The Sultanate of Rumistan: An Alternate Anatolia

Part 1: The Battle of Köse Dağ
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    The Battle of Köse Dağ
    It came as quite a surprise, a fearful shock, when those northeastern barbarian Mongols surged through the great fields and steppes of central Asia and conquered the whole of the Empire of Khwarezm, and they were not going anywhere. The empire of these horse-riding nomad warriors stretched from the Euphrates to the farthest shores of China, ruled by pagan war-kings and seemingly always invading and conquering. Kaykhusraw II, the Sultan of Rum, seemingly saw the writing on the wall, and attempted to have good relations with Khan Ögedei, but following the Khan's death in 1241 (639), the relationship turned more toward attempted vassalization of the Sultanate of Rum, with the leaders of the Mongol Horde requesting that the Sultan travel to Qaraqorum and to allow a Mongol darughachi [1] to take a position in the Sultanate. Though Sultan Kaykhusraw wished to remain on good terms with the Mongols, he could not allow his state to become nothing but another vassal in their extensive domain.

    By 1242 (640), the Mongols had become tired of the lack of cooperation on the part of Sultan Kaykhusraw II, and in the winter of that year the Mongol commander Baiju attacked the Sultanate. They very quickly overran some of the cities of the far east, most notably Erzurum, but the most important of the battles between the Sultanate and the Khanate would come early in 1243, at Köse Dağ.

    With the threat that the Mongol armies posed to the whole of the region, many other major powers sent auxiliaries and mercenaries to supplement the armies of the Sultan. King Manuel I of Trebizond sent soldiers, princes and nobles of Georgia not yet subjugated to the Mongol yoke sent auxiliaries, even Catholic mercenaries from the Latin Empire came to the aid of the Sultan of Rum, and ultimately the army under the Sultan numbered some 50,000. Reports came to Baiju of the great numbers of soldiers in the opposing army, but he ignored the advice given to him. Sultan Kaykhusraw II convened his most experienced generals and commanders, and they advised him to wait for the arrival of the Mongol forces and utilize his greater numbers to their advantage. He listened to them.

    When the Mongols under Baiju came upon the gorge of Köse Dağ they were surprised by the sudden attack of the forces of the Sultan, led by some of the most experienced commanders of Rum and with numbers almost twice that of Baiju's forces. Watching from above the battle, Sultan Kaykhusraw II saw the two great armies clash against one another, and almost jumped with joy as he saw many of the horse-riding warriors flee to the east. Baiju had died, and only the feeble remnants of his army could flee back to Iran.

    Invigorated, strengthened, and given legitimacy by this great victory, the remainder of the reign of Sultan Kaykhusraw II would be defined by defense against Mongol raiding parties and lesser Georgian nobles, vassals of the Mongol state. While he gained much legitimacy for defeating the army of Baiju at Köse Dağ, he ultimately died of natural causes but three years later, in 1246 (643). He left his three young children and his wife Tamar, or Gürcü Hatun (Georgian Lady), naming his beloved youngest child Ala ad-Din Kayqubad bin Kaykhusraw II as the Sultan at only seven years old. With the Georgian Lady Tamar functioning as the regent for the Child Sultan Kayqubad, the Sultanate continues...

    [1]: Officials of the Mongol Empire that were sent to vassals and conquered lands to collect taxes administer the provinces (similar to a Governor).
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    This is my first ever timeline I will have written, so criticism and critique is definitely wanted! Sorry for the length of this post in relation to how much actual history is covered in it, I just thought it would be good to have some preliminary stuff before going deeper into the TL. Also, though right now this is just a Rum timeline, it isn't just going to be an alt-Turkey, just you wait ;)

    But yeah, I hope this is at least somewhat well-received, I would love to hear feedback so I can make further updates/timelines better!
     
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    Part 2: A Boy is Crowned!
  • Part 2: A Boy is Crowned!
    Declaring his beloved young son Kayqubad II as his successor, Sultan Kaykhusraw II died, succumbing to his old age after three years of growing popularity. Since the newly crowned Seljuq Sultan of Rum Kayqubad was only seven years old upon his ascension to the throne, his mother Tamar, more commonly referred to as Gürcü Hatun (Georgian Lady) to differentiate herself from her powerful Georgian grandmother, ruled in his stead, even controlling the shrunken Sultanate by the time Kayqubad reached adulthood. To really appreciate the role that this woman played in the Sultanate at the time, we must look to her mother and to the politics of the time.

    Tamar was the daughter of Rusudan, the reigning Queen of Georgia up until her death in 1245 (638), just one year before her son-in-law Kaykhusraw’s death. During her reign, the Kingdom of Georgia came under increasing threat from the invading Mongols, beginning with the 1225 (621) invasion by the fleeing Khwarazmshah Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu. Failing at the Battle of Garni in that same year, Rusudan and her royal court fled to the westerly city of Kutaisi, as Tbilisi came under siege by the Khwarazmshah. Over the course of the following decade, a back and forth between Queen Rusudan and the Khwarazmshah dominated affairs in Georgia, each conquering territory from the other only to have it taken back. The Georgian Queen made a military alliance with the Seljuqs in Rum, which, while failing to effectively protect the Kingdom from the eventual conquering horsemen of the Mongol Khans, did set in place the relationship that would later lead to Georgian noblemen supplying Sultan Kaykhusraw with soldiers to fend off the attack at Köse Dağ. The wars with Khwarazmshah Mingburnu ravaged Georgia, and in 1235 (632), the Mongols invaded, bringing the whole of the Kingdom under their yoke by 1240 (637). Rusudan was forced to acknowledge Mongol supremacy, supply them with a Georgian army, and pay a yearly tribute.

    While her kingdom came under Mongol suzerainty in 1240 (637), she still had the issue of her succession to fret over. Fearing the rise of her nephew David VII, she sent him in exile to the court of her son-in-law Kaykhusraw, instead sending her son, David VI, to the Mongol capital at Qaraqorum to get recognition by the far-off emperors. She died before receiving her son, but he returned to the Kingdom in 1247 (644) as the sole King of Georgia, a peaceable Mongol subject who encouraged minor nobles and mercenary gangs to encroach upon the Sultanate of Rum to his west.

