Visconti Victorious: Medieval Italian Unification

The Visconti Victorious
The Visconti Victorious

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Duke Gian Galeazzo Visconti, b. 1351​

In August 1402 the armies of Milan stood at the gates of Florence. For the past twenty years the brilliant lord Gian Galeazzo Visconti had amassed a powerful array of territory in Northern Italy- bequeathed the city of Pavia at birth, he gained Milan by overthrowing his uncle in 1385, and quickly expanded east, conquering Verona, Vicensa, and Padua in quick succession, although the latter was lost to the Carraras in 1390. Despite his conquests the duke was first and foremost a shrewd politician and skilled administrator: in 1395 he secured from Luxemburg King of the Romans Wenceslaus formal recognition as the Duke of Milan, the first Visconti to bear that honor, for a sum of 100,000 florins. Visconti additionally amassed in Milan one of if not the first modern bureaucracies, the wealth of Europe's second largest city leveraged towards consolidating his vast domains.

With the north largely quiescent Gian Galeazzo turned his sights to the south, towards Tuscany and the Romagna. In the wake of Matilda of Tuscany's death in 1115 Tuscany had been dominated by a cluster of city states. Greatest among these was the Republic of Florence. As one of the largest and wealthiest independent cities Florence had begun to expand into Tuscany using the valiant mercenary John Hawkwood, and they naturally opposed any attempts at Italian unification as an existential threat to their republic, and the wealth of the city funded its opposition to the Visconti. Florence had some success in the first war of 1390-1392, but suffered defeat in the second war of 1397-1398. Sensing weakness, the rival cities of Pisa and Siena defected to the Visconti in 1399 while Lucca abandoned the anti-Visconti alliance, triggering a third and final war in 1400.

Joining Florence was the city of Bologna, strategically positioned in the center of the Romagna and the site of Europe's first university; although not as rich as Florence or as grand as Milan it was still a respectable city and stood directly athwart Milanese ambitions.

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The Visconti domains, on the eve of the Sack of Florence​


The Visconti did not lack for soldiers, nor allies of their own- the Gonzaga of Mantua, and the Malatesta of Rimini, sided with Milan. The emperor elect Rupert, bribed by the Florentines, descended from the Alps, but was halted outside Brescia and forced to withdraw as his army abandoned him during the winter due to lack of funds.

With the German intervention thwarted Gian Galeazzo marched against Florence's sole remaining ally, the city of Bologna. On June 26th 1402 the Milanese defeated the Florentine-Bolognese alliance at the Battle of Casallecio. In the wake of the battle Gian sacked Bologna, and marched on Florence. The city was besieged, and on September 3rd, disgruntled Florentine citizens opened the gates, admitting the Milanese troops. Florence had fallen, and with it fell the last independent power capable of opposing the Visconti.



OK, so this is my first timeline, and I'm not nearly as knowledgeable as I would like on the period, but I've always been fascinated with Italy, and 15th/16th century Italy in particular, and the opportunity to write a timeline where Milan successfully unites the north was something I'd been considering for a while. The PoD, in case you were wondering, is that Gian Galeazzo avoids whatever illness killed him OTL, and is able to consolidate his domains and pass them on to a son.
 
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Counting Coup
Counting Coup

With the fall of Florence, the Duke of Milan paused to consider his position. His first order of business was of course be to reclaim Padua from the Carraras, which was accomplished, along with the subjugation of Ferrara, via ample bribes and a contingent of condottieri by fall of 1404. Further expansion, however, seemed fraught with difficulty: he had repulsed the German king, and in any case Rupert was a decidedly unimpressive figure. Nevertheless any further expansion- against Mantua, Montferrat, Trento, Aquileia, Savoy or Saluzzo- would undoubtedly provoke an imperial response, as all these territories were like Milan itself imperial fiefs. Indeed the conquest of Ferrara had provoked a furious response from king Rupert of Germany, but whether from lingering malaise from his prior failure or his present conflict in Swabia with the lords of Baden, Zahringen and the Archbishop of Mainz he failed to offer more than a flurry of angry letters in response.

