“Libya is like a swamp: you can’t tell how many freaks of nature are residing, but it’s there and it can kill you and it will.”
- Mikhail Budyonny - Head Administrator of the Northern Front on his thoughts over the warring factions in Libya.
Libya is a nation full of mavericks and fanatics. Ever since the Scourge of Tripoli, many of Haftar's officers have scattered to carve the country for their own. Years of intrigue have sowed discontent between comrades and its consequence has led to the fracture of the country we all know today. And despite the valiant efforts made by his most loyal, the destructions have cursed their fragile unity into disrepair and paving the way for new powers to emerge from the vacuum. Since then, warring factions were spawned from the ruinous tides of the war; either to reshape the country at their own stead or to rule whatever fiefdom they have left.
The Green Army
“These mobs don’t have the numbers or the firepower to seize Western Libya, let alone the frontiers. I think their momentum will wane down within a few weeks.”
- Alan Herver - Canadian Journalist assessing the future of the Green Army after the Battle of Bani Walid
The Green Army, or Jaysh Al-Akhdar, is a band of militia turned proto-state ruling over a massive swarth Western Libya. They are an ideologically-driven revolutionary force that combines the old elements of Muammar Gaddafi's thoughts from the Green Book and the original interpretation and ideals of their commander - Za'im. Fought against numerous armies far greater than their own, they later gained the reputation as either a valiant force to be reckoned with and a cunning but fanatical band similar to their jihadist foes in Sirte, especially after the Battle of Tripoli (or Liberation of Tripoli).
Mikhail Budyonny describes their forces as a mixed composition led under their chief commander titled the Qayid: a monstrous force composed of battle-hardened and disciplined core soldiers (Jaysh Al-Akhdar), ideologically-driven militias (Hashd Al-Sheab), and foreign volunteers flowing from every corner of the world (Liwa Al-Duwaliu), with accounts of child soldiers participating within the ranks. Although the numbers are based on educated guesses, lacking the raw numbers to assert any accurate information, it's widely accepted that they amassed the largest army in the conflict; numbering from 325,000 to 495,000 men. They procure waves of armored vehicles after their campaign across Western Libya: Technicals were manufactured from the factories across the region, and they were able to salvage armored vehicles into the fold, albeit struggling to maintain them due to sanctions. The Green Army's tremendous success is attributed to their complex strategizing and elaborate maneuvering, evident by their triumphs during the Battle of Bani Walid and the talented commanders trained under the Qayid's tutelage. Their military hierarchy is decentralized as a result, preferring commanders that could fulfill tasks in their initiative and without strict oversight.
Economically, The Green Army sits within the industrial heart of Libya. From oil, firearms, and even automotive, these factories and workshops were left intact by their previous warlords due to the tremendous value and were later utilized by the army to provide them with the income needed for trade and arms for their men. They benefited from Haftar's development programs over reconstruction and domestic firearms: Dimitry Vasily of the Northern Front reported that the army revived the remnants of the cement plant in Zliten to help their reconstruction efforts and the Great Arsenal in Tripoli was utilized extensively to provide their numerous men with guns and ammunition, even some Pashtuni gunsmiths hired by Haftar cooperated with the Green Army in exchange for materials and protection. They also produce trucks in Tripoli and Tajura, which allows them to mobilize their men at a quick pace compared to other militias across Libya. Foreign volunteers have also contributed to the development of their economy, contributing their specialized skills over horticulture and irrigation. However, they're struggling over the procurement of materials needed to run their industries and agriculture to feeds their people under an abundant manner: the Jifara Plain and irrigated farms in the surrounding region are unable to produce enough crops for rations, and the dwindling materials such as steel and rubber have become an intricate problem for their factories. This forced the Majlis to rely on the trading routes established by the Tuaregs over the entire Saharas in exchange for ample amounts of food and scrapped materials.
