat to the peace of the Empire, and the complete and everlasting destruction of the delicate balance of power between the great nations of Europe.” Filippo's undoubtedly biased account is one of the first explicit references to the balance of power theory as a guiding international principle, and once formulated it became the basis for European diplomacy for the whole of the Early Modern period.



    That Filippo Maria Visconti, whose father and brother had shamelessly expanded their state through any and all means fair or foul, should now decry Frederick I as a menace to the general peace was an irony not lost on the Polish king, who bitterly denounced the Serpents of Milan, professing that “I have never borne arms against my fellow Christians, as have the Visconti against the Habsburgs, the Trastamara and the Valois.” Yet Filippo Maria had instinctively articulated the fears of the German electors and positioned himself as the champion of their cause. Despite protestations that he was merely claiming his father's inheritance, Frederick of Poland, by insisting on this “chimera” sought to control not one but two electorates in personal union, an unprecedented concentration of power within the empire. Filippo Maria understood in Frederick a mortal threat to Italian hegemony, for if Frederick should be unopposed his state would in time naturally eclipse not only the Austrians but the Lombards as well.



    At the Imperial council of Constanz on January 19th 1435 the Germans demanded Frederick immediately vacate Brandenburg. Frederick responded by offering to reinstate his brother John, but as the elder Hohenzollern had already been disinherited because of his complete disinterest in governance this amounted to Frederick retaining de facto control of all his territories and was rejected out of hand. When Frederick failed to recant the Council formally denounced him as a warmonger and traitor, and his electorates were declared null and void.



    King Filippo Maria offered to support Frederick of Austria's cause in Bohemia if in exchange his nephew would be formally invested as King of Burgundy and an eighth Prince-elector. This was technically against the empire's legal precedence, as by traditional feudal custom kings could be either elevated from below by their vassals' acclamation of anointed from above by either the Emperor or the Pope. The Burgundian crown was a peer, not an overlord, of the Electors, and despite the papal legate approving of the deal “for the sake of the general peace” the electors were effectively stealing the Emperor's scepter to use towards their own designs. Yet with no Emperor in Germany, two electorates in revolt and both Filippo Maria and Frederick of Austria insisting, for their own reasons[2], on the deal and the subsequent campaign against Poland as necessary prerequisites to any possible election the College viewed the agreement as a preliminary contract to be legitimized by official investiture following the war.



    No sooner was the Visconti proposal accepted than Duke Humphrey of Holland rose to make his own suggestion. The duke remarked that with the newly minted eighth electorate, the Empire now faced the prospect of a tied electoral college, and yet had only six electors present at the council itself. He therefore argued that “as the Electoral dignity should be reserved for only a select few” the precedent set by the new King of Burgundy was that “the royal dignity and the electoral dignity are conjoined; to gain one automatically implies the other” and reminded the Germans that he himself- in addition to being a prince of England- owned essentially all of the old kingdom of Frisia, a throne left in abeyance since its conquest by the Franks under Charlemagne. The princes proved amenable to the Dutch proposal (not least since they now twice established the precedent that both a royal crown and electoral vote could be created by their own wishes in the absence of a sitting emperor) and correspondingly Duke Humphrey of Holland became King Humphrey I of Frisia, the ninth Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, and took his place alongside the Habsburgs and Visconti on the bench. Filippo Maria remained silent during the Frisian vote, raising his voice in support only once he saw the measure was likely to pass. The day after King Humphrey's formal investiture at the hands of the Electoral College Filippo Maria announced the double betrothal of his daughters to King Humphrey's son Henry and Duke Charles of Lorraine. It was a shrewd maneuver- securing not only the newly minted electoral vote for himself but also two marriage alliances with powerful princes in the Rhenish territories, as well as indirect links to both France and England via younger branches of their royal dynasties. Frederick V “only now realized the noose which the Silver-tongued serpent had so readily woven around the neck of his imperial ambitions,” but with the two electorates already acclaimed and accepted into the College there was little he could do but seethe at the “votes conjured from air to counter the two gained by my right and the Hohenzollern Rebellion.”

    The ensuing war- known to history as the War of the Bohemian Succession- proved a major turning point in Europe, and neither Frederick of Austria, nor Frederick of Poland, nor Filippo Maria would expect the result.


    [1]Barnabo Visconti, it should be remembered, was Gian Galeazzo's cruel uncle and predecessor as ruler of Milan, whom the latter usurped and poisoned; Barnabo's daughter Maddalena Visconti married duke Henry's father Frederick and Henry was her son, thus making Filippo Maria and Henry second cousins and necessitating a Papal dispensation for the match

    [2]Frederick later revealed that, absent the two electoral votes of Bohemia and Brandenburg (both of which he desired to strip from the Hohenzollerns, respectively to keep for himself and to grant some as yet undetermined ally or supporter, just as the Luxembourgs had done prior to the Golden Bull nearly eight decades before) he felt insecure in pressing his candidacy; as the Visconti including Burgundy had at least two votes already this was perhaps a prudent decision, though the Frisian marriage the following day revealed to him the trap laid by the Visconti



    [A]This is as OTL. No, really, read the Wiki page for yourself. We very nearly had a Brandenburg-Poland-Lithuania-(Prussia) union in OTL because Frederick's brother John the Alchemist was an uber-nerd who would rather play around with alchemy than become one of the seven most powerful people in Germany. I love history sometimes. Also, reading the page just now I realized I could have added Saxony to the family since Ladislaus died and the Hohenzollerns got Poland to back them up...
     
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    A Tale of Two Fredericks
  • A Tale of Two Fredericks

    The Austro-Italian army met the Poles near Brno in southern Moravia on March 3rd 1435, where Frederick of Poland and the aging Jan Sizka dealt him a stinging defeat. Frederick and his Austrians commanded the right flank, the Italian foot the center, and a contingent of German and Hungarian knights held the left. Overwhelmed by a coordinated assault by the Bohemian guns Frederick “panicking for the first time in his life” fled the field. The Poles destroyed the demoralized Austrians and drove off the Italian cavalry, but the Black Legion, under their captain Bartolomeo Colleoni, refused all call to surrender. For three grueling hours the Italians were subject to heavy bombardment by the Polish guns and their own captured artillery, but repulsed four separate charges by the Polish cavalry despite taking heavy losses. Frederick again offered terms of surrender and was again rebuffed, but the isolated Italians could not hold forever and on the second day they collapsed. Bertolomeo Colleoni and the bulk of his army were destroyed, thousands more taken prisoner. It was the first and greatest disaster to befall Italy since her unification three decades prior.



    Frederick did not advance into Austria however, for two days after the battle he received word that Denmark had entered the war against him. Withdrawing his army back to Bohemia Frederick turned north, overrunning Pomerania in September and repulsing an attack on Gdansk. The Danish navy could not be prevented from ranging along the Baltic, however, and King Eric turned instead towards Estonia, which was conquered by the Danes by July. The Bohemian withdrawal allowed the Austrians to rally and launch a second invasion, and this time they proved successful, seizing Prague in August 1435. The alliance pressed on into Silesia and besieged the Polish capital of Legnica.