    While David VII of the House of Bagrationi was received with open arms as a royal relative, with the death of Kaykhusraw II and the rise of Tamar, she saw significant uses for him. Using her own political influence and the power of her son the Sultan to protect him, Tamar kept David VII in the court indefinitely, waiting for the proper time to make her move. However, while she was formulating these plans, the Khans were planning another attack.
    Rising to the position of Khagan of the whole Mongol empire in 1246 (643), Güyük Khan was greatly interested in expansion to the west, the first step of which was going to have to be a re-invasion of Anatolia. Güyük rode quickly on horseback from his coronation in Qaraqorum to Mosul, using the city as a short-term base of operations for his attempt to do what his father could not. He brought with him thousands of Mongol horsemen and archers, a massive force to push through the mountains that shielded Rum from attacks to the east. The Seljuqs were not unprepared, however, and set up a unified force made up of soldiers from throughout the Sultanate and the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, strengthened by Norman and Greek mercenaries and the personal retinues of the exiled prince David VII. It would be a battle of grand proportions, and not one that would end as quickly as the resounding Seljuq victory at Köse Dağ. Notably absent, however, were any official retinues from the Empire of Nicaea, preoccupied with constant war with the Latin crusaders and possibly interested in a disunited Sultanate to their east...
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    The Khagan Güyük
     
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    Part 3: The War for Independence
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    Part 3: The War for Independence
    By 1248 (645), the Sultanate of Rum and the Khagan of the Great Mongol State were both arrayed for intense battle. Riding out from Mosul, Guyuk Khan and his force of 35,000 Mongol and Arab horsemen traveled to the eastern city of Erzurum, stolen from the Seljuqs when the Mongols under Ogedei and Baiju invaded the Anatolian sultanate. The Seljuqs were not unprepared, however, with a force equal in strength to that which defeated the Mongols at Kose Dag readied for battle, made up of Seljuq soldiers, the retinues of rebellious Georgian nobles (as well as that of the exiled Prince David VII), soldiers from Cilicia and Trebizond, and mercenaries from the floundering Latin Empire and from Norman Italy. At the beginning of the new year in 646 (1248), Guyuk Khan attacked, pouring into Seljuq territory and reaching the city of Malatya before Tamar and the boy-sultan sent their unified army, led by Kilij Arslan, an older son of the former Sultan Kaykhusraw II.

    The Khan and the general eyed each other from across the battlefield outside of the city, smoke from villages ransacked by the Mongol horde spiraling up into the sky in the background. The Mongol host was made up almost entirely of soldiers on horseback, wielding spears and bows, whereas the forces under the control of Kilij Arslan, while still dominated by the horsemen of the Seljuqs and the Crusaders, also had footsoldiers and pikemen among its ranks. While the victory at Kose Dag was based more on luck and on sheer numbers, the battle at Malatya would be decided by strategy, rather than the simple force of pushing at the horse-riding barbarians. However, Kilij Arslan did not know about a secret weapon that Guyuk was prepared to use: gunpowder. Used at the Battle of Mohi against the Hungarians in 1241, gunpowder was a distinct advantage that the Mongols had over their victims in the west, taken up after conquests and expansions in the far east. Not wishing to make the same mistakes that his predecessor did at Kose Dag, Guyuk Khan brought out “flaming arrows” and “naphtha bombs”, given new danger through the use of black powder from the east. For Kilij Arslan and the Sultanate of Rum, the Battle of Malatya would be an uphill one.

    The Mongols began the fight, charging toward the Seljuq forces arrayed before them. Though Kilij Arslan may not have known about the black powder weapons, he was prepared for their charge forward. Ordering his archers and horse archers to fire, horseman after horseman fell, trampled underfoot by their brothers at arms, as the Mongol forces pushed ever forward. Guyuk Khan, leading from the front, saw his first force crumbling, and smiled. Kilij Arslan moved his archers out of the way, allowing for sword-wielding horsemen to take the front line and charge toward the lessened Mongol force, whittling it down in bloody melee in the sloping fields outside Malatya. Kilij Arslan received a special envoy from the Armenian and Georgian contingents, communicating to him that they have reached their specified location.

    Knowing that he would need any advantage he could get, Kilij Arslan ordered the retinues of Prince David VII and other Georgian nobles, as well as warriors and knights from the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, to group together and travel to a hillock out of sight of Guyuk Khan, in order to pounce on his forces while in battle and push at them from both sides. While the cavalry forces chopped each other to pieces with their long and bloody blades, the Armenians and Georgians lie in wait just around the corner.

    As the fighting in the fields outside of Malatya died down, Guyuk brought out his secret weapon: the flaming black powder arrows. Launching them at the Seljuq forces, the field began to burn with the acrid smoke of the Chinese powder, hitting some knights and soldiers and bursting them into flames. Kilij Arslan, from his tent, was aghast at the horror he saw before him, the whole field aflame. Ordering his second force of cavalry to charge forward, Guyuk Khan saw the battle as won. But then he saw, out of the corner of his eye, a green flag waved from the opposing camp. And he heard battle cries in languages he cannot understand.

    The Armenian and Georgian forces hiding behind the hillock burst forward, pinning the Mongol cavalry between themselves and the fires, as Kilij Arslan orders what remains of his forces to charge through the flames, attacking the Mongol cavalry from both sides. While many of the Mongols remained, only to be killed by Armenian spear or Seljuq sword, most of the Mongol warriors fled to the east, regrouping with Guyuk Khan and the remainder of the force, whittled down to a miniscule size. Guyuk Khan and his personal retinue would continue campaigning throughout the eastern territories of the Sultanate for a few more years, but they were ultimately routed and exiled with a ploy by Tamar herself.

    Seeing the failure of the Mongol army at Malatya as an opportunity, Tamar ordered Seljuq forces to install David VII of Georgia as the King of that state, taking back Georgia from the Mongol yoke. Entering Georgian land in 1249, Prince David VII killed his cousin David VI, with pro-Mongol princes exiled and David VI’s armies scattered. What ultimately removed all forces of Guyuk Khan from the Sultanate was another battle, near Erzincan, where King David VII’s forces and Sultan Kayqubad II’s forces jointly routed the army of Guyuk Khan, sending him to the east. However, while his push into Anatolia failed, Guyuk Khan still had interests to the west, and he reorganized his troops to go the north. By 1250 (648), the Sultanate of Rum and the Kingdom of Georgia were free from the Mongol yoke, and able to act of their own accord. Anatolia would be spared the fate of Iran.
     