The Green Army has mustered hundreds of thousands of radicalized supporters ecstatic by the prospects of armed revolution and reunification. Their fanatical tenacity against dissenting opposition is infamous during the aftermath of the Battle of Tripoli, and it persists to this day. Charlotte McLamb showcased numerous calamities of violent apprehension against those they consider to be dissidents and their accompanying sympathizers: Many were dragged by the militias to be humiliated by the public crowd, pelted with pebbles and sand; some met with the unfortunate fate of being thrown off from high-story buildings such as the Al-Ma'aari Tower, organized by local enforcers. Their radical discontent has even attracted the concerns of the Islamics States and the Caliph himself, providing refuge for people trying to find a sanctuary from their clutches. Despite this, they managed to instill absolute peace for the first since the early reign of Haftar, and the proficient governances of the Majlis Al-Khubara have drawn support from their fellow man. Their coherent rationings are enough to keep dwindling surplus of food at a balance, and the proper policing conducted by the Hashd Al-Sheab has reduced the once-infamous criminal enterprises and delinquencies into mere negligence. With proper coordination between the locals, foreign volunteers were able to use their expertise to compensate for the lack of skilled experts, lending their insight to improve their well-being ranging from healthcare, education, and even local media.
The Green Army, at first glance, sees the world in black and white, despising anyone they deem to the enemy of their revolution. This is evident by their sheer opposition against the Free State of Sabha and warlords of the former LNA: Za'im personally sentenced the slavers and their mercenary accomplices sent by Ljubomir to their deaths in 2026 after being caught scouting over the Al-Kebir Desert, the slavers were thrown off from the very top of the Al-Ma'arri Tower while the Serbian mercenaries were forcefully drowned near the coast; and their doorstep, they launched frequent raids against the Islamic States around the Coast of Sirte and tried to commit a vendetta against Misrata, a city that they historically despise. However, despite their ideological clashes, the Qayid and the Caliph deemed each other as worthy adversaries, both of them are rather open in their exchange of dialogue, lauding and panning as they send letters through their couriers. Some argue that despite their rivalry, their religious preference is rather similar than they're willing to admit. The Tuareg State of Azjar is the only faction they considered to be their ally and openly so. Both are economic partners exchanging guns and materials, and key military equals fighting against the encroaching influence of the Free State of Sabha.
Libyan National Army
“Our solemn duty is to protect Libya from radicals and traitors. They will face god’s judgement soon enough when the time has come.”
- Khalid Ibn Khammas - Field Marshal of the LNA addressing his men before the Zelten Offensive
The Libyan National Army, also known to others as Haftar’s Loyalist, is the remaining army that stayed true to the command established by Khalifa Haftar. While others rebelled to seek power and wealth, these soldiers showed great contempt over the machinations set by their treasonous brothers. Regrouping in Jalu to regain their strength, the LNA set their sights to reunite the country once more under a strong and disciplined government, promising to vanquish the foes of the republic to restore the great legacy set by the Field Marshal of Libya.
What they lack in manpower, they make it up with hundreds of armor and equipment. Based on the findings of the Northern Front, their article stated that they’re the most mechanized and efficient forces throughout the entire civil war: 400 tanks and 950 mechanized vehicles were used during their campaign to secure the southern fringes of Eastern Libya, some of them are latest models provided by the Chinese and the Russians such as the T-20 and Type-19B models. Combined with their hardened and experienced tank formations, their 75,000 infantrymen are highly-disciplined and well-motivated, commandeered under the tutelage of their new Field Marshal - Khalid Ibn Khamas. Most of their forces are veterans of Second and the First Civil War: Some are defectors from the GNA, others are soldiers loyal to his cause during Operation Dignity. And while they're technically under the command of the General Staff, the soldiers and officers are loyal to the Field Marshal. The army compensates their numbers with conscripts numbering over 10,000 men and mercenaries from both Sudan and the northern fringes of Chad, acting as garrisons to protect their exposed flanks and expandables in risky operations. In 2025, 1,000 volunteers were instilled by the Russians serving as shock troops. Rumor suggests they’re Chechens personally handpicked under Khadyrov’s request.
The LNA holds the largest oil reserve throughout the Sirte Basin, accounting for approximately 80% of the country’s barrels supply. Despite their lack of adequate infrastructure to store their crude surplus, they run the refineries throughout the basin, even hiring some former crew members of the Petroleum Facilities Guard to operate them with efficiency. They sold their crude oil by smuggling them to black markets throughout the Sahel Region, trading their oil to neighboring countries in exchange for cash. The people within their sphere pay their taxes through whatever crops they could muster as to provide the army with food surplus. The LNA made key development over their territory, mostly to provide a working infrastructure for their soldiers to funnel through such as adequate roads and even makeshift air bases to provide air support. They trade with their warring brethren on the coastal regions and even the slavers from Sabha as they recognize their economic prowess. The General Staff paid their soldiers with decent wages, but since consumer goods are uncommon throughout Jalu, they usually send caravans to the city of Sabha to buy luxury properties if they are permitted.