    In desperation King Frederick of Poland appealed to King Louis of France, who subsequently launched an invasion of Provence, forcing the Italians to withdraw. The Habsburgs lacked the forces to repel the Poles on their own and Frederick V on hearing news of a relief army broke the siege and retreated back into Bohemia.



    The Italians in turn appealed to the English, who dispatched their own army into Aquitaine. A combined Anglo-Italian army defeated Louis and besieged Poitiers, which fell in late October. Upon resumption of the war in May Gdansk fell to a combined Anglo-Danish assault, and the English occupied Flanders and Artois in July 1436.



    The allies, realizing their position was untenable, finally sued for peace, and by the treaty of Dresden in September 14th Frederick formally abdicated Bohemia to Frederick of Austria. He was allowed to keep Brandenburg, as well as Silesia and Lusatia, but was additionally required to surrender Estonia to the Scandinavians, and Louis likewise had to yield Poitiers to England. This proved too much to bear for Louis the Victorious, who died “of a broken heart” and an unknown illness on June 5th 1438, passing the throne to the fourteen year old Charles VI, who was crowned along with Joanna of Bavaria in Reims on June 15th 1438. Henry V did not outlive his adversary, perishing of gout on April 5th 1437. His sixteen year old son Prince Henry thus became King Henry VI of England and Aquitaine, taking the twelve year old Blanche of Navarre as his wife.



    Thus the nine electors gathered in Aachen in a terse and chilly November afternoon to decide who among them was to be Emperor.



    To the consternation of Europe, Filippo gained four votes- the two new electorates of Burgundy and Holland as well as the Palatinate and Cologne, while Bohemia, Saxony, Trier and Mainz voted for Frederick V of Austria , and Frederick I of Brandenburg-Poland nominated himself as a protest vote against both his former enemies. The Electoral College was tied.



    Duke Charles of Lorraine thereafter proposed elevating himself as a tenth elector, hinting that this would please his royal cousin Charles VI of France and that Louis might otherwise resume the war, but the Prince Electors resented this foreign interference and rejected the proposal out of hand.



    The vote was immediately repeated. Both Trier and the Palatinate defected, the former nominating Duke Frederick II of Saxony and the latter his cousin Duke Henry XVI of Bavaria-Landshut, inadvertently creating a new tie, three-three-one-one-one between Filippo Maria, Archduke Frederick of Austria, Margrave Frederick of Brandenburg, Duke Frederick of Saxony and Duke Henry of Bavaria. Filippo won back the Wittlesbach vote by promising to elevate Achaia to a kingdom, but this time both the Archbishop of Cologne and the Archbishop of Mainz defected to the Wettin duke as a compromise candidate, as did the Saxon prince himself, yet Frederick II of Brandenburg, detesting the prospect of a Wettin Emperor, finally chose a side and cast in his lot with the Visconti. Thus the college tied for a third time: four votes- Burgundy, Frisia, the Palatinate and Brandenburg- for Filippo Maria; one vote- Bohemia- for Archduke Frederick V of Austria; and four votes- Mainz, Trier, Cologne, and Saxony- for the Wettin duke Frederick II of Saxony.



    It was at this moment that Filippo Maria threw his full support for the Lorraine proposal. He proclaimed the triple tie “as a sign from Almighty God” and urged the princes to welcome the “princely” Charles as a tenth elector so that Lorraine might resolve the deadlocked election. Both Frederick of Austria and Frederick of Saxony strenuously opposed the measure, knowing that Charles would naturally support his father in law, but the German princes now agreed to accept Charles, and thus on December 4th 1436 King Charles of Lorraine cast the fifth and deciding vote for Filippo Maria Visconti.



    The twenty one year old Frederick of Austria lost his poise for the second time in his life. Berating Filippo for “fabricating three electorates with which to steal the crown” he demanded a new election without the three new Electors present. This was a grievous and uncharacteristic mistake, however, and the Electors chastised Frederick for “daring to contradict Our will.” Filippo himself rose and piously addressed the assembled princes, offering humbly to withdraw his candidacy, but no sooner did the words leave his mouth than the Germans rushed to acclaim him Emperor, and thus did Filippo Maria Visconti become Philip I, King of the Romans. He had won the Imperial throne, and in the process inadvertently created a new European order.



    “In the wake of the Anarchy,” wrote Frederick V, “three great dynasties emerged in Germany: the House of Luxembourg, the House of Wittlesbach, and my own House of Habsburg. In this century, two new Imperial houses have, with the favor of fortune and their own princely virtue, secured for themselves the both the royal and the electoral dignity. To this pair must be added the mighty kingdoms of England and France, themselves now boasting two new royal electorates for younger scions of their House.”



    Europe's five leading powers now coincidentally held five Electorates between them, either in personal union, or in the case of England and France via a younger branch of the family, and Lancaster and Valois possessions in Lotharingia provided an additional avenue for their engagement in Imperial politics. Thus the assembled great powers all had both a personal stake in the Empire's continued stability and survival, and a direct and equal voice in the election of the Emperor, if not necessarily an even chance in gaining that dignity for themselves.


    Filippo himself was not long in realizing the magnitude of what had transpired at Aachen. The Emperor, as a “secular pope” long postured as Europe's peacemaker, both within the Empire and without; moreover, as the Council of Augsburg demonstrated, the Emperor ruled in the collegial style of the Franks, as opposed to the more autocratic traditions of Byzantium. To these longstanding German traditions of imperial arbitration and collective action were synthesized the example of the trans-national Church established by the Council of Bologna, and on Christmas Day 1436 Filippo Maria formally established the Congress of the Nations as an organ for Imperial influence. In direct parallel to the Church Councils, the Congress of Nations was presided over by the Emperor and the Prince Electors, was obliged to convene once every decade as a formal summit of the European powers and additionally by request to resolve international disputes. In time it became customary for both the Church Council and the Imperial Council to occur simultaneously, and held together as a single trans-continental summit.



    The first Imperial Congress was held the following year in Geneva on March 15th 1437. King Eric of the Kalmar Union and King Frederick I of Brandenburg-Poland both staked their claims to Pomerania, and the issue came before Emperor Philip. The Emperor delayed the hearing while he endeavored to detach the Norse from Italy's arch-rival England, but King Eric refused to break ties with England, and thus Philip now intended to stymie Scandinavia's designs on the Pomaranian coast so as to avoid “making of Denmark a greater Navarre”- for in Philip's mind an expansion of Danish power was automatically an expansion of English influence as well. He could not control the Imperial Princes, however, who (agitated by France and England in support of their respective allies) summarily rejected the status quo of leaving the duchies independent, and the best Philip could manage was to prevent Denmark from gaining all of Pomerania. By the Council's decree Pomerania was divided along the Oder, the territories in the west (along with the duchy of Shleshwig-Holstein, which Eric maintained a claim to) falling under the influence of Denmark and the eastern duchies becoming vassals of Brandenburg. Philip's gambit cost him the friendship of both Denmark and Poland, the former now firmly attached to England and the latter drawing ever closer to France. Both the Anglo-Norse and the Franco-Polish alliances quickly became near-permanent fixtures of European diplomacy.