    Part 4: The Time of Tamar
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    Part 4: The Time of Tamar
    With the rise to power of Gurcu Hatun upon her husband’s death in 1246, the woman behind the boy sultan’s throne was able to exert her power and influence, defining the period of her rulership as the start of a golden age for the Sultanate. However, while her patronage of the arts and of architecture began relatively early on, the first decade of her influence were dominated by military matters, first with the second invasion of the Mongols in 1248 and then by a civil war, with the middle son of Kaykhusraw II, the half-greek Kaykaus, rising up in the west with the support of the Emperors of Nicaea.

    While Guyuk Khan was still parading around his armies in the eastern reaches of the Sultanate of Rum following their defeat at Malatya, Kakaus was in Nicaea on political missions, chosen for his greek ancestry and ties to the roman emperors. He contributed to the continued expansion of the Roman Empire of Nicaea in the Balkans by sending his own personal retinues to add to the Nicaean armies, and gained the trust of the Basileos John III Doukas Vatatzes during his stay there. Basileos John III felt threatened by a resurgent Sultanate of Rum, with his hopes of its subjugation under the Mongol boot dashed by the victories at Kose Dag and Malatya, but he saw the half-greek prince as an opportunity, much like that which Tamar saw in the Georgian prince David VII. Having a friendly Sultan on the throne to the east, and one with potential interests to the east to keep him busy, was a glittering jewel in the eye of the Nicaean Basileos. While he wanted to use the invasion by Guyuk Khan to distract the Sultanate’s forces, the quick end to the invasion in 1250 meant that Kaykaus and Basileos John III had to act quickly or else lose their opportunity. That very same year, Kaykaus returned from the Empire of Nicaea, and he returned with an army.

    The large, powerful force put forward during the War of Independence in 1248-1250 was, effectively, disbanded with the end of that conflict. The retinues of the Georgian nobility had to return to the newly independent Kingdom in order to consolidate their control and expand their domain, shrunken by the Mongol conquests into the central territories on the coast and the Armenian Plateau. The armies from the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia returned to their homeland to fend off attacks from the Mongols and, starting in later 1250, from the unique new regime now ruling over Egypt and the war-torn Levant, ravaged by Crusades and Mongol invasion: the Sultanate of the Mameluks based in Cairo. Administered by the Turkish slaves of the Sultan of the House of Ayyub as-Salih, the Mameluk Sultanate was born out of slave rebellion, still dealing with the repercussions of the collapse of the Sultanate founded by Salah ad-Din. The state itself did not declare war on the small Armenian kingdom to its north, but migrants fleeing the slave revolt which founded it and Bedouin raiders were dangers which had to be addressed. Across the whole of the arc of the eastern Mediterranean, revolution and civil war engulfed the great Sultanates.

    Left with only the armies of the Sultanate itself and what remained of any Latin or Greek mercenaries, even with the guidance of the grand general Kilij Arslan, they would not be able to effectively respond to the uprising by the unruly son. As Kaykaus conquered city after city in the border regions, Tamar and Kayqubad remained in Iconium, interacting with the court and the nobility as if nothing was going on. Two years into the successful rebellion, the Georgian Lady even built a glorious new mosque and madrasah in the city, grander than any built before it, though many believe that this was nothing but a ploy to hide her failure to effectively address Kaykaus’s rebellion and her choice to not remarry. The center of Qur’anic and juridical teaching, commonly known as the Konya Blue Madrasah for its distinctive blue dome and tile patterns, is a common tourist attraction in Rumistan today, though its actual functions have been overtaken by secular universities and larger religious schools built later in history. Still, its distinctive beautiful architecture remains a unique symbol of the period, and its construction in 1252-1255 is often marked as the beginning of the Golden Age of the Sultanate of Rum.

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    Not only was Tamar building grand madrasahs, she was also building up the deep literary tradition of the Turcoman nation. Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Rumi, by far the most famous writer not only of the period and of the region, but of the Persian cultural sphere in general (perhaps competing with the older Ferdowsi), frequented the court in Iconium, and the regent Tamar as well as Kayqubad II patronized his writings. It is during the Time of Tamar that some of his most famous poems are written, including those on some rather controversial topics (especially when placed within the wider context of the civil war in the west). While Jalal ad-Din Rumi had always had a rather inter-religious bent to his writings, some his poems between 1250 and 1265 contain thinly-veiled references to the dual nature of the rebellious prince, and some may even be seen as having been in favor of Kaykaus’s cause. Rumi continues to be a deeply interesting and outstanding poet and individual to this very day, with what remains of his beautifully complex poetry painting a beautiful picture of the spiritual and political landscape of his long life during the chaotic 13th century.

    However, the civil war in the west continued to rage on. Kilij Arslan managed to hold off Kaykaus’s expansion in the west, forcing him to venture north and attempt to reach Iconium via a longer route through central Anatolia. However, in 1256, a sort of ceasefire was agreed to between the brothers, putting the fighting to an end for a period. The line of warfare that crossed central Anatolia in the west had soaked the parched soil with the blood of peasants and soldiers, and famine engulfed the area under Kaykaus’s control. In need of some recuperation, the agreement between the brothers was struck. Then, just as Tamar and her son began construction on a new mosque in the city of Kayseri, Kayqubad died. It was 1258 when he succumbed to his weak health and perished, leaving the throne vacant. Normally, the Mongol horsemen would use this as an opportunity to invade during a time of weakness, but this was not a normal time for the Mongols either. Guyuk Khan had taken all of his forces, recuperating them along the way, and had invaded the Kingdom of Poland, in an effort to subjugate it and push west. Most of the Mongol forces in the Middle East were focused on the newborn Mameluk Sultanate, and the rebellious prince was still held off by the forces of the only eligible prince: Kilij Arslan. He raced to Iconium, to be crowned as the new Sultan, Kilij Arslan IV.
     