The Papacy, the other main obstacle to any would be Italian king, was embroiled in the Great Schism between the french Anti-pope in Avignon and the pope in Rome. Since the fall of the Hohenstaufens the Papacy claimed dominion over the territory of the former exarchate of Ravenna, but the ongoing Babylonian Captivity meant that many of these cities, including Rome itself, enjoyed de facto independence from both the Pope and the Emperor. the Visconti had already made inroads into nominally papal lands, annexing Spoleto, Perugia, Assisi and Bologna in 1402 and Forli in 1403, and reducing the Malatesta of Rimini and Gonzaga of Mantua to effective vassalage, but the wealthy and strategically central cities of the Romagna were essential targets, as they controlled access to Rome, and therefore access to the Pope. The Papacy was presently divided, but such a golden opportunity would not last forever, and if the Visconti were to ensure a pliant papacy supportive of their ambitions they would need to gain control over the Patrimonium of St Peter.


Romagna itself, excluding the recently subjugated city of Bologna, was presently divided into three great feudatories: the Visconti's allies and clients, the Malatesta of Rimini; the Da Polenta of Ravenna; and the Montefeltro of Urbino. All three were nominally papal fiefs but de facto independent; should Milan attempt a conquest there was no one in Italy who could effectively stop him. In addition to these were the cities of the Marche, notably Ancona, a major port on the Adriatic and a gateway to eastern trade. Subjugating the city would give Milan the potential to tap in to the rich eastern trade and a viable port in the east, but would also aggravate the powerful Republic of Venice, which naturally would view such an endeavor as a mortal threat to their independence.

Further south the kingdom of Naples was presently divided between the Angevin King Ladislaus of Naples, and the king Martin I of Sicily of the de Barcelona, whilst Sardinia was held by his father and heir, also named Martin, the King of Aragon. The kingdom had been divided since the Sicilian Vespers drove the Anjou from the island in 1282, and both houses claimed the whole kingdom for themselves. Matters were further complicated by the folly of Queen Joanna of Naples (1328-1382). Queen Joanna endured a Hungarian invasion by her cousin Louis the Great, and an imperial intervention in Provence. The question of her succession ultimately proved fatal, as she passed over the Angevin Prince of Achaea, Charles of Durazzo, in favor of the younger house of Anjou, Duke Louis I of Anjou and Maine. Louis I, backed by France and Avignon, succeeded in claiming Provence and invaded Italy in 1383, conquering the city of Arezzo, but the duke died in 1384. Joanna by this time had been defeated, imprisoned and (supposedly) assassinated by Charles of Durazzo, who became Charles III, king of Naples. The claim thus fell to Louis' son, Louis II, Duke of Anjou and Count of Provence. Acclaimed king of Naples in Avignon by the antipope his abortive invasion in 1399 failed but he would undoubtedly try again if the opportunity presented itself.



Gian Galeazzo had his own ambitions in the south. The Iron Crown might be out of his reach, but the two crowns in the south were open. Equally possible was the ephemeral kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica- the Visconti maintained claims to Gallura, a fief on the north of Sardinia, and in any case this kingdom like Sicily and Naples were papal fiefs, and it was far more likely that he could gain a crown from one of the two extant popes than from the intransigent German emperor.

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Duke Louis II of Anjou, titular king of Naples​

In 1405, Duke Gian Galeazzo approached Louis with an offer of alliance between their families, to be cemented by the betrothal of his son and heir Gian Maria Visconti and his infant daughter Marie of Anjou. As part of their agreement Gian Galeazzo proposed that they "divide Sicily between themselves and be brothers in kingship." Louis, however, was reluctant. An invasion of Sicily meant war with Aragon, and that was not a prospect Louis viewed with favor; indeed, he had married his cousin Yolande, daughter of King John I of Aragon and nephew to the current king Martin. Nevertheless the rich dowry offered by Gian Galeazzo and the prospect of winning a powerful ally in Italy were enough for him to consent to the marriage.
 
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Interesting timeline. It is often said in Italy Gian Galeazzo was one of the top candidates to unify the peninsula, or set up the course, with the European situation of the time highly favourable - France at her lowest point, Aragon not still embroiled, the Holy Roman Empire split by the Little Schism - and the Papacy was in truth weakened in Italy.

And, considering Ladislaus Durazzo would make his move soon, a match between Milan and Naples could turn decisive...
 