    1437 SoI.png

    The Great Powers and their Spheres of Influence; electorates are rimmed in Gold and the Empire's borders in green​

    Thus alienated, Philip naturally turned to the sole unaligned great power- Austria. Frederick V was already married since 1434 to Elizabeth Hunyadi, sister of the famous John Hunyadi[A], and Philip lacked any spare daughters, but the impossiblity of a marriage alliance between the two men did not prevent the former rivals from reconciling. Frederick V, although bitter over his defeat and still harboring ambitions of reclaiming Tirol and Carniola, nevertheless instinctively understood that he could not remain hostile to both of his powerful neighbors, and proved amenable to Philip's entreaties. The realignment was sealed with the marriage of Gian Maria's daughter Catarina to Frederick's younger brother Albert, who received the city of Siena as his fief. This not only gave a blood tie between the Habsburgs and the Visconti but removed Albert from Germany. Frederick- intent on retaining all of the Habsburg lands for himself and depriving his brother of any inheritance in Austria- saw his brother's marriage as a politically expedient exile.

    1437 Political Map.png


    Thus by the end of 1437 Europe was divided into three great blocks- the Franco-Polish alliance, the Anglo-Danish Alliance, and the Italo-Hungarian alliance.



    [A] there is not much information on John Hunyadi's immediate family on Wiki so I decided to give him a sister.
     
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    On Eagle's Wings
  • On Eagle's Wings

    On the road to Bethlehem, the three kings of the Orient encountered a great canary, whose song enraptured them with its beauty. Determined to offer its heavenly voice to the young Christ they captured it and brought it with them on their journey. To their dismay, however, when the bird was presented to the Baby Jesus it refused to sing.

    “Sing for me, sweet songbird,” lied the first king before the Lord Jesus, “and I will let you fly free.”

    “Sing for me, stupid songbird,” vowed the second king before the Lord Jesus, “or I will burn your forest to the ground.”
    “Sweet songbird,” exclaimed the third king before the Lord Jesus, “your life is so much shorter than mine; surely you will want to sing again before you die.”[A]




    One of Filippo Maria's first acts as Emperor was to formally invest his nephew and heir with his new royal dignity. The Arleate did not lack for princely affiliations- the French kings were obliged to style their heirs as the Dauphin as part of the price of gaining that province, and Provence itself had been an appanage of the Kingdom of Naples, first under the elder house of Anjou (from 1266 to 1382) and briefly under the younger House of Anjou (from 1407 to 1412); and of course it was now a Prince-Elector of the Holy Roman Empire. Gian Galeazzo II- nominally the king of all of the Visconti dominions save Naples, Jerusalem and Albania but de facto merely his uncle's heir- was formally styled the Prince of Provence; from this time the heir apparent to Visconti Italy received this honorific, and not infrequently discharged the governance of that province as their patrimony and as preparation for their eventual accession.



    Provence could easily be made a hereditary Visconti fief, but Italy was another matter. More than any blood feud, or dynastic ambition, or territorial dispute, the divisive issue between the Visconti and the Habsburgs was the bifurcated nature of the Italian and Roman crowns. To the German Kaisers, Italy- the seat of Rome and the source of Imperial legitimacy- could not be legally alienated from the crown; as Roman Emperor his territorial authority was (in theory) to the ends of the earth, and certainly included the ancestral homeland of the Romans. To the Visconti, however, Italy was their dynastic stronghold, a dominion which by 1440 was almost half a century old. So long as the Emperors across the Alps claimed the Italian crown, the Visconti would never feel fully secure in their position. Each of the Visconti monarchs sought to resolve this dilemma in different ways: Gian Galeazzo vacillated between Emperor and Pope, eventually reducing the latter to his servant; Gian Maria ravaged Germany and murdered the only Emperor who dared invade Italy during his lifetime; Filippo Maria made himself Holy Roman Emperor, and bequeathed an Electorate to his family, collapsing the dilemma by gaining for himself both the Italian and Imperial crowns. Both crowns, however, were elective, and unlike Burgundy- which was always rather peripheral to the Empire- Italy could not be invested in his line as a hereditary fief. Filippo recognized that his election was a great feat of diplomatic chicanery, and that his heirs might not prove fortunate or skillful enough to repeat it.



    Gian Maria's conquests secured over half a dozen crowns for the Visconti: Corsica and Sardinia, both Sicilies, Burgundy, Mallorca, Valencia, Jerusalem, Albania, Achaea, Africa, Cilicia. Conspicuously absent was Milan- the beating heart of the Visconti domain, still only a mere duchy. Filippo Maria decided to take the first and least of his family's crowns- Corsica and Sardinia- and expand it to encompass all of the north as both a papal and imperial fief. To this greatly enlarged island kingdom was welded Lombardy- an association that readily implied the Italian kingship, for the Italian Crown was also known as the Iron Crown of the Lombards. The so called kingdom of “Corsica-Lombardy” was only grudgingly and fitfully accepted in Germany- correspondence between Vienna and Milan reveals the Habsburgs generally only recognized the Visconti as “Kings in Corsica and Sicily” and refused to acknowledge their royal dominion over the heart of Imperial Italy. Nevertheless from 1440 the Italian Crown became little more than a shadow kingdom, existing only as an honorary style of the Holy Roman Emperors; when these emperors were not Visconti they did not rule beyond the Alps, even if the Visconti themselves generally gave homage to the Imperial dignity as both Prince Electors and Imperial vassals.



    Filippo Maria wasted no time in exploiting his newfound dignity for the benefit of his family. As with the first Habsburg emperor he prioritized advancing his family's interests over securing the imperial dignity for the future- a prescient decision, given the youth and later indolence of his nephew. As punishment for his defection the Prince Bishop of Cologne was stripped of his title as Arch-Chancellor of Italy, which was invested instead in the Archbishop of Trent, a de facto Italian vassal; Filippo thus secured full and undisputed control over the Italian clergy, at the price of making Cologne an inveterate enemy of the Visconti. The county of Savoy- transferred de jure to the Kingdom of Germany by Emperor Charles IV in 1361- was reunited with the Electoral kingdom of Arles-Burgundy and therefore formally became an Italian vassal. Tirol, Rhaetia, and Carniola were formally incorporated into the newly minted kingdom of Corsica-Lombardy, and by the Diet of Frankfurt in 1441 the Emperor established the Imperial Circles as a regional grouping within the empire a means of securing Visconti dominion in the south. The Imperial Circles, in addition to consolidating the princes in the Imperial Diet and Courts, also served as a mechanism for levying taxes and troops for the defense of the Empire. All of the Visconti lands- including their gains across the Alps- were incorporated into the Italian Circle, headed by the Visconti in Milan as their official role of Imperial Vicar of Italy and Burgundy. Filippo justified this by basing the Circles around local Electors, and the Electors, and their associated Great Powers, used the opportunity to carve out their own spheres of influence within Germany: the Wendish Circuit, headed by Elector Frederick of Brandenburg, encompassed Silesia, Brandenburg, Prussia and Pomeralia; Frederick of Saxony became head of the Upper Saxon Circle, encompassing Saxony itself and its environs as a loose Austrian protectorate, while territories under Danish influence became part of the Lower Saxon Circle; Frederick V of Austria-Hungary incorporated all of his Imperial territories and their environs into the Austrian Circle; in the east the five Rhenish Electors- Lorraine, the Palatinate, Trier, Mainz, and Cologne- were grouped together in the the Electoral Rhenish Circle as a neutral buffer between the powers, and the neighboring territories of Alsace, Metz, Luxembourg and Cleves were consolidated into the fiercely contested Upper Rhenish Circle, subject to the overbearing competition between England and France; downriver King Humphrey of Frisia-Holland chaired the Lower Rhenish-Westphalian Circle and his neighbor Duke Philip of Brabant added his territories to the Burgundian Circle, the former under the English and the latter under French domination. Rounding out the list were the Franconian, Swabian and Bavarian Circles, flexibly bound to both Austria and Italy, giving twelve Imperial Circles in total.