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    Part 5: Kilij Arslan, Magnificent Sultan
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    Part 5: Kilij Arslan, the Magnificent Sultan
    Kilij Arslan, fourth of his name, would go on to reign for over thirty years of consolidation, expansion of influence, and glorification of his Sultanate, but in 1258, he was on the field of battle, fighting against his traitorous brother. Hearing the news of his young brother’s death, he delegates the control of his armies to generals beneath him, reaching Iconium by horseback to take the throne and the crown. Gürcü Hatun gazes out of a tower in the palace, worrying for her place in the court without her loyal, easily influenced son. The coronation of Kilij Arslan IV was an extravagant affair, replete with ceremony, ritual, and the giving of gifts by his vassals and holders of iqta. Kilij Arslan IV was a young adult at this point, just above 30 years of age, and while he may have wished to spend his days in luxury and in the royal court, the new Sultan had to contend with the civil war in the west. Kaykaus and his forces, strengthened by Nicaean auxiliaries, broke the ceasefire upon hearing of Kilij Arslan’s return to Iconium, pushing farther and farther into the inner territories of the Sultanate. The Sultan turns to his distant cousin, King David VII of Georgia, for help and assistance, feeling that the Kingdom must return the dividends invested in them by the Sultanate’s assistance. David VII does send some forces, but refuses to fully engage, instead focusing on the consolidation of his own power and the defense of his own territory.

    At the start of the new year in 1259, Kilij Arslan IV dashes out of Iconium and to the battlefields that dash across the Sultanate, leaving the palace without its occupant. Gürcü Hatun, desperate to keep her influence, began making ties with notables in the court, even marrying a former adviser of the Sultan Kaykhusraw II and using his political strength to keep her high position while Kilij Arslan IV was departed. These attempts by the Georgian Lady to keep her political position lead to strife between her and Sultan Kilij Arslan IV, though now the actions of his brother’s mother in Iconium are not on the mind of the warrior-Sultan. Reaching the new front line only miles away from the city of Ankara, the forces of the newly crowned Sultan and his traitor-brother Kaykaus clash, in a turning point battle in the civil war. Ending in a resounding victory of the forces of Kilij Arslan IV, the Battle of Ankara would be glorified (and over-exaggerated) in the text, Chronicle of the Mighty Lion, a Persian language history of the reigns of Kilij Arslan IV and his immediate predecessors. It is this epic chronicle that is believed to have the first mention of the Vision of Kilij Arslan, where he saw the banners of his house and of his people flying over the far-off city of Constantinople, and claimed to have heard a voice of an angel from above promising many lands to his children. More likely than not, however, this was entirely an artificial inclusion, as there are no texts before the 1360s that mention it, and with the almost Sufi undertones of much of the text it more likely than not does not reflect the feelings of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV who was rather uninterested in Sufism.

    While the events surrounding the battle in the public consciousness may be fabricated, there is no denying the impact that the Battle of Ankara had on the civil war with Kaykaus. Kilij Arslan IV’s forces pierced through Kaykaus’s, reaching the Roman hinterland and cleanly cutting their occupying forces into two territories, a southern and a northern. From then on, the civil war was a losing battle for Kaykaus and the Romans, culminating with the traitor’s complete defeat in 1262 and his fleeing to Constantinople, dying in that city in 1280. Kilij Arslan IV, though not at war with the Empire of the Romans, was even able to push into Roman territory, capturing the countrysides around certain eastern cities, notably Dorylaeum and even Nicaea. Not all was going so poorly for the Romans, regaining their jeweled capital from the Latin crusaders in 1262. Victorious on the battlefield, Kilij Arslan IV returned to Iconium in 1263, to reign for another 30 years of glorifying and peace.

    The first major issue which Kilij Arslan IV had to contend with after the quelling of Kaykaus’s uprising was the rampant famine which spread across western Anatolia like a wildfire. With all of the fighting and warfare, thousands of peasants had died, leaving nobody to till the fields and gather the wheat, made only worse by a series of dry summers beginning in 1260 and ending in 1268. At first, the Sultan ignored the famine, instead turning toward commissioning art in Iconium and Caesaraea, but he quickly realized the potential danger of a discontented peasantry. Turning to the relatively peaceable lands in the north and east, Kilij Arslan heightened levies of grain from his iqta-holders and vassals, taking that grain (and fish in the case of northern coastal provinces) and doling it out to many of the cities and towns in his western lands. In a strange act of generosity, he even issued some of this grain to cities nominally under Roman control, such as Nicaea and Nicomedia. There has been much debate over his actions here, from those who see this as a step toward the absolutism of the Seljuq Sultan in later years to those who believe it was nothing but a pragmatic solution to the issue at hand. A common hypothesis for why he doled out grain to cities he did not control was to gain their ostensible support, as a possible insurance for conquests to the west. Whether or not that is true is uncertain, as Kilij Arslan IV never expanded to the west after the war with Kaykaus.

    While responding to such economic issues, Kilij Arslan IV and his brother’s mother Tamar conflicted in the courts. The Georgian Lady advocated against the grain dole and in favor of the rights and powers of iqta-holders, in attempts to strengthen her own position among the nobility against the Sultan. Her husband, once a major political and military adviser under Kaykhusraw II and Kayqubad, was dismissed by Kilij Arslan IV, and eventually expelled from the court entirely. Another field that Kilij Arslan IV and Tamar conflicted in, however, was in their support for the arts. Tamar continued to supply the poet Jalal ad-Din Rumi with funds, while Kilij Arslan IV first attempted to sway the poets interests toward his own, and then chose to instead support other literary figures in the court at the time. Since Kilij Arslan IV had access to more wealth than did Tamar, he financed numerous monuments and architectural marvels as well. The Blue Mosque of Sinope is credited to Kilij Arslan IV in an inscription on a cornerstone of the edifice, and there are also the rather distinct Pillars of the Lion in Caesaraea and Iconium, tipped with stone carvings of lions (the Sultan’s namesake) and supposedly once decorated with gold and jewels. However, this conflict between Sultan Kilij Arslan IV and Tamar ended with the latter’s death in 1282, leaving Kilij Arslan IV as the sole powerful figure in Seljuq government.

    During his reign as Sultan, Kilij Arslan IV had two wives. The first was a member of the Georgian nobility, whose name is sadly unknown, but who was chosen for her connections to David VII of Georgia. The second, however, was the daughter of a Turcoman shaykh named Gulbahar, who birthed Kilij Arslan IV’s favorite sons and daughters. The oldest of these was named Kaykhusraw, in honor of his father, and it was this son who would inherit the throne of the Sultanate upon Kilij Arslan IV’s death. Toward the end of his reign, the mighty lion turned more toward personal affairs, training his sons with both his Georgian wife and Gulbahar to become archetypal Turcoman heirs. Though only the age of 67, in 1294 Kilij Arslan IV died of an accident in his home, leaving his 19 year old son Kaykhusraw, the third of his name, to become Sultan of Rum.
     