Interesting timeline. It is often said in Italy Gian Galeazzo was one of the top candidates to unify the peninsula, or set up the course, with the European situation of the time highly favourable - France at her lowest point, Aragon not still embroiled, the Holy Roman Empire split by the Little Schism - and the Papacy was in truth weakened in Italy.

And, considering Ladislaus Durazzo would make his move soon, a match between Milan and Naples could turn decisive...
Yes, I have plans for the south, and Aragon. Definitely there's no better opportunity for the old duke than now.
 
I'm looking forward to seeing where this goes, although I am worried about what happens when Gian Galeazzo inevitably dies. IOTL, both Gian Maria and Filippo Maria were known for their cruelty, but Filppo, although paranoid, ugly and sensitive about his ugliness, was supposedly a great politician.
 
I'm looking forward to seeing where this goes, although I am worried about what happens when Gian Galeazzo inevitably dies. IOTL, both Gian Maria and Filippo Maria were known for their cruelty, but Filppo, although paranoid, ugly and sensitive about his ugliness, was supposedly a great politician.
Yes the succession will be a dilemma, and one that will not offer an easy solution.
 
Church and State
Church and State

Ruling over a land as fractious as Italy took more than mere strength. To control Italy meant control of the cities, and it was to that end that Gian Galeazzo devoted the latter part of his reign.


In the wake of the imperial twilight the Italian cities had thrown off the rule of prince and bishop alike, establishing urban communes in the 12th century. These communes were far from peaceful, however- urban politics, in Italy as elsewhere, were notoriously violent, as competing factions in the cities waged a war of literal cloaks and daggers, as the citizens jealously guarded their wealth against each other and against foreigners who might seek to destroy their liberties. Of all the major Italian cities only Venice was largely free of this internecine strife, and that Most Serene Republic was very much the exception which proved the rule.

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The famous Two Towers of Bologna, home to competing Patrician families of the 12th century​

By the end of the thirteenth century the communes had largely given way to the rule of the Signoria- powerful oligarchs who amassed despotic power over their cities through wealth, cunning, or sheer military might. Northern Italy had never quite cast off its classical heritage, and the Feudal world order was less entrenched there than across the Alps; bloodline and hereditary succession were of far less significance, and the urban mob was a powerful political actor, able to make or unmake the unwary tyrant with their wrath. This was in many ways a twin-edged sword; it allowed ambitious and capable men- such as the Visconti and the Malatesta- to rise to prominence, ascending from mere condottieri captains or lesser magnates to the rulers of great cities, but it also meant that power was innately unstable, depending upon the vagaries of fortune and the skill and ambition of the men with the ambition of princes. Many of these lords turned to the Emperor or the Pope as fonts of legitimacy, receiving formal investiture as imperial vassals, as in the case of the newly minted Duke of Milan, but if the Visconti were to rule beyond Lombardy they could not trust the Emperor to help them.

In the wake of his accession Gian Galeazzo had lavished his wealth on Milan. The famous gothic Cathedral of Milan began its construction concurrently with the duke's accession in 1386 and would become a physical symbol of Gian Galeazzo's legacy, under the orders of the Archbishop Antonio da Saluzzo, who was coincidentally Gian Galeazzo's cousin. The church quickly became a source of civi pride, which the shrewd duke capitalized on by collecting donations from the citizens to ameliorate the substantial costs. In 1389, the duke hired the French engineer Nicolas de Banventure, exploiting exclusive use of the Candolgia quuarry and tax exemptions to proceed rapidly. Although the duke would not live to see its completion in 1429 the edifice remains emblematic of Visconti grandeur.

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The Duomo of Milan[1]​


Less imposing than the Duomo, but no less monumental, was the Milanese state itself. In matters of administration Gian Galeazzo excelled, and the probity of his bureaucracy proved decisive in ensuring the survival of the Visconti dominion in the tumultuous years to come. With all of the Po under his control he could muster considerable resources to economic development- as demonstrated by a failed attempt to divert the Mincio from Mantua and the Brenta from Padua during his final campaigns to unite the north. In peacetime these engineering feats were put to use improving the Po valley, reducing flooding and easing commerce across the Padanian basin. Newly subjugated cities were treated gently, and taxed lightly, so long as they remained peaceful, loyal and cooperative. The cities which submitted peacefully were occasionally allowed a measure of self-governance, but for the most part the Visconti regime relied upon the podestas, appointed magistrates tasked with governing the cities on the duke's behalf. By and large this was not only tolerated but welcomed- as foreigners, the Milanese were able to pose as neutral arbiters between the rival families and factions, and the overwhelming power and wealth available to Milan meant that dissidents were quickly forced into line.