    Imperial Circles.png

    The Imperial Circles; Note that Venice itself is independent but de facto an Italian protectorate and her mainland holdings are Imperial vassals​

    By the precedent established by Charlemagne, a king-elect could not bear the imperial dignity without receiving a papal coronation. Filippo Maria did not tarry long north of the Alps, arranging his coronation in Rome on November 15th 1438. This coincided with the third decennial Church Council, held in Rome under the auspices of the new Emperor, who received from the Venetian-born Pope Eugene IV not only the Imperial dignity but the style “Most Christian King” in honor of his participation in the Crusade and support for reclaiming Africa for the Church. The fact that the “Most Christian Kings” frequently allied with infidels- notably Granada- remained a running joke in Europe, although some few Visconti monarchs did manage to live up to the honorific.



    The chief purpose of the Council was the question of the eastern Christians- the Greeks, Armenians, Copts, and other “schismatics” who did not accept the Latin Rite. The council ultimately decided that, while the Greeks were to be considered heretics if they did not accept the Church Union, Copts and non-Chalcedonians could be tolerated, and in practice Latin Greece largely ignored the Papal bull. This distinction owed itself in large part thanks to the influence of the Venetians, who argued that any “heavy handed” persecution would destroy any chance of retaining the Levant, and that it would be better to convert them over time rather than attempt to force the issue. This was supported also by Armenian representatives, who reminded the Council of their longrunning support for the Crusades, and somewhat surprisingly by the Pisans, who had their own ambitions in the east.


    Somewhat overlooked in light of the more famous Genoa and Venice, the Republic of Pisa revitalized itself following the Visconti conquest of Tuscany; the city- fearful of Florentine encroachment- was among the first to defect to Gian Galeazzo and was rewarded handsomely after his triumph. Upon the Grand Duke's death in 1418 his bastard son Gabriele Maria established the Tuscan branch of the Visconti family, taking Pisa as the capital of his domain, and this royal connection gave the city privileged access in the halls of the Italian kings.



    In 1438 Pisa approached Filippo Maria with a complaint about the Republic of Venice. Pisa, by now heavily involved in Italian North Africa, sought to regain her old connections in the Black Sea, but Venice had since the Great Turkish War maintained all of the Eastern Mediterranean as their own exclusive dominion. Filippo Maria had no particular stake in the issue but proved amenable to his half-brother's entreaties, and applied all of the considerable diplomatic and economic pressure available to him to force Venice to cooperate. Venice was thus obliged to cede her Black Sea interests, including Crimea and Gallipoli to Pisa, although the Republic did secure the city of Acre in exchange for her submission. The Venetian Republic doubled down on their Oriental trade, annexing Alexandria and reducing the new Sultan to a puppet over the course of autumn 1439 and spring 1440. Aqaba quickly exploded into a city of nearly 50,000, more than half of these Venetians.[1] The most prominent among them was the Croatian Lucas Pilic. Born in Sibenico in 1404, Lucas- now going by his latinized name Lucas Polo- like many of his countrymen sought his fortunes in service to Venice overseas, and by 1444 he was the governor of Aqaba, making him one of the most powerful men in the Orient.



    Pisa was not content with Crimea alone, and immediately involved herself in Spain as well. As with Genoa she sought a colonial plantation, and to that end desired access through the Atlantic. Pisa exploited the instability in Portugal following King Duarte's death in 1438 to seize Ceuta and briefly held the Algarve as well, and the following year seized Tangiers from the Sultan of Morocco after the latter made a failed attempt on Ceuta. In 1440 Pisa participated in the Italo-Andalusian conquest of Murcia, taking as its prize the port city of Cartagena. All of these possessions inevitably attracted the ire of Genoa, who went to war with Pisa in 1441 and only relented after Filippo Maria besieged Genoa itself and forced the two rival republics to make peace at the end of an army.



    The feuding between the two republics convinced Filippo Maria to establish a naval arsenal in Naples in 1442. Modeled after the Venetian arsenal the Royal arsenal of Naples quickly revitalized the city's economy and in time gave the Italian monarchs a state navy with which to corral their troublesome vassals. The Venetians inspired Italian engineers on land as well: well practiced at managing the marshes of their lagoon city, the Venetians quickly began draining marshlands in their new lands in Friuli and the Veneto, and Filippo Maria hired many of the Republic's engineers for his own efforts in Latium, Tuscany and Ferrara.



    In following year, Filippo Maria responded to complaints of Muslim “razzias” attacking farmers in Tunis by establishing the African Marches. In typical Visconti fashion Filippo sought to persuade other men to do a difficult and dangerous task on his behalf- to protect the Italian holdings along the coast Filippo offered knighthood, two hundred and fifty acres, and seventy years of no taxation to any man who might settle the African hinterland as a marcher lord. These efforts were aided by the Pisans, who established their own garrisons in the cities and supported more pliable Berber chieftains in the interior as their client kings. The Church also involved itself in Africa, establishing, under royal protection, colonies of settler-monasteries determined to reclaim Tunisia “for God and Rome.” The most famous of these settlers was a group of three thousand Sicilians tracing their ancestry to African Christians who fled Almohad persecution; the “New Carthage” monastic community quickly became the largest inland settlement of Italian expatriates and a regional hub for ongoing efforts at settlement, re conversion and land reclamation. This arrangement eventually proved insufficient to the more ambitious Visconti kings of later centuries, who dreamed of turning Italy's “fourth shore” into the fertile breadbasket of ancient times, and funneled immense wealth into irrigation and engineering projects aimed at reversing the desertification since the Arab conquests.



    By 1450 Italian Africa was a patchwork radiating out from the shore: city-states and fortified ports on the coast, petty Italian aristocrats and monastic communities settled immediately inland, and small-time Berber chieftains paying homage to the Italian king deeper in the lawless interior. Over the course of the 15th and 16th centuries the border knights inexorably penetrated deeper into the rough African interior, establishing castles and fortified camps from which they conquered the countryside. The rugged, self-made Italo-African “pioneer” quickly became a Romantic caricature- bringing “Roman civilization to the Barbarians” with axe, gun, and plow; ignored was the cost in blood and misery of the endemic border skirmishes, massacres, and brutal reprisals committed on both sides of the unsettled African frontier.[b*]



    Despite their new holdings, Pisa could not break into either the Genoese or Venetian sugar market- all the known island plantations were taken, even Sicily, which by now was effectively a Genoese protectorate. Consequently Gabriele's son and successor Gian Maria “the Navigator” determined to discover new, unclaimed lands beyond the Pillars of Hercules; Genoa had broken Venice's monopoly by seizing the Atlantic isles, and now Pisa resolve to travel farther afield to carve out her own colonial enterprise.