Under the hierarchical General Staff, the loyalist is a brutish equivalent to Prussia, an army with a state but lacking its grace and the flattery that comes with it. From taxation, management, and even development, the officers and commanders run the day-to-day bureaucracy of their respective region, supported by former clerks and middlemen that used to work under Haftar's government. Soldiers also serve as engineers when levied by their commanders as they maintain the roads to keep the steady flow of caravans funneling through the pavements, and in some cases developing lands they could use in the foreseeable future. Some of their citizens, including children and the elderly, are forced to train under their martial environment under the pretext of preparing them for any incoming incursion beyond their territory. Curfews are frequent in order to, based on their own words, "To safeguard the security of Libya and her loyal soldiers."
They face difficult relations with their brothers-in-arms ruling over the coastal regions of the surrounding north. Despite condemning their treasonous and rather feudalistic regime, with their new Field Marshal accusing them of deliberate sabotage of the state, they also understand the necessity to unite all the remaining commanders under their banner. This also leaves them to become idle over the disregard for their people, not wanting to risk further friction between either side. Their ties with the Free State of Sabha is nebulous: While rumors conveyed by the Mediterranean accuse Khalid Ibn Khammas of sharing a certain amount of respect for Martin Geoff and his economic ventures, others such as the Northern Front rebutted this claims, pointing out their frequent raids to disrupt slave caravans to free the captives. The army shows deep concern over the recent triumphs made by the Green Army, especially after the uprising ignited over Al-Marj and Al-Bayda. They fear that the contagious euphoria might reach the minds of their people as well as they could potentially encourage them to revolt against the soldiers. Below Eastern Libya, their relations with the Toubou tribe is met mostly with indifference, but cordial enough to trade with them for the produce cultivated from their oases and irrigated farms.
Free State of Sabha
“It’s disheartening to hear that some will rather live in dehumanizing servitude than returning home in shame.”
- Charlotte McLamb - CEO of The Mediterranean recollecting the testimonies of runaway slaves.
The Free State of Sabha is referred to by their Head Representative - Martin Geoff, as the Pearl of Fezzan. While he and his confidants described themselves as a Libertarian community guided by the conscience of free men who seek the prosperity of their domain, many condemned them as a morally-dubious rogue state that revived a once shunned practice into an open and ridiculously-lucrative market. Forming businesses and constructing paved roads from the hot desert, their relative prosperity has brought the ire of many human rights activists and neighboring nations for their abuses against slaves but also sympathy from fringe anarcho-capitalist groups from the United States and to some extent, Europe
The military is divided between two main contingencies: The Jaysh Al-Khaddam, also known as the Army of Servants, and the Sabha Core Army. The former consist of 87,000 slaves levied into service and equipped with a standardized set of weapons and gear bought from the black markets surrounding the Sahel Desert. Despite their numbers, they merely act as a supporting force meant to either garrison recently conquered settlements and to support the main spearhead of their core equivalent. The latter is the main shock troops serving as the head component of their campaigns. While numbering over 25,000 and mostly consist of Serbian mercenaries and white (mostly American) volunteers, at least according to Mikhail Budyonny, they act as the main spearhead of the army. Most of them are tactically-sound and well-equipped, and as they salvage and manufacture heavy vehicles during the months of their campaign, they become mobile enough to commit proper maneuvering, albeit dependent on their levied slaves to serve as tactical support.
Their economy, regardless of the condemnations received by the international community, is considered to be ludicrously affluent. The UNHCR recently estimated their gross income to be higher than the countries across the Sahel region such as Niger and Chad, and reports from the Mediterranean suggest that the local economy of South Libya is booming exponentially and far more prosperous compared to the rest of the warring factions. With anarcho-capitalist volunteers from the United States and Europe funneling through after their early successes, their expertise has allowed them to develop their primary industry with efficiency and eventually allowed them to develop heavier industries such as inland shipbuilding in Brak. However, their economy is solely reliant on the lucrative and internationally condemned practice, one that built the very foundation of his so-called paradise: Human Trafficking. After the fall of Haftar’s government, most Sub-Saharan African trying to seek a better life traveled through the southern hemisphere of Libya to reach over the coast. This crisis has proven to be an opportunity for the Free State as they begin to form raiding parties to capture lone caravans, some were paid to lure them into a trap in the middle of the lone desert. From construction, maintenance, to even menial work, the state is dependent on their labor and manpower to fulfill one of the Sabha Council’s ambitious projects. They also encourage (or force) desperate settlements to serve as outposts: some operate as camps for their raiders to reside while others have turned into local hubs to accumulate income, the city-state of Hun has become the most egregious example of this practice.