Cities were obligated to pay a tithe to the regime, and maintain their walls and the roads in their vicinity. They were additionally required to adopt the Milanese law code and standards for weights and measures set by the ducal court, and to fall in line in regards to tariffs, coinage, and foreign affairs. For the most part, however, the cities were left to their day to day governance unmolested, as much by necessity as any strategy of the duke. However sophisticated the Italian bureaucracy was by the standards of its peers, it remained constrained by the realities of early modern government. Nevertheless the pacification of the Po valley seems to have engendered economic prosperity, which the Visconti regime quickly took credit for, justifiably or otherwise; certainly, later commenters wrote nostalgically of the reign of "The Grand Duke" as an era of peace and growth, where merchants could walk unarmed from Turin to Venice and back without fear of assault.

In Romagna, the House of Malatesta profited handsomely as Milanese clients. Gian Galeazzo, mindful of the significance of the region, formally invested the condottieri Carlo I Malatesta with the title Warden of the March of Ancona, although the city of Ancona itself was as yet independent of the Milanese regime. In the same year Gian Galeazzo sold the city of Padua to Venice, in exchange for a sum of 500,000 ducats, a further annual tribute of 5000 ducats, and the use of the Venetian navy against Naples.



The Pope of Rome did not look fondly upon Visconti ambitions. Visconti had seized control of the Romagna and Ancona in the name of the antipope Benedict XIII, from whom he had formally received investiture as part and parcel of his pro-Anjou alliance. Pope Innocent VII of Rome was predictably unenthused by this action, but Gian Galeazzo had extracted essentially the same concession from him in October 1404 after dispatching an army to put down a riot by Ghibellines in the city following his accession to the throne of St Peter. The soldiers remained ensconced in Viterbo, ostensibly to guard the Pope but in reality to serve as his minder.[2]



This action immedately attracted the ire of Ladislaus of Naples, who had dispatched his own force to accomplish a similar objective. Ladislaus' army menaced Rome for a time, before withdrawing under threat of excommunication, but nevertheless extracted from the beleaguered Innocent a pledge that he would not compromise with the Avignon Pope if they insisted on maintaining the Anjou claim to his throne, as well as extending secular control over the Neapolitan church. News of the betrothal between the Anjou and the Visconti prompted a more dramatic response, and Ladislaus, who had his own designs on papal territory, decided to act preemptively against the northern alliance.



Pope Innocent VII had by this time chosen his nephew Ludovico Migliorati, a condottieri recently discharged from Visconti's service, as the captain of the Papal armies, a bout of nepotism which would cost the Pontiff dearly. Migliorati was wholly cruel and rapacious in temperament- indeed, his supposed “influence” on the young Gian Maria is believed to have motivated his father to foist the man off on the Roman pontiff- and quickly alienated the Roman oligarchy by ambushing eleven of his opponents in the streets upon their departure from a Papal audience, having them murdered and then tossing their bodies from the hospital of Santo Spirito into the Roman streets. These and other offenses provoked another revolt, which quickly overwhelmed the Papal guards and the bewildered Milanese garrison and drove them from the city. In the chaos of the flight Pope Innocent himself was killed by a stray projectile hurled by the crowd, and his corpse fallen upon and torn asunder by the furious Roman mob.[3]



This was the opportunity Ladislaus was waiting for. Barely was Innocent's body cold than he immediately marched north at the head of a sizeable army. Ladislaus did not merely desire concessions but the outright annexation of Papal territory, and to that end convened a Conclave to elevate his own candidate to the Papacy.



At this time Milan had an army in the Romagna under the command of Marquis Carlo, presently besieging Ancona with the aid of a Venetian navy. Proceedings in Rome scuppered these plans, and the army promptly lifted the siege and moved south to intercept the Neapolitans. Ladislaus had expected this, however, and dealt the Romagnans a stinging defeat at the Battle of Viterbo.