    The first expedition passed into the Atlantic in early 1444 and tacked south along the well traveled waters of the Moroccan coast. The squadron, commanded by its captain Gian Marco Damiani departed from Gambia after several months of negotiations and exploration and in September 1445 entered into the uncharted waters of the Gulf of Guinea. The Pisans made contact with the Ashanti tribes along the Ivory coast and founded a settlement there named Sassandria, which eventually became a major hub for the Pisan slave trade. On January 17th 1446 the Pisans discovered the Islands of Sant'Andrea[C], and by 1454 they had established it as a colony. Sant'Andrea eventually became Pisa's answer to Madeira and Crete, its plantations providing coffee and sugar to the merchant houses of Tuscany.



    Venice and Genoa launched their own expeditions: in 1455 Genoa made contact with the king of the Kongo, and in 1449 Venice established a formal alliance with the Solomonid king of Ethiopia. In 1453 Venice secured Goa as a colonial outpost and by the 1460s Venetian caravels were a regular presence in Bengal and Malacca.



    These oriental connections brought back not only spices but new and exotic curiosities as well. By the 1450s the Oriental Fever was a rampant obsession: “you are not fashionable,” one Venetian Senator professed to a colleague, “if you do not possess at least one African manservant, two Greek scholars and six Italian artists in your household.” Curry- a mixed spice powder indigenous to India- became a staple of the Venetian diet after the 15th century, often served with rice and either chicken or fish or lamb, as did coffee following its discovery in Ethiopia in 1448. Tea eventually gained prominence in the 16th century as the Serene Republic's Chinese interests matured, and the discovery of the New World offered chocolate, tomatoes, and more to the diets of Italians on the other side of the peninsula. In 1441 the University of Padua formally established its School of the Orient with state patronage, its mission to collect and collate eastern paraphernalia, including translations of Chinese and Indian epics such as the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which entered into circulation in 1484 amidst a “Chinese frenzy”. To nostalgic (or condemnatory) writers of later times the middle of the 15th century was an era of “decadent indulgence, frivolous consumption, sinful excess, by which fathers damned their souls to hell and their children to destitution, prostitution, and brigandage.” Many borrowed well beyond their means, exploiting the easy credit of a flush and flourishing Italian economy.



    Closer to home Greece increasingly served as a cultural beacon for the Italian elite. In the wake of the Turkish War nearly all of Greece was held by Latin kings, dukes and doges, and Greek scholars found themselves in very high demand in the cities and parlors of Lombardy. The ancient practice of public oratory reemerged, and public debates in the Athenian style became major public spectacles in the cities of Lombardy, Tuscany and the Veneto. Ancient and medieval education placed a heavy emphasis on rhetoric and logic, and these skills were highly valued in the competitive urban politics of northern Italy. Such events sometimes fell afoul of secular and religious authorities, as in 1446 when two gentlemen had the audacity to question the legitimacy of the monarchy in debate with the Law Professors of Bologna, and in 1455 when Pope Urban stamped down on a debate on the possible salvation of Muslim souls as “contrary to Church doctrine.” Public debates were joined by private “salons” held by wealthy citizens and typically hosted by the matron of the household. Originally serving as an excuse for the wealthy to flaunt their connections- as with the example of Doge Francesco Foscari of Venice, who “astonished the city with a multi-armed Hindoo idol” they eventually became general social events for intellectuals and the upper crust. The size and composition of these meetings varied, from private affairs for friends and relatives to grand public spectacles open to “all learned and respectable men of the city”, most famously the great city-wide parlor-carnival hosted by Doge Francesco Foscari in 1448 on the 25th anniversary of his election. The larger events frequently hosted several public debates; pre-selected topics published ahead of time along with the announcement of the event, and entrants were generally obliged either to pay a fee or recite- in Latin- excerpts from Livy, Plato or other ancient scholars in order to gain admittance.



    Philhellenism reached its peak in the 1460s, when the Florentine Giovanni Tornabuoni, one of the first pupil's of Cosimo il Vecchio's Neo-Platonic school, postulated a revival- in Christian form- of the Olympics for the 3rd decennial Grand Congress. By now the Grand Congress was a major international event; thousands of statesmen, ambassadors, nobles, princes, kings, bishops, cardinals and their hangers-on congregating within the Empire to hobnob, debate theology and politics, and generally connect with their peers. These events naturally tended to include marriages, tournaments, hunts, feasts, and “all the sundry ways by which the idle rich amused themselves” and the proposed “New Olympics” seemed a natural addition to the festivities. The first game was held in 1466 outside Aachen, competitors from fourteen different states competing in wrestling, riding, racing, swimming, discus throwing, a marathon run, as well as a jousting competition and a general melee. The event was initially well received, but given the realities of 15th century communication and travel it was by necessity only an indulgence of the aristocracy, and the pagan connotations of the Olympics additionally drew condemnation from the Church. In time the aristocracy of Europe turned away from Classical influences, deriding their pagan ancestors as overly decadent and immoral, and although a more limited version of the Olympics persisted in Lombardy until the 1500s the international event envisioned by Francesco would not reappear until the 18th century.



    [1]This refers not only to Venetians of the city but all citizens of the Republic, including mainlanders and Slavs from the Republic's Balkan holdings


    [A]I am “borrowing” rather shamelessly from a Japanese expression regarding the three men who united that country- Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu. TTL of course the Sengoku Era- let alone Japanese Unification- are butterflied away, but I always liked the saying so TTL it survives for the Three Unifiers of Italy

    [b*]I am consciously modeling this after the mythos of the American West, with Berbers playing the role of Indians; whether Italian Africa ultimately ends up like California or like Ireland is still up in the air

    [C] OTL Sao Tome
     
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    Between East and West
  • Between East and West

    Emperor John VIII “the Miraculous” is the man usually credited with Byzantium's surprising resurgence in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Although the Turks' destruction which enabled his rapid expansion owed more to Gian Maria's idiosyncracies than any effort by the beleaguered “Empire of the Romans” it cannot be denied that John was among the most capable Byzantine emperors and certainly the greatest of the Palaeiologi.

    johnpal2.jpg

    Emperor John VIII of Romania, as depicted by Benozzo Gozzoli as the Second Magi in the Magi Chapel of Florence.
    The Emperor's visit to Italy and affiliation with the Great Crusade ensured he became a common subject of early Renaissance portraiture and sculpture​

    As part of the price for the Crusade John agreed to a full Church Union. This was deeply unpopular in Constantinople, but the dramatic victories of the Italians bolstered their (and John's) reputation, and in any case the Pope- de facto an Italian protectorate- offered relatively lenient terms. Although required to acknowledge papal supremacy and cede the dioceses of Illyria, Greece, and Bulgaria to Rome's jurisdiction, John negotiated for himself the position of “Papal Vicar of Anatolia” and in practice the Byzantine Catholic Church essentially enjoyed autocephaly from the Latin patriarch. In later centuries the popes and their Visconti minders clashed with Byzantium over matters of doctrine and jurisdiction, but in the 1430s most conflicts were generally overlooked in the afterglow of the great Turkish Crusade.