    Special Update 1: The State of the World
  • Special Update 1: The State of the World
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    Between the victory at the Battle of Köse Dağ and the coronation of the young Sultan Kaykhusraw III in 1294, much has changed around the world. The whole of the world remains dominated by the barbarian Mongols, though since 1262 and the death of Möngke Khan (the successor to the western-focused Güyük) it has been divided between four great Khans. These successor states are the Golden Horde based in the steppes east of Russia, the Ilkhanate based in Iran and Mesopotamia, the Khanate of Chagatai centered on the Tarim Basin, and what is commonly referred to as the Yuan Dynasty of China which controlled the whole of China, Tibet, and Mongolia. However, the Khan of the Yuan remained, ostensibly, the overlord of the whole of the Empire, even as his influence steadily receded. The four states that successfully fended off the Mongols across the world, these being the Kingdom of Hungary, the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum, the Mamluk Sultanate of Cairo, and the Delhi Sultanate, each grow in their own influence and fame, their neighbors and their people hailing them as saviors who resisted against the horrid yoke of the Tatars. This fame was especially awarded in the Near East, with the horrid bloody violence wreaked in Iran terrorizing the neighboring Muslim and Christian states. As the role of the Mongols in politics and society becomes ever more entrenched, the states which surround them jockey for influence within them. The conversion of the pagan Mongols is something which greatly interests both Muslim and Christian, with Russian, Catholic, and Sunni missionaries competing to gain the favor of the Mongols in Aksaray, Tabriz, and Karakorum. The most stringent of the Khanates is that in Iran, however, with the Ilkhans staunch in their worship of Tengrii and their appreciation for Buddhism. Built in 1289, the only Buddhist monastery in the whole of the Middle East was constructed by the Ilkhans around this time, only decades before their ultimate conversion to Islam.
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    Uuchlaarai Gej Naidaj Baina Monastery, near Zahedan

    While the Mongols are exceedingly important in the politics of the world in 1294, other states must be turned to. In the Near East, the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum and the Mamluk Sultanate of Cairo, though both recovering from intense conflict, are dominant in the affairs of the region. With possession of the 'Abbasid Caliph and the three holy cities, the Mamluk Sultans in Cairo are often seen as the inheritors of the dominion in the Near East, of both the 'Abbasids and of the beloved Salah ad-Din ibn Ayyub. To their south and north are small Christian states, with the Nubian Kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia regularly raiding into the Nile valley and the Armenian Kings of Cilicia protected by Seljuq force of arms, while to their west are a handful of north African kingdoms. With our focus turned to the Maghreb, we can look to their north, and the states of Hispania. The Kingdom of Castile looks poised to end Islamic rule in Hispania once and for all, with the Nasrid Sultanate of Granada the sole remainder of the Muslim power in the peninsula. However, their focus is far more turned to their fellow Christian neighbors, with regular skirmishes and diplomatic conflicts between Castile and Aragon further dividing the once close Kingdoms. Strife between European monarchs is also the norm to the north, with a dramatic exchange of words between the King Philip IV of France and the Catholic Pope seeming nowhere close to ending. The Holy Roman Empire has its focused turned toward the east, with the Mongol vassal king in Poland a stark reminder of the Tatar influence. Poland, along with the westerly regions of Rus', were conquered and consolidated by Güyük Khan following his defeat at Malatya, with the King of Poland, the princes of Russia, and even the still pagan chiefs of the Lithuanians forced to pay vassalage first to the unified Mongol Empire, and then the Golden Horde. With only some of the Baltic tribes conquered by the Mongols, the remainder, known today as Samogitians, are under constant raids and threat by the Teutonic Order of Knights that borders their north and west. The Mongol Conquest is the single event often credited with the division of the Baltic people into the Lithuanian and Samogitian nations, dividing them politically and, eventually, religiously as well.

    As the world enters the 14th (7th) century, much is changing. While the Mongol Khans remain dominant around the world, and remain staunch in their adherence to what the Muslims and Christians would consider idolatry, within only the next half a century much will change across the world of Eurasia, but the newly crowned Sultan of Rum knows little of this, as he sits on his low-lying throne in Iconium.

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    Notes on the map:
    While the Holy Roman Empire is very much disunified, I colored in the constituent kingdoms of the Empire for simplicity's sake (these are the Kingdom of Germany, the Kingdom of Burgundy, the Kingdom of Italy, the Kingdom of Bohemia, and the Kingdom of Sicily). Everything within the red line is considered part of the Holy Roman Empire. Similarly, the principalities of the Kievan Rus' have been simplified, other than the Republic of Novgorod. While the Mongol Empire as a unified institution no longer exists in 1294, the blue line around the successor states marks the ostensible extent of Yuan overlordship as Khans of the Empire.
     
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    Part 6: Osman's War
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    Part 6: Osman's War
    Upon his coronation at the age of 19 in 1294 (694), Kaykhusraw had few plans in mind. He was still surrounded on all sides by enemies, with the Romans to the west on shaky terms with their Seljuq counterparts and the pagan Mongols to the north and east. His father Kilij Arslan IV expanded their domain just slightly into Roman territory, taking over the city of Nicaea and threatening Nicomedia. War would come to the Romans once again, with increasing pressures within the Sultanate pushing for war with the Romans upon the new year of 1300 (700), and Kaykhusraw III beginning preparations that very same year. After only two years of preparations, the young Sultan was ready to march into the territories of the Basileos. However, while his father had loved and nurtured him greatly, hoping to mold him into an effective monarch, Kaykhusraw III was not a general like his father was. Unlike the sovereign before him, he had never taken part in a single battle, and so he had to find other warriors to lead the battle for him. This was found in the figure of the prominent noble general Osman, son of Ertuğrul, a noble iqta-holder granted land in the conquered regions of western Anatolia. While Osman’s father died in 1282, the young warrior was able to gain the rights to the same land which his father held, and through his territories on the cusp of Roman clay, and with the outspoken support of the new Sultan, Osman prepared for war with the Romans.