News of Ladislaus' advance provoked the venerable duke to action. Although literally wedded to the Anjou alliance, Gian Galeazzo was as yet laggardly in offering immediate support, as he did not intend to waste time, men or gold in a southern campaign until he was assured of a royal crown for himself. He had, however, used his French connections to annex the Republic of Genoa, a client of Paris, ostensibly in preparation for the Neapolitan campaign but in reality meant to secure the great city for himself. Now that Ladislaus was occupying Rome, however, Gian Galeazzo reacted decisively, dispatching envoys to Anjou to orchestrate their invasion of Naples.



[1]The Duomo OTL languished for two centuries due to the instability in Lombardy following Gian Galeazzo's death. TTL, with the survival of Visconti fortunes the Duomo is completed far earlier
[2]Ladislaus of Naples put down this revolt OTL. TTL, Visconti- being acutely in tune with papal politics- is quicker on the draw.
[3] this is all OTL up until Innocent's death, which is a divergence.
 
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French Entanglements
French Entanglements

The French response to Italian developments was not long in coming. In addition to the House of Anjou the Visconti had ties to the House of Orleans, due to the marriage of Gian Galeazzo's daughter Valentina Visconti- the only surviving child of his first wife Isabella of Valois- to the powerful duke Louis of Orleans, brother to King Charles VI. From his marriage to Duchess Valentina Duke Louis claimed significant fiefs in Italy, and naturally agitated for a French intervention on his goodfather's behalf. This, in turn, meant that Louis' rivals at court were deadset against any prospective Italian expeditions.

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Louis of Orleans unveiling a Mistress, Delacroix

The madness of King Charles of France allowed Louis and his rival, Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy, free reign over the royal court and its bounty. Duke Louis seized Luxemburg in 1402 in an effort to stymie the expansion of the Burgundians, and further conflicts over plum titles and royal estates exacerbated tensions. Burgundy- in possession of Flanders- also favored closer ties to England, which the duke of Orleans, high in the line of succession, naturally opposed. Louis' profligate womanizing did him no favors, and seems to have engendered a personal animosity, not least since he allegedly attempted to seduce Margaret of Bavaria, the Duchess of Burgundy. The Burgundians later claimed that Queen Isabeau had taken Louis as her lover, and that king Charles' son- the future Charles VII- was a bastard born of adultery.



By 1406 the Burgundians had been thoroughly isolated from the royal court. John, attempting to claw back his influence, turned to the merchants and city dwellers. The people of Paris were resentful of royal taxation, and were easily swayed by John's overtures and promises of lighter exactions. In 1405 the citizens of Paris rose on John's behalf as a show of force but the duke of Orleans held firm. Ultimately John resorted to assassination, arranging Louis' murder in November 1407 and thereby dooming France to three decades of calamitous civil war. At this moment, however, Louis- at the peak of his influence- did not lack for men or coin, and when Louis of Anjou eventually crossed the Alps he did so with a considerable army and the full backing of the royal court. Among the men in Louis' camp was the antipope Benedict XIII, whom Louis intended to ensconce in Rome itself.



The French and Lombards met at Pavia in January 1407, where they agreed upon the following terms and conditions of their alliance:

  1. affirmation of Louis II as the legitimate king of Naples
  2. recognition of Milanese dominion over the Romagna, Ancona, and Spoleto by formal investiture of Gian Galeazzo as Duke of these territories, in homage to the Papacy
  3. a pledge by Duke Gian Galeazzo to protect the Papacy against all threats, foreign and domestic
  4. Affirmation of Pope Benedict as the one true Pope of Rome
  5. mutual inheritance treaty between the House of Anjou and the House of Visconti[1]
  6. Papal Investiture of Gian Galeazzo as King in Corsica

Notably absent from the discussions was the question of Sicily. In truth, outlandish schemes to invade the island were not, at this time, given serious consideration by the Duke of Milan beyond the enticements lavished upon the Anjou to secure the marriage. Neither he nor King Louis wished war with Aragon while Naples remained hostile to them, certainly not given the possibility of an intervention from either Hungary or Germany. Although the wealthy island of Sicily was a tempting prize what the Visconti wanted most from any southern adventurism was a royal crown.