    Anatolia Map 1430.png

    Anatolia in the immediate wake of the Great Turkish Crusade, 1430​

    In exchange for ceding Morea and Thessalonika to the Latins the Treaty of Constantinople granted Byzantium immediate ownership of a full third of Anatolia and de jure jurisdiction over all the rest, an astounding twenty-fold increase in territory from the Empire's pre-Crusade size- an immense and utterly unexpected windfall, to be sure, but the atrophied Byzantine state was wholly unprepared for such a massive and abrupt change in fortunes. If Asia Minor was to be the seed of a Byzantine recovery then John knew he would have to pacify, administrate, integrate, and eventually reconvert these new territories for the sake of Rome.


    Rather than immediately contest Greece, Emperor John instead reached out to his cousin, King Gian Giacomo I of Thessalonika. The king, himself unsettled in his new patrimony, readily acceded to the Emperor's entreaties and the two rulers agreed to a defensive pact against Bulgaria “or any other foe who would disturb the tranquility of our realms.” With his European flank thus secured John devoted himself fully to Anatolia.


    The last Byzantine outposts in Anatolia succumbed to the Turks in the middle of the 14th century, a full century prior to their reconquest in 1430. The Ottomans, rather than persecuting their new Christian subjects, extended them official state protection, as dhimmi- “people of the book”- provided the Sultans with a valuable revenue source in the form of the Jizya tax. Many of the “Turks” in Anatolia were themselves descendants of the Greeks who had inhabited Anatolia since ancient times; the Turks, like other nomadic conquerors, intermarried and assimilated into the native population, and under the polyglot administration of the Ottoman Empire the difference between Turk and Greek increasingly became merely a matter of religion rather than ethnicity.


    Consequently, while there were still considerable numbers of Greeks along the coasts, and the rest of Byzantine Anatolia did have a loyal Christian minority, the interior was nevertheless overwhelmingly “heathen” from the Byzantine perspective. John decided to encourage the resettlement of Christians in Anatolia- in a manner similar to Italian efforts in Africa- by offering land and tax exemptions to any who would take up residence there and serve the Empire's defense. Although significant numbers of these Christian immigrants originated from the Balkans the majority came from non-Byzantine Anatolia. In the chaotic post-Crusade collapse the orderly, tolerant, and capable governance of the Ottomans gave way to banditry and lawlessness, and to many the Empire- unstable as it was- nevertheless seemed a far safer homeland than remaining in the east among the endless and brutal feuds of the petty Turkish, Armenian, Greek, Georgian, and Kurdish warlords. Armenians especially came to form the backbone of the Empire's new military forces, the rough and hardy men of the Caucasus mountains once more furnishing Constantinople's armies with her most capable soldiers.


    Administrators were somewhat more difficult to find than soldiers or farmers, especially since the vestigial Ottoman bureaucracy was naturally distrusted by the Byzantines. Although Greeks were fairly literate, they were not especially numerous, and the Latin states clung desperately to their valued intelligentsia, offering lavish rewards if they would remain in Thessalonika or Athens rather than serve the Greek Emperor in the east; in truth remaining in the wealthy and peaceful cities of Greece and Italy was a much more attractive prospect than moving to the unsettled frontier in Anatolia. Among the Turks some handful of Janissary magistrates did eventually (re)convert to Christianity, and were in time welcomed as provincial governors, but most kept to their faith and fled east, where they eventually settled in the Kurdish lands of northern Iran as a new warrior-aristocracy, akin to the Mamluks in Egypt. Ultimately John turned once more to Italy and the Roman Church, suggesting to the Pope that he needed literate clergymen to strengthen the bonds of the Church Union and reclaim the eastern lands for Christ. Pope Urban VII readily agreed to the Emperor's request, and dispatched over three hundred priests and their hangars-on in 1440. Under the guise of converting the Turks John put them to work as tax collectors and bureaucrats, and although many eventually complained about being put towards such “worldly ends” John managed to placate most of the malcontents with lavish gifts, plum offices, rich estates, and the occasional display of public piety. In time this new clerical aristocracy caused John's heirs the same problems that western monarchs faced when attempting to curtail the independence of their vassals, but the “feudalization” of Byzantium nevertheless served as an important mechanism for integrating the new provinces.

    Maria_Comnena_Greek_Princess_Trebizond_by_Pisanello.JPG

    Empress Maria Komnene of Trebizond​

    In 1436, John married Maria Komnene, sister of the deposed Despot Alexander of Trebizond. Alexander offered to make Trebizond an Imperial vassal if the Emperor reinstated him as ruler of that province, and John agreed, and the allies invaded Trebizond in 1438. Despot John of Trebizond appealed to his powerful neighbors, the Beylik of Candar and the mighty Akk Qoyunlu. The Akk Qoyunlu were at this time preoccupied with their conquest of Mesopotamia and could spare only a small detachment of cavalry to aid John, but the Beylik of Candar responded more enthusiastically. One of the few Turkish beyliks unaffected by Gian Maria's rampage, Candar expanded rapidly into Galatia and Cappadocia after 1431, annexing Ankara in 1436, Yozgat in 1437 and Sivas in 1439. Candar had largely ignored the Byzantines after an unsuccessful raid against Philadelphia in 1435, but if the Empire reconquered Trebizond then Candar would be wedged between Imperial territory to the east and the west, and the bey readily agreed to the alliance.


    Emperor John in turn appealed to the Latins. Pope Urban readily obliged by declaring a Crusade against Candar and Trebizond in 1440, prompting a contingent of Latin knights to depart Thessalonika for Asia. Although the Latins' aid was welcome it ultimately proved unnecessary: John's army defeated the Turko-Pontic alliance at and annexed Candar, Cappadocia and Trebizond to the Empire. Upon John's death in late 1448 the Empire had effectively reclaimed all of Anatolia up to the Taurus Mountains, but their borders on paper did not match the Empire's strength in reality; central and eastern Anatolia were largely populated by Turks who felt no particular allegiance to the distant and heathen Emperor, and even in the west Anatolia remained a lawless frontier which contributed almost nothing to the Imperial state.

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    Byzantium at its height: The Roman Empire at the death of John VIII in 1448[A]​

    The succession passed to the eleven year old Manuel III, who immediately found himself under threat from his uncle Constantine, the Despot of Cappadocia. Constantine marched on the capital with his Anatolian troops, and the Dowager Empress Maria fled for Trebizond rather than risk capture. Maria's flight destroyed her support among the people of Constantinople and Constantine was duly crowned as Emperor Constantine XI on January 4th 1449. In Trebizond Despot Alexander naturally declared for his nephew, and seized control of the Pontic coast in Manuel's name. Constantine marched on the rebel and defeated him at the Battle of Doryaleum, but in the meantime Tzar Fruzhin of Bulgaria seized control of the undermanned capital in April 18th 1449 and crowned himself Tsar of the Bulgars and the Greeks by stint of his wife, Princess Sophia of Thessalonika, the daughter of King Gian Giacomo Paleiologos.[1]


    Fruzhin followed up this victory by defeating and killing Constantine at the battle of Nikaea, and soon all of Asia Minor had fallen into his hands. He erred, however, in subsequently invading Thessalonika, capturing that city on August 2nd 1449 and blinding his father in law King Gian Giacomo. The hapless monarch died three weeks later on August 25th 1449.