    During the build up to war, Kaykhusraw III met with King Vakhtang II, grandson of King David VII and son of the beloved but short-lived Demetrius II. Riding on horseback to the city of Batomi on the Pontic coast of Georgia, the two cousin kings conferred on their course of action. Sultan Kaykhusraw III desired the assistance of his distant cousin Vakhtang II, to both supply additional retinues and to suppress any attempts by the Empire of Trebizond, who had grown increasingly afraid of Seljuq expansion, to invade the Sultanate. This single meeting is the source of much controversy, especially among the modern day Roman community, who believe that Vakhtang II was a malicious king who desired to take down the Roman Empire and the Empire of Trebizond in order to gain more control over the Black Sea. These theories, which present Sultan Kaykhusraw III as only manipulated by King Vakhtang II, are often used to foment nationalist sentiment in the modern day, though they are relatively unfounded in what is known from the historical record.

    By 1302, all was arrayed and prepared for invasion into western Anatolia. Sultan Kaykhusraw III had called forth an army of 40,000, headed by General Osman and both Turcoman and Georgian advisers. In fall of that very same year, Sultan Kaykhusraw III declared war on the Roman Empire under Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos. This war, often called Osman’s War, would last for almost a decade, ending with an absolute Turcoman victory. It began with the Battle of Prusa, where the army of Andronikos II Palaiologos was routed and the city itself sacked by the victorious general Osman. Campaigning across the whole of western Anatolia, Osman grew increasingly popular as news of his victories reached Iconium. A victory at Pergamon, a victory at Magnesia, a victory at Palaeokastron, each and every one of them received with reveling at the capital of the Sultanate. In 1304, after two years of campaigning across the hills and valleys of western Anatolia, Osman made a decision to push northward, sparing the cities of Smyrna and the south of the Roman Empire, in order to threaten the shipfuls of supply and trade which funneled into Constantinople itself.

    Around this time, when Andronikos II Palaiologos was increasingly under threat from the rising star of General Osman, his Empire was invaded by the struggling Kingdoms of Serbia and Bulgaria to its north, quickly crumbling under the force of invasion on two fronts. Splitting his forces to address the twin fronts, Osman continues to push northward, even reaching the strait of the Dardanelles and crossing over to Gallipoli, only to be pushed back in a surprise victory for the Basileos. Panicking, Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos fell right into the hands of the Seljuqs, calling on Emperor John III of Trebizond to push into the Seljuq domain.

    The Trapezuntine army, while at first gaining some small victories in northern Anatolia, quickly crumbled under the efforts of Georgian retinues, with King Vakhtang II occupying the whole of Trebizond within two years. By 1310, the only vestige of Trapezuntine control was their small holdout in crimea, under threat by the increasingly Muslim-leaning Golden Horde. In the winter of that very same year, Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos surrendered to the forces of Osman and to the Sultanate of Rum, instead turning to the Balkans to focus his scrambled forces on the slavic armies. Emperor John III of Trebizond surrendered under increasing pressure from Georgian and Seljuq ships in 1312, ending Osman’s War with finality.

    Following the war, the whole of western Anatolia, with the exception of the regions surrounding the cities of Smyrna and Skutarion, came under direct Seljuq control, with large swathes of it granted in iqta to Osman, and the major churches in Nicaea and Palaeokastron converted to mosques. The Empire of Trebizond became a Georgian vassal, and peace came to anatolia after a decade of fighting. Along with the end of war, Sultan Kaykhusraw III could rejoice once again upon hearing the news from his counterpart in Iran, Ilkhan Quthluq converted to Islam, taking on the name Muhammad Quthluq. Sultan Kaykhusraw III, while he did little for the Sultanate on his own, could ride on the popularity of the victories against the Christians and the conversion of the Mongols in Iran. His rule would be greatly challenged in the coming decades, staining his legacy for all future generations.
     
    Part 7: The Pestilence
  • Part 7: The Pestilence
    With the Mongols increasingly converting to Islam and the great Eurasian empires forged by the sons of Genghis Khan encouraging trade across the continent on a scale never before seen, there was much to rejoice over, across the world. As the traveling Venetian Marco Polo experienced firsthand, the connectedness and ease of commerce between the successor states of the Mongol Empire brought together the many disparate regions of Eurasia together. While this interconnectedness did foster travel, trade, and the birth of unique cultural fusions across the Tatar domains, they also fostered something else: disease. Beginning with outbreaks in China and Tibet, a new disease, referred to as the Terrible Plague, the Black Death, or the Great Pestilence, quickly flourished in the trade routes and major population centers of the Mongol Empire, and even spread beyond it, to ravage the Levant, India, and Europe.

    Following his victories against the Romans in the early 14th (8th) century, Sultan Kaykhusraw III turned toward more domestic concerns, making deeper diplomatic ties with his neighbor King Vakhtang of Georgia. The decade and a half after the success in Osman’s War was a short golden age for the Sultanate of Rum and the Kingdom of Georgia, with their respective monarchs given glories and accolades in accordance with their achievements. The brothers of Sultan Kaykhusraw III were awarded extensive iqta holdings in the newly acquired territories from the Romans, while Osman himself became increasingly influential in the court at Iconium. The unspoken alliance between General Osman, Sultan Kaykhusraw III, and King Vakhtang II defined affairs in Anatolia, with the right to rule of Kaykhusraw III strengthened by the force of arms of his close general Osman. Meanwhile, the Romans lost extensive territories to the Bulgarians and Serbs to their north, with a civil war breaking out between Basileos Andronikos II Palailogos and his own grandson, Andronikos III Palaiologos. Andronikos III was increasingly supported by Venetian mariners, with the Venetian presence in many Aegean cities opening up access for further trade in the eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea. By 1324 (723), Andronikos II had completely lost the civil war, and Andronikos III Palaiologos became the new Basileos of the Roman Empire, giving free access to Venetian merchant ships through the straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosporos. Then came the Plague.

    The first news of outbreaks of this horrible disease came from the east, in towns in Khurasan and Sistan. It ravaged the eastern territories of the Ilkhanate beginning in the 1320s (720s), prompting sudden necessary action to stem the tide of the disease. It spread to the north as well, with outbreaks in Sarai, Bolghar, Azov, and other cities along the Volga and Don. Its spread further west was stemmed somewhat by the ban on Christian travel between the principalities of the Rus’ and the Golden Horde itself, but the flowering of pestilence across the major cities of the Horde brought terror to all those in other lands who heard of it. Thousands dead, their bodies pocked with foul black sours, emaciated and left to rot. The border raids between the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanate ground to a halt, each side focusing inward on the stemming of pestilence.