The ephemeral kingdom of Sardinia and Corsica owed its origins to Pope Boniface VIII in 1297, who offered it to the King of Aragon as inducement for an invasion of Angevin Sicily. Aragon never ruled Corsica, and did not even control all of Sardinia- the counts of Arborea eeked out a precarious independence in their insular dominion. The Visconti held claim to the province of Gallura in the north of Sardinia, and since the subjugation of Genoa had been in command of Corsica itself. Thus did Pope Benedict XIII justify granting Gian Galeazzo the kingdom, shorn of the southern title to defuse potential tensions with Barcelona. Kingship was not merely a matter of prestige- although this was important: the legitimacy and stature granted by a royal title implied with it a grander dignity and temporal power beyond a mere signoria or duke. By becoming a king, Gian Galeazzo hoped, he would enable his dynasty to consolidate their control over fractious Italy and stand as peers to the likes of Germany, France, and Aragon.



The matter of the succession remained an intractable issue, and one that Gian Galeazzo poured considerable thought into. Both of his sons, now in their teens, proved to be far removed from their brilliant and politically savvy father: the eldest, Gian Maria, was infamously cruel and brutish, having a pack of trained hunting dogs which he is rumored to have set upon servants and hapless commoners for his own amusement. The younger son, Fillipo Maria was more promising. Although paranoid and prone to react violently against slights against his appearance[2] he nonetheless seems to have absorbed many of his father's lessons, and by 1407 the fifteen year old boy was commonly present at state meetings and a fixture in the political life of the urban elite. Gian Galeazzo insisted that his eldest son accompany his father-in-law-to-be on the campaign, doubtlessly hoping that army life would instill a sense of discipline in the unruly teenager, especially since he would be in the company of men who owed fealty neither to him nor his father and would therefore be less obsequious to the heir to Milan; and in any event, should Gian Maria perish, Fillipo Maria was a qualitatively better successor, and old enough to minimize any instability should Gian Galeazzo himself also die in the immediate future.

[1]this contradicted Visconti's earlier agreement with the duke of Orleans, whereby the House of Orleans would inherit the Visconti lands should the family be extinguished in the male line, but the Anjou had an army in Italy and Duke Louis was across the Alps in France. Gian Galeazzo may also have felt slighted over the duke's serial infidelity to his beloved daughter

[2]Fillipo Maria Visconti was infamously ugly
 
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I'll follow with interest.
However please note that Ferrara was a papal fief, and not an imperial one. It would be wise for GG to involve Venice and grant them the lands north of the Po.
Mantua is an imperial fief, but GG should certainly acquire it given its strategic position which controls the Po river. Francesco Gonzaga, the ruler of Mantua as Captain of the People (the Gonzaga are also Imperial Vicars, but IOTL Mantua became a Marquisate only in 1433), is going to die in 1407 leaving a boy of 12 years as heir. Francesco Gonzaga commanded Visconti troops too, then choose the Florentine side for fear of the increasing power of GG. If Florence falls and GG survives, I'm pretty sure that Francesco Gonzaga would move pretty fast to mend his fences with the duke of Milan, no war would be even necessary.
Aragon is going into an interregnum at the death of king Martin the Old in 1410, given the lack of direct heirs. Ferdinand of Trastamara was elected asking only in 1412, which means that these two years are a good time to try and conquer Sicily.
The other interesting thing which will happen soon is the resumption of the Hundred Years War in 1415, which not only will keep the attention of the French king concentrated at home for the next 40 years but may also offer GG some interesting opportunities in north-western Italy and might suggest him to have friendly relations with Burgundy (the land route from Italy to Flanders is at this stage all in Visconti hands from the Adriatic to the pass of Sempione, and can assure very attractive revenues).
 