    This was a fatal mistake. Emperor Philip had heretofore looked equanimously on the destruction of his client king. A new Bulgarian Empire was not a prospect he was innately hostile to; on the contrary, he welcomed it, as the Bulgars could serve as a useful counterweight to the Hungarians and- unlike the Byzantines- had no outstanding claims on Latin territory in southern and western Greece. Gian Giacomo was once his brother by marriage, however, and the uncle of the Emperor's daughters; in mutilating Gian, the Bulgar king therefore dealt a grievous injury to the House of Visconti as well. Consequently a Veneto-Italian-Albanian army invaded Thessalonika in October 22nd 1449 and destroyed the Bulgars in Macedonia, driving them from the kingdom entirely and reinstating Gian Giacomo's son Giovanni Palaeiologos as king.


    As the Bulgarian tide receded, Alexander schemed in Anatolia. Capitalizing on the size of his army, his blood ties to the late emperor, and the prestige of the Komnenoi name Alexander secured his co-coronation as junior emperor in Nikaea on September 14th 1449. Doubtlessly he eventually intended to become the sole emperor, but while besieging Nicomedia Alexander took to bed with stomach cramps and died on October 2nd 1449. The throne passed once more to the eleven year old Manuel, who was almost immediately usurped by a new general- this time the Anatolian dynatoi John Lascaris- who seized the capital and the young emperor in October 19th 1449. “A towering giant, muscled like an oxe, and handsome as the devil” John was shrewd and charismatic and quickly seduced and married Empress Maria, and soon enough he too was crowned as the co-emperor of Byzantium. The mob of Constantinople, however, looked disfavorably on any threat to the son of the late Emperor John, and a rumor that Lascaris was planning to castrate and tonsure Michael sparked a general riot. John Lascaris deployed his troops to quash the revolt, but Maria- perhaps tiring of her new husband- betrayed him, and the imperial guard fell upon John and hacked him to pieces on the steps of the Blachernae Palace on November 13th 1449. Manuel for the third time in under a year became the sole emperor following the untimely demise of his would-be usurper, but the capital remained a hotbed of intrigue, and when Maria herself was revealed to be pregnant the following March she accordingly acted decisively to secure her son's inheritance. Consequently on April 6th 1450 the Dowager Empress invited the newly installed Giovanni I of Thessalonika, son of the murdered king Gian Giacomo to take up the regency for his cousin. Giovanni I, now in his thirties, had taken Mamica Kastrioti, youngest sister of the famous Albanian general and prince Skanderbeg, as his wife in 1442, and with this alliance in place and the Bulgars licking their wounds he readily acceded to Maria's request, seizing upon the opportunity to make himself the power behind the Imperial Throne. As a Latin and a blood relation to Manuel, Maria hoped that King Giovanni would be discouraged from seeking the throne for himself, and have a personal stake in maintaining the rights of Manuel. Thessalonika also gave him a power base sufficient to maintain order and defend the Empire, which given the ongoing rebellions in eastern Anatolia was an ongoing concern.


    King Gian of Thessalonika entered through the Golden Gate on May 1st 1450 at the head of a four-thousand man army. The increasingly-pregnant Maria offered no resistance to King Giovanni, who quickly made himself the master of the city. He did not tarry long after installing a garrison of Latins, crossing the Bosphorus with a combined army of Latins and Greeks on May 22nd 1450, marching along the old Roman road to Cappadocia.


    The Cappadocian Turks rebelled during the chaos of the Byzantine civil war, a local Turkish warlord known as Uzun Asil seizing power, destroying the Byzantine garrison and declaring himself, rather grandiosely, “Sultan of Rum.” The Turks quickly found themselves under assault from the south, however. The grand prince Frencesco Bussone of Armenia, a former Condotierri general of the Black Legions and self-styled Prince of Cilicia, was by 1450 nearly 70 years old, but he and his half-Armenian son Gian Maria Bussone were nevertheless in possession of the only army worthy of the name east of Otranto. Drilled exhaustively in the Swiss style and incorporating both Albanian and Turkish cavalrymen, Francesco readily adapted to the oriental conditions of his new dominion, gradually expanding from his fief in Sis to make himself master of all of Cilicia and even Antioch. To this ambitious and expansionist warrior prince the Cappadocian rebellion proved too great a temptation: barely did the bewildered Turks learn of Bussone's advance through the Cilican Gates than the Armenians “descended from the mountains to teach them the fear of God.” Bussone captured Uzun Asil but unexpectedly let him live; the prince, impressed by the Turkish warlord's dignified defiance, not only spared his life but welcomed him as a subordinate, and the Turko-Armenian army defeated the Thessalonikans and captured Ankrya, Antalya and Teke in a brilliant four month campaign from June through October 1450. Prince Frencesco Bussone now styled himself as “Prince of Cilicia, Armenia, Cappadocia, Galatia and Antioch” and ruled an Armeno-Turkish state stretching from the Aegean in the west to Aleppo in the east.

    Anatolia Map 1450.png

    Armenia at its Height: Anatolia in 1450​

    The prince began building a navy with which to consolidate his control southern coast of Anatolia, but the rise of the Akk Qoyunlu forced him to divert his focus, and while on campaign in northern Armenia Frencesco Bussone caught ill and died in the autumn of 1451. His grand principality was divided into three parts by his three surviving sons- Cappadocia and Cilicia, including Antioch and Aleppo went to Gian Maria Bussone, Galatia was bequeathed to his second son Gian Galeazzo and his bastard son Alexander gained Antalya as an appanage of his elder brother. The two legitimate sons, however, quickly fell out among themselves over their Anatolian border, and the Turkish warlord Asil seized the opportunity to once more rise in revolt. Gian Maria and Alexander- after defeating and partitioning Gian Galeazzo's territories- invaded Turkish Cappadocia but Uzun Asil appealed in turn to the Akk Qoyunlu, who invaded Cilicia in 1452 and forced them to submit as their vassal. Amidst the chaos Antalya was reclaimed for Byzantium by King Giovanni of Thessalonika. As a fragile peace of exhaustion descended upon Anatolia the peninsula essentially returned to the status quo of two decades before, the only change being the desolation of the countryside and “the thousands of men offered up to the altar of princely ambition.” Ultimately the benefector of the chaos was the White Sheep Turkomens of the Akk Qoyonlu. Bolstered by Ottoman and Turkish refugees and their recent conquests the Akk Qoyunlu decisively defeated their ancient foe the Black Sheep Turkomens of Qara Qoyunlu, absorbing their tribe and their lands over the course of 1440 to 1453.

    Anatolia Map 1452.png

    Anatolia in 1452​

    Maria Komnene died of complications from childbirth on July 20th 1450, giving birth to twins- a boy and a girl. The boy, named Alexander, died a few days later, but the girl, Theodora, survived. In time, “the most beautiful woman in the world” would be remembered for her invaluable accounts of both the Imperial court of her half brother in Constantinople and the Italian court of her future husband.