Martin Geoff describes his state as, in his words, “the jewel of opportunity where everyone could rise regardless of race, religion, or gender.” Despite this alluring call, he contradicts himself in 2023 by claiming that society should be organized under a racialized pyramid and divide each race according to these discriminative categories: the Whites will serve as the intellectual and entrepreneur elite of Sabha, the Arabs will handle the local trade and businesses, and the Africans will, in his word, "will handle the menial and productive labor due to their inherited racial strength." The Free State of Sabha in practice is racially segregated between the West Africans and their Whites and Arab captors, albeit the former has more of a say in the matter than the latter. Life in their capital is described as paradise by some and the local constituents lauded the Council’s efforts to rejuvenate the once-decaying city into its currently prosperous state. The stalls are full of fresh produce and the streets are clouded with blissful joy, no longer need to worry about the prospect of war or famine. And according to Charlotte McLamb’s sources, quality of life under their rule is relatively higher compared to the surrounding nations of the Sahel Desert: Their water system provides gallons of clean water for surrounding towns and food is so plenty that they export their surplus through the entire warring state. The alluring picture of fine living encourages some Libyans from every corner to migrate into the shining city, bringing their families into the fold and enjoying the splendors of the free market. However, the Africans are coerced into unpaid labor and face discreet humiliation in the public scene: According to The Mediterranean, the Sabha Council has established many discriminative rules against them such as they can't appear in public view without the permission of their slaver and they are forbidden to speak unless spoken to. They live outside the fringes of the cities and cramped insides camps, each occupied by 5-7 people as they're squeezed in under a tight space. But they're provided with rations and basic education for the enslaved children, and if they're fit enough for service, they'll be moved to Ubari to receive a meager apartment and limited right of movement. Charlotte McLamb reported a disheartening statement from a runaway claiming that some of them will rather live in servitude than returning to their home country in shame.
The Free State of Sabha has considerable influence throughout the warring country. Many factions such as the Islamic States and Hun received the attentive support from the Council, lending aides ranging from food surplus to even boats to exacerbate the Neo-Barbary Crisis. Many villages from the coast, excluding those ruled under the Green Army, also benefited from their support as they helped them to improve their fisheries, albeit to the dismay of the nations of the surrounding Mediterranean. They also lend their support to the Islamic States with manpower and vehicles as a means to project their influences across the Mediterranean, receiving an ample sum of their income made from their ransoms and kidnappings. The City-State of Hun is a puppet nation for the Free State and serves as an economic hub funneling from Southern Libya to the coastal shores of the Gulf of Sirte. Ljubomir points out three factions as the most credible threat to their libertarian society: Their relations with the LNA are mildly complex since they frequently disrupt their human-trafficking routes but frequently trade with their caravans at the same time. Their most fearsome adversary, however, is the Green Army: Their campaign across Western Libya has broken any chance of courting over the bickering warlords and city-states once scattered throughout the region and threaten to disrupt their trade routes and shut down the water pipelines funneling to Sabha.
Islamic States of Libya
“Don’t be fooled by their change of heart! They’re still the marauding jihadist who burned Syria and Iraq.”
- Dimitry Vasily - Main contributor to the Northern Front expressing his doubts on the Islamic State of Libya.
The Islamic State of Libya, commonly-known as Daesh, are remnants of the original Islamic State who splintered from their home region. Establishing a small but resilient foothold over the surrounding Sirte, they eventually developed their own interpretation of the original mission and defined themselves by replacing the overarching goal to establish a Pan-Islamic caliphate and replace it with a more moderate approach by appealing to local affairs. Securing the shore surrounding the Gulf of Sirte, they have a considerable monopoly over the situation concerning the Neo-Barbary Crisis, allowing local corsairs to use their lands as a platform for their operations and became a haven for fishermen carousing over the Mediterranean Sea.