    A Venetian ship visiting the port city of Kaffa in the Crimean holdings of the Georgian vassal Trebizond picked up not only a cargo of furs and food, but also a cargo of disease. Stopping at Constantinople, recently conquered by Basileos Andronikos III Palaiologos, the merchants unload some cargo and depart, unknowingly bringing plague to the city of the world’s desire. While the exact ship which brought the Great Pestilence to Constantinople is unknown, or whether there even was a specific ship, it is generally believed that the newly strengthened Venetian trade ties passed the disease to the Roman Empire, and from then into the surrounding states. While just victorious in war, the Sultanate of Rum, Bulgarian Empire, and Serbian Empire all will buckle under the intense pressures of pestilence, just as the fractured and disunited Roman Empire will suffer. Plague passes easily across the Bosporos, and it is first the recently conquered western Anatolian cities which succumb to the Black Death.

    1328 (729) is the year that the first western Anatolian city is reported as having an outbreak of the Pestilence, with the city of Nicomedia near the border with the Romans acting as a vector of disease to the surrounding cities. The years since the end of the civil war between Kilij Arslan IV and the traitorous Kaykaus have been good for the Sultanate, with increasingly productive harvests and the patronage of art and architecture across many of the major cities allowing for increased population growth. While this massive jump in population may have, at first, been seen as a great blessing, with the pestilence it became nothing but a curse. The cities that flourished and grew with the successful harvests were ripe for the spread of the pestilence, which hopped from city to city across the highlands of Anatolia like a springing demon.

    Sultan Kaykhusraw III became bedridden, not due to the sickness which ravaged his lands, but out of light illness and worry for the groans and moans which crawled into his ears through his windows at night and during the day. There is no evidence to indicate that Kaykhusraw III had caught the plague, but there seems to have been much discussion in his court with regards to whether or not he did. The sons of Osman, as evidenced by a letter currently on display in the Vojvode Khadiv Orhan Museum in Thessaloniki, even suggested to their father that he attempt a coup on the ailing sultan, though this does not seem to have come to pass. The rumors only grew in strength upon the death of Muhammad Oz Beg Khan, the great warrior-king of the Golden Horde, who perished from the pestilence and left only weak-willed heirs. In 1332 (732), with the steppes north of the Black Sea torn apart by the fighting of the generals of Oz Beg Khan and of upstart warlords, Sultan Kaykhusraw III issued a proclamation declaring his healthy state, and began to quickly institute responses to the ravages of the cities all across Anatolia, gather the dead and paying the Imams of the greatest masjids to lead immense funerary rites for the dead in the largest cities.

    Sultan Kaykhusraw III would ultimately die in 1349 (750), leaving behind a single son who similarly had to scramble to respond to the continued ravages of the pestilence. However, a change that neither Kaykhusraw III nor his son Mahmoud Shah could have ever noticed in their lifetimes was occuring in the hilly highlands of the east, where the winds blew like the ghastly whispers and wails of the long-gone dead. The fields of Anatolia were left fallow by the sudden lack of farmers, leaving the valleys and grasslands open for a people relatively shielded from the ravages of the plague: the Kurds, those who dwell in tents, the Iranian nomads of the highlands and mountains.

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    Sorry for the long wait! I just lost track of time, oops! This timeline will be continuing, and it will be continuing with full force in the future. Thank you, all of you!
     
    Part 8: The Pestilence in the East
  • kymmorris_goatherder.jpg

    A Kurd goatherd in the modern day, in the fields around Malatya
    Part 8: The Pestilence in the East
    The Pestilence brought ravages, death, and chaos to so many different regions that it would be unproductive to truly examine them all. While the disease itself is most famous for the rapid population decline it brought upon Europe, our focuses must invariably be turned to other lands. First, we look to one of the lands most resoundingly changed of all of those affected: eastern Anatolia.

    Where before the land was dotted with large cities and major defenses, from Charpete to Erzurum, inhabited by Armenians, Turcomen, and Jews alike, it was now an empty and howling land. As the Pestilence swept over Anatolia from the west, each and every one of these cities was absolutely devastated. The streets of Erzurum were empty of the typical merchants and passers-by, instead packed with the unmoving dead and the limp vagrants, brought into the city from the countryside by the famined fields, no farmers to plough them. The garrisons which once guarded the citadel of Charpete were sickly and weak, unable to even pick up their spears and swords for the bursting of buboes and the weakening of bones. The nobles and magnates of Malatya looked out over their city and the countryside surrounding, the location of that great battle not too long ago, as the sickly groans of pestilential peasants rose up into the great blue sky. However, something unique about the eastern lands of the Sultanate, something which the lands to the west did not have, were mountain-dwelling nomads, relatively shielded from the ravages of the plague.

    Due to the high mountain peaks of the Armenian Highlands and the Zagros range of western Iran, the Pestilence had some difficulty spreading to the east of Anatolia and Mesopotamia. Cities such as Tabriz, Mosul, Ardabil, Kermanshah, and others were just as surely devastated by the spread of the Pestilence, but the mountain and valley nomads kept their distance from the cities, maintaining their herds of sheep and goats and protecting themselves from the Pestilence, for the most part at least.

    These nomads were a very diverse bunch, a mix of Arabs, Turcomen, Yazidis, and, most importantly, that group known as the Kurds. The Kurds were not a truly united people like their linguistic brethren the Yazidis are, but rather the term “Kurdish” is used simply to describe all manner of Iranian-speaking nomads, “dwellers in tents” as they were also referred to. Kurds had, in centuries past, become very prominent in the affairs of the middle east, for Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub was of Kurdish origin, and the glorious dynasty which he established in Egypt and al-Sham was of the same descent. However, with the destruction of the family of Salah ad-Din and the construction of the government of slaves in Egypt, the Kurds have returned to their more ancient state, that of nomads of the Armenian Highlands, the Zagros, and al-Jazira.

    There are few records of the very beginning of the process that would become known as Kurdification, for the officials in the cities cared little for the migration of nomads in the wilderness and countryside. It can be safely assumed that the fields left empty by the sudden die-off of the rural peasantry quickly became fallow over the years of the Pestilence, and after decades of abandonment the once fertile fields turned over to grassy pastures, spreading out from the cities in all directions. The journal of the Pontic merchant Cyrus Alexopoulos describes what he saw when traveling to the city of Malatya from his base in Trebizond:
    “The roads which lead to Melitene are ragged, with flagstones broken and grasses
    reaching toward the sky above, and the farmsteads for all around are ruined and
    collapsed. When I began my career, such things would cause worry, for fear of bandits
    or of marauders, but none remain in the countryside today. At least our horses can feast
    on the unkempt grasses. Nothing was lost or stolen. The city’s walls can be seen in the
    distance, only a parasang away.”