    [1]It might seem incredible that a “barbarian” could gain entry into Constantinople, but one must remember that the Palaeiologi were responsible not only for the Roman revival but also the Church Union. Tzar Fruzhin, staunchly orthodox despite both Latin and Hungarian pressure to convert, had a natural constituency among the disgruntled Orthodox holdouts and with the Emperor's armies gone his supporters readily secured the city on his behalf

    [A]Savor this map, Byzantophiles: the Empire's not going to be this big again for a loooooong time....
     
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    Rota Fortunae
  • Rota Fortunae

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    The Emperor holds Court in Pavia​

    Filippo Maria's intervention in Thessalonika was not done for charity. Since the Crusade Greece itself had passed under Visconti jurisdiction as Papal vicar of Greece; now Bulgaria and Illyria were likewise made subject to Milan. The latter predictably annoyed the Habsburgs of Austria-Hungary, but as the bulk of Illyria was owned either by the Visconti or by their Venetian clients they had little recourse. The Venetians were almost as upset but gave no complaint, recognizing that this was intended to give the Emperor another lever to enforce their cooperation. In truth although Filippo Maria claimed Albania the Illyrian Slavs took their cues not from Vienna or Milan nor even from Rome but from Venice. The coastal cities had been annexed into the Republic and the hinterland was under heavy Venetian influence. Venice recruited heavily from Slavic populations of the Adriatic littoral- Albanian Stratioti were second only to Croats from Dalmatia in their representation among the Republic's military- and several princes had even secured sinecures in the Republic itself beyond mere mercenaries. The famous Skanderbeg and his family were made Citizens of the Republic in 1440, a rare honor but not one unique to that family.



    As the Byzantine Empire collapsed into civil war the Western Empire faced its own calamity: Emperor Filippo Maria Visconti, the Grand Signore of Naples, was dying. By 1450 he was 57 years old, and the demands of his office- as first king, then regent, and finally Emperor- weighed ever more heavily upon him. Heaviest of all was the death of both his daughter Valentina and her infant son Filippo in 1448; Filippo Maria had no further daughters with which to bind the two Visconti lines together, and beyond any political aspirations Valentina had always been the most cherished of his children. In the wake of Valentina's demise the Emperor gradually withdrew from the court at Pavia, becoming ever more morose and reclusive; government passed increasingly to Cosimo de Medici, for the young king Gian Galeazzo II- by now in his early twenties- had become an indolent and indecisive king long accustomed to surrendering to the influence of more formidable individuals. Although kindly, well-read, and impulsively energetic Gian Galeazzo lacked the spine or the resolve for captaining what was in 1450 Europe's most powerful state, and the court at Pavia quickly slipped from the ailing Filippo Maria into the waiting hands of the urban oligarchs and merchants.

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    Tarot Cards depicting the Visconti​

    Filippo Maria Visconti breathed his last in Pavia on December 23rd, 1450, an end long anticipated by both the assorted Visconti courtiers and the German princes. With his death Gian Galeazzo II formally acceded to the crown of Naples but in truth his actual power and influence were not meaningfully expanded, as the king was easily swayed by the Medici and other note-worthies. With Filippo Maria died the impressive string of capable monarchs which had forged Milan into the political heart of the Mediterranean world; for the first time in its history the formidable Visconti state had to endure the reign of a weak and incompetent ruler.



    Across the Alps, the thirty-five year old Frederick V quickly secured his election to the German Kaisardom, Gian Galeazzo casting a failed vote for himself (along with the King of Lorraine and the Palatinate) and the Polish king Frederick II backing his own candidacy rather than the unimpressive young Visconti heir; the Frisians, under the influence of the English, backed Austria. Gian Galeazzo did not contest Frederick's election, but Frederick was intent on securing an imperial coronation in Rome. Gian Galeazzo himself fled from the Emperor's stately procession in Germany for Milan. This blunder might ordinarily have provoked an imperial ban, but the amiable Frederick V was predisposed to diplomatic solutions wherever possible, and convened the first Emergency Council in Munich to resolve the dispute, demanding that King Gian Galeazzo “present himself before his Emperor and air his grievances like an honest man.”



    After consultation with his advisors Gian Galeazzo yielded to the Imperial demand and on March 23rd 1451 he appeared in Munich with a sizable retinue. The entire meeting was meticulously recorded by German scribes, and the following exchange in particular is heavily cited:

    Frederick: “Do you mean to bar my passage [across the Alps]?”
    Gian Galeazzo: “Do you mean to steal my kingdom?”
    Frederick: “I am the Emperor of Rome, King of Germany and Italy, and your liege.”
    Gian Galeazzo: “Do you claim dominion over my lands?”
    Frederick: “The Holy Empire claims dominion over all lands.”


    Ultimately Frederick managed to soothe the flighty Gian Galeazzo by offering him his daughter Elizabeth as a new bride. In leiu of any dowry the Emperor-Elect offered to formally cede Carniola and Tirol to the Visconti, renouncing his claims to those lands[A]; henceforth the Visconti's consorts styled themselves as the Duchess of Tirol and Carniola. Elizabeth, although two years younger than her husband, was far more regal and willful, and rapidly made herself the eminence grise of Milan just as the late Filippo Maria had done prior. When the couple's first child was born in 1452 the formidable Elizabeth insisted on naming him after her father; the feckless Gian Galeazzo rapidly yielded to his wife's entreaties, abandoning his plan to name the boy after his own father and predecessor Gian Maria and agreeing to name his heir was thus named Gian Federico instead.



    The Habsburg-Visconti marriage stabilized relations in the wake of Gian Maria's conquest and formally re-asserted the feudal hierarchy in a manner that both rulers found acceptable. It did not end the rivalry between Habsburg and Visconti, and this would not be the last time a contested election nearly resulted in war, but it did form the framework for Italo-German political relations for the foreseeable future.



    This inauspicious beginning of Gian Galeazzo II's reign augured poorly for the future, and further ill omens arrived one after the other. An earthquake struck Venice in 1451, many claiming the “sinful excess” of the Republic as responsible; in Naples the plague reared its head; a fire in Pisa ravaged the merchant's quarter in 1452, and incited a general economic malaise across Tuscany; and in in 1453 all of Europe convulsed in panic when Venetian traders brought dire news from Syria: Antioch had fallen, and the armies of Sultan Uzun Hassan of Persia were marching on Jerusalem.



    [A]This is based on the OTL resolution of the Welf-Staufer feud; Frederick II seized their Saxon holdings and then re-enfeoffed the Welfs with the Duchy of Brunswick. Medieval politics is a mashup between mafia blood-feuds and insane legal munchkinry; you could claim land because the last ruler was your wife's fourth cousin twice removed, you could get the Pope to give you the right to steal someone's stuff after you conquered it, you could claim the old king was a bastard and try to usurp him because you have the bigger army and are married to his niece, you could claim that as the immediate heir to that French warlord from a century ago who conquered a bunch of places you were the legitimate Roman Emperor and proper ruler of everything in Italy, but you had to have something beyond just force if you wanted to be secure in your conquests, and the more spurious the claim the harder it was to hold onto it and the more naked the force needed to make good on it.
     
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