Their forces are divided between the hardened veterans and the local militias. The former serves as the main vanguard of their entire army: They are battle-hardened fighters who fought during the earliest years of the Islamic States, foreign volunteers who came under numerous nationalities across the Ummah, a quarter of them are Chechen serving the elite bulwark. The local militias serve as garrisons protecting their territories and supporting guards to accompany their campaigns. Most of them are recruited from the local towns and sometimes young men from local tribes, some independent units such as the Misrata Brigade pledge their loyalty in exchange for territorial autonomy. The Islamic States are the only few forces to wield a navy, at least in the broadest sense. Unlike the highly-equipped warlords of Eastern Libya, their flotilla consists mostly of improvised speedboats meant to protect their fishing fleets from harm and also used by the corsairs who lurk among the hollow streets of the European side of the Mediterranean; speeding across the seas as they kidnap their victims.
Economically, they inherited a meager and underdeveloped backwater wedged between two populous and industrial regions. Despite these challenges, the Islamic State has managed to accumulate a consistent flow of income through three major supplements: An efficient taxation system, a consistent flow of tribute from autonomous states, and a rejuvenated fishing industry. They managed to develop a cohesive form of taxation under a fair sum and even allowing the local netizens to pay according to their wage and living, which leads them to garner enough funds to develop their lands without alienating the people through cumbersome demands. With the city of Misrata and the Shura Council pledging their allegiance under their wing, they managed to collect a form of tribute from them through the consistent flow of either material assets or literal cash. Lastly, they turned the loose fishing sprawls spread across the Gulf of Sirte and beyond into a lucrative market which supplies them a surplus amount of food for their subjects and their soldiers: Aided by their beneficiaries from Sabha, they capitalized the flourishing fishing zone flowing with tuna to great effect. Despite being an economic hub for corsairs operating across the Mediterranean Sea, their actual contribution to their treasury is nothing more but negligible due to expenses demanded by the Free State of Sabha for their aid. Despite lacking any industrial power, they managed to control the city of Misrata: An economically-prosperous city housing many powerful industries, including the third-largest steel factory throughout the African continent.
Just like the Free State of Sabha, they are foreign interlopers only tolerated by the locals due to their competent bureaucracy and unusual leniency over the matters of possible dissidents, more so compared to the likes of the Green Army. The new Caliph and his local accomplices have managed to develop a court system far less brutal than those exercised by their western rival and less corrupt compared to the phony jurisdiction favored by the local cliques over Eastern Libya: Many constituents within their territory consider their jurists to be fairer and more considerate than those from both ends, especially after dealing a detrimental property dispute that they managed to apprehend coherently in 2022; and most of their sentences are milder and corporal when it comes to criminal punishment, sentencing offenders ranging from disclosed caning to lengthy confinement in prisons. They still exercise the jurisprudence of the Sharia code under the ideological context of the Salafi Movement, punishing those who commit solicited vices under their rule. However, they give some exemptions in the name of pragmatism: they allow tribal politicking to exist to keep them in check and include secular laws to address the local challenges present throughout the gulf. What separates them from their brothers mucking around the Levant, however, is their ideological invention: They completely abandoned the original call for an Islamic superstate and replace it with a more nationalistic take where each state, or Dawlat, locally addresses their religious duties under their own volition.
Considered by rivaling powers as a foreign interloper interfering with the local affairs surrounding the Warring State, the Islamic States is wedged between a zealous proto-state cursing for their downfall and the remnants of the LNA pledging to destroy their presence in Libya. The Green Army, despite the cordial exchanges between the Qayid and the Caliph, still present themselves as the biggest threat to the Islamic States: They launched frequent raids against their fishing boats and waged a campaign to take over the valiant city of Misrata, only to be brokered by a rather fragile peace deal that many considered to be dubious in practice. The LNA also presents itself as an imposing threat towards their survival: Their men are mustered to launch an offensive against the feeble but strategically-important city of Zelten, threatening to attack their core territories from their underbelly and seeking to establish a forward base to form a platform for future campaigns. However, they managed to bring key powers such as Misrata and the Shura Council under their influence and garnered enough support from Sabha to lend their equipment and expertise to provide aid for their corsairs.