I'll follow with interest.
However please note that Ferrara was a papal fief, and not an imperial one. It would be wise for GG to involve Venice and grant them the lands north of the Po.
Mantua is an imperial fief, but GG should certainly acquire it given its strategic position which controls the Po river. Francesco Gonzaga, the ruler of Mantua as Captain of the People (the Gonzaga are also Imperial Vicars, but IOTL Mantua became a Marquisate only in 1433), is going to die in 1407 leaving a boy of 12 years as heir. Francesco Gonzaga commanded Visconti troops too, then choose the Florentine side for fear of the increasing power of GG. If Florence falls and GG survives, I'm pretty sure that Francesco Gonzaga would move pretty fast to mend his fences with the duke of Milan, no war would be even necessary.
Aragon is going into an interregnum at the death of king Martin the Old in 1410, given the lack of direct heirs. Ferdinand of Trastamara was elected asking only in 1412, which means that these two years are a good time to try and conquer Sicily.
The other interesting thing which will happen soon is the resumption of the Hundred Years War in 1415, which not only will keep the attention of the French king concentrated at home for the next 40 years but may also offer GG some interesting opportunities in north-western Italy and might suggest him to have friendly relations with Burgundy (the land route from Italy to Flanders is at this stage all in Visconti hands from the Adriatic to the pass of Sempione, and can assure very attractive revenues).
I was wondering when you would show up, given your interest on previous Visconti threads. Any and all advice or commentary is appreciated.:)
In regards to Ferrara I was under the impression that it was an Imperial fief? Or both? In any case I had GG conquer it via chicanery in 1404, and cede Padua to Venice in the same year in preparation for the Naples war.

Interesting in regards to Mantua, I assume GG would make himself master of Mantua, but would he be merely the regent or make himself Podesta and annex the lands directly?

I was aware of the Aragonese succession crisis, and the HYW, part of what drew me to the timeline was how much was going on in Europe at the time and how a few different births or deaths could drastically shift European history; I have a few ideas for divergences as well as obvious butterflies in certain hotspots.
Regarding the south not only Sicily but Aragon itself is in the cards as Louis of Anjou is married to Yolande of Aragon, daughter of King John of Aragon, as good a claim as Ferdinand certainly. Assuming the Visconti-Anjou alliance holds and is successful in the south his prospects in Aragon would presumably be better than OTL due to the added wealth and prestige.

In regards to Burgundy, while there are substantial benefits to an alliance between them (a second Middle Francia as it were) given his ties to Orleans and Anjou Visconti will have difficulty extricating himself from the Armagnac, though it is hardly impossible. Nevertheless the chaos in France is an opportunity, one probably spent closer to home given inevitable Imperial hostility.
 
In regards to Ferrara I was under the impression that it was an Imperial fief? Or both? In any case I had GG conquer it via chicanery in 1404, and cede Padua to Venice in the same year in preparation for the Naples war.

Ferrara was a Papal fief since the early 1300's, when it was offered to Clement V.
 
I was wondering when you would show up, given your interest on previous Visconti threads. Any and all advice or commentary is appreciated.:)
In regards to Ferrara I was under the impression that it was an Imperial fief? Or both? In any case I had GG conquer it via chicanery in 1404, and cede Padua to Venice in the same year in preparation for the Naples war.

Interesting in regards to Mantua, I assume GG would make himself master of Mantua, but would he be merely the regent or make himself Podesta and annex the lands directly?

I was aware of the Aragonese succession crisis, and the HYW, part of what drew me to the timeline was how much was going on in Europe at the time and how a few different births or deaths could drastically shift European history; I have a few ideas for divergences as well as obvious butterflies in certain hotspots.
Regarding the south not only Sicily but Aragon itself is in the cards as Louis of Anjou is married to Yolande of Aragon, daughter of King John of Aragon, as good a claim as Ferdinand certainly. Assuming the Visconti-Anjou alliance holds and is successful in the south his prospects in Aragon would presumably be better than OTL due to the added wealth and prestige.

In regards to Burgundy, while there are substantial benefits to an alliance between them (a second Middle Francia as it were) given his ties to Orleans and Anjou Visconti will have difficulty extricating himself from the Armagnac, though it is hardly impossible. Nevertheless the chaos in France is an opportunity, one probably spent closer to home given inevitable Imperial hostility.

Ferrara was definitely a papal fief, even if the people of Ferrara were divided between Guelfi and Ghibellini partisans and often rose revolted.
You may be influenced by the fact that the Este family held both Ferrara in the east and Modena and Reggio in the west: they were papal vassals for Ferrara and imperial vassals for Modena and Reggio. At the end of the 16th century the main line went extinct, and while the emperor recognised the claim of a collateral line the pope did not and since then Ferrara was governed by a papal legate.
Mantua would be completely surrounded by Visconti lands, and could not oppose GG. IMHO it's quite likely that Francesco Gonzaga would submit and GG wouldn't need to annex the city (but would accept the vassalage of Francesco and put a garrison inside Mantua). Once Francesco dies, there would be Visconti men on the regency council, and the young heir may or may not reach major age.
GG would not have any particular problem in extracting himself from the French alliance, in particular if the 100 Years War starts in earnest. It might even start earlier ITTL if Louis of Anjou claims the crown of Aragon on the strength of his marriage to Yolande: this time around there might be an actual civil war, since I do not see Castille accepting without any protest an Anjou on the Aragonese throne (which would also be a worry for the Plantagenets of England). In such a case Sicily is almost sure to cut their ties with Aragon, and also the Aragonese position in Sardinia would be weakened. GG has also a ready and convenient fig leaf in the way his daughter was treated at the French court, but anyway his alliances were always tactical and he had already gone from France to the HRE and back at least a couple of times. An alliance with Burgundy would also be useful to manage the counts of Savoy (their ducal title was granted only in 1416, and ITTL it may not happen).
 
Ferrara was definitely a papal fief, even if the people of Ferrara were divided between Guelfi and Ghibellini partisans and often rose revolted.
You may be influenced by the fact that the Este family held both Ferrara in the east and Modena and Reggio in the west: they were papal vassals for Ferrara and imperial vassals for Modena and Reggio. At the end of the 16th century the main line went extinct, and while the emperor recognised the claim of a collateral line the pope did not and since then Ferrara was governed by a papal legate.
Mantua would be completely surrounded by Visconti lands, and could not oppose GG. IMHO it's quite likely that Francesco Gonzaga would submit and GG wouldn't need to annex the city (but would accept the vassalage of Francesco and put a garrison inside Mantua). Once Francesco dies, there would be Visconti men on the regency council, and the young heir may or may not reach major age.
GG would not have any particular problem in extracting himself from the French alliance, in particular if the 100 Years War starts in earnest. It might even start earlier ITTL if Louis of Anjou claims the crown of Aragon on the strength of his marriage to Yolande: this time around there might be an actual civil war, since I do not see Castille accepting without any protest an Anjou on the Aragonese throne (which would also be a worry for the Plantagenets of England). In such a case Sicily is almost sure to cut their ties with Aragon, and also the Aragonese position in Sardinia would be weakened. GG has also a ready and convenient fig leaf in the way his daughter was treated at the French court, but anyway his alliances were always tactical and he had already gone from France to the HRE and back at least a couple of times. An alliance with Burgundy would also be useful to manage the counts of Savoy (their ducal title was granted only in 1416, and ITTL it may not happen).
OK, thanks for the clarification, I just assumed Ferrara remained an Imperial fief.

Savoy is a question, Piedmont seems like the natural next choice for expansion after Sicily to secure the western Alps, of course the states there are all Imperial fiefs which will be tricky. Though GG does have a toehold in the region in Asti.
 
In regards to Germany, what prospective brides are there for either Visconti son? I'm thinking a Habsburg match in particular, or a Wittlesbach, given the Luxemburgs are likely hostile and childless.
 
OK, thanks for the clarification, I just assumed Ferrara remained an Imperial fief.

Savoy is a question, Piedmont seems like the natural next choice for expansion after Sicily to secure the western Alps, of course the states there are all Imperial fiefs which will be tricky. Though GG does have a toehold in the region in Asti.
Asti and his hinterland and the county of Vertus in France were the dowry of Valentina, and are now in French hands. However Casale Monferrato and Vercelli are Visconti possession.
I wouldn't go for a German wife for GG's sons. There are Sofia Paleologa, daughter of Theodore II Margrave of Montferrat which has certainly the blood (she went on to marry John VIII Paleologos in 1421) and may bring some interesting dowry in lower Piedmont (OTL Sofia married by proxy Filippo Maria in 1406. The bride and the groom were just children though, and the marriage was dissolved in 1411). Then there is Giovanna of Savoy, daughter of Amadeus VII the Red Count and cousin of GG. It might reinforce a future Visconti claim over Savoy and anyway it would reinforce the Visconti position in Piedmont.

EDIT: incidentally when Valentina traveled to Paris for her marriage she was escorted by the Red Count and by Francesco Gonzaga, Captain of the People in Mantua
 
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