    As the cities receded, the nomads expanded, and it is with this that the Kurds came to dominate the countryside. Eastern Anatolia became a sea of nomadism with occasional dots of settled life, cities of Turks, Romans, and Armenians surrounded on all sides by Kurds and those of other groups that became subsumed by the Kurdish culture. By the 1450s, the territory of Iranian-speakers in eastern Anatolia would reach deep into the Armenian Highlands, and almost reaching past the Euphrates in the east. This rapid expansion of the nomadic culture would have many downfalls however: as the Pestilence abated, the peasants attempted to return to their fields, fields which had long ago turned over to pasture for Kurdish goats and sheep. Clashes between Turcoman peasants and Kurdish nomads were not an uncommon sight, and numerous concessions had to be made to the nomads for the central government at Iconium to extract even a modicum of agricultural production out of the east.

    While it has not been examined in as much scholarly depth as it could be, the relationship of the strange Yazidis to this Kurdification process of the 14th and 15th (8th and 9th) centuries is a complex and fascinating one. While Muslim Kurds were just as likely to attack the Yazidis for their “devil-worship” as any Arab or Turcoman was, Yazidi population boomed just as much as that of Muslim Kurds. Yazidi temples from this period are found in the mountains around Malatya and Erzurum, indicating a spread of such groups that far north. Many Yazidi priests today have interesting things to say regarding the Kurdification, believing that the expansion of the Yazidis was, in part, due to their descendance from Shehid bin Jer and the auspices of Tawuse Melek, giving fortune and fertility to the Yazidis of the highlands, for a time at least.

    Just as the nomadic ancestors of the Turcomen had flown into the valleys and lowlands of Anatolia three centuries before, so now the Kurds expanded into the valleys and mountains of the eastern highlands, bringing with them goats and sheep just as much as horses and conflict.
     
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    Part 9: The Pestilence in the West
  • western-anatolia.png

    A map of western Anatolia, the Aegean, Thrace, and Rhomania around the 1320s (720s) (The area outlined in a darker green is the iqta of Osman and his successors)
    Part 9: The Pestilence in the West
    The western regions of the Sultanate, from the core lands around the capital of Iconium to the newly conquered territories on the Sea of Marmara under the auspices of the general Osman son of Ertuğrul, was the first region of the Sultanate to fall beneath the dark cloud of disease, but the changes which disease brought to it were quite distinct from those in the highlands of the east. There were no nomadic populations to take advantage of the decline of settled farmsteads, and so rather than seeing a decline of rural peasants in favor of nomadic herders, western Anatolia saw a rise in the standing of the very peasants who farmed the land in the first place. Similar changes were seen in lands further west, such as those under Roman control in southwestern Anatolia and Thrace, as well as in the lands of the Franks, where the rapid decline of peasant populations brought with it the rising importance of peasant labor. For western Anatolia, a sort of middle class was forming, comparable to those in the Roman Empire or Hungary, one that would continue to develop over the course of the ensuing centuries and repeated outbreaks of the Pestilence.

    This rising middle class of newly important peasants was a threat to the pre-existing middle classes of western Anatolia, the Roman merchants and lesser Roman and Turcoman nobility which had migrated in with Osman’s armies. A letter from a wealthy Roman merchant in Nicaea, with the backing of his Turcoman and Armenian colleagues, to Orhan the son of Osman in 1372 (774) describes just how aghast many of the old elite were at the rising of the Anatolian peasantry:
    “Orhan, most majestic scion of the great general, representative of the great Sultan of
    Iconium, the families of the merchants of this fine city wish to have your ear. The ofeiletis
    [A pejorative term in the Roman language for the children of peasants that migrated into
    the cities. Translates literally as “debtor”.] of Nicaea have the audacity to demand the
    same sorts of protections as we. Surely, it is those who have the experience and the
    pedigree of dealings which deserve such insurances. It is not the ofeiletis who know the
    ways and means of the Franks nor of the trade which passes through Marmara, and it is
    not the ofeiletis which construct the finest wares of this finest of cities. Enclosed is a list
    of all of the merchants and craftsmen of all quarters of Nicaea which implore you, oh
    fine and glorious ghazi, to consider our suggestions.”

    While the written record shows the shock of the old middle class at this rising urban former peasantry, the archaeological record of cities such as Nicaea, Prusa, Panderma, and Iconium have a sudden infusion of slightly lower quality crafts, more likely than not those produced by the new group of urban craftsmen, the “ofeiletis”. Similar shifts are also seen in those areas of Anatolia still under Roman control, from Smyrna to Polydorion to Makri, albeit without much Turcoman influence on the material goods produced in this time period. Beyond this, those peasants that remained in the countryside saw a great growth in their value as workers, correspondingly with their rapid decline in population.

    While the rise of the western Anatolian formerly peasant middle class is a notable development in and of itself, another interesting change is with regards to the religious makeup of the western territories. The Sultan’s stance on Sufi practices typically ranged from frowning upon such beliefs to just not caring too much about them, though the closest that the state ever got to promoting Sufism was with the popularity of Jalal ad-Din Rumi under Kaykhusraw II, Tamar, and Kilij Arslan IV. The ravages of plague caused crises of faith everywhere, and in western Anatolia it was the Sufis who answered the call of need. Many of the newly constructed masjids in the recently conquered cities became havens of Sufi preaching, and oftentimes Sufi shaykhs would dwell in their own lodges in cities, becoming just as much a backbone of local society as the local elite and merchants, priests, imams, and rabbis. Increasingly, however, the region became a hotbed of conflict between different Sufi sects and even Christian mystical groups.

    While many different Sufi sects all had presences in the region, the most prominent were both quite young: the Mevlevi Order, founded by followers of Jalal ad-Din Rumi, and the Dimashqi Order, founded by a mystical Arab woman named Aisha ibn Isa ibn Uthman al-Dimashqi in the city of Damascus. Both of these sects focused on harmony between faiths and harmony between people, making them very popular in the increasingly diverse cities of western Anatolia populated by indigenous Romans and Jews, the children of the Turcoman conquerors, and immigrant Armenians from further east. Both used the sorrow and illness of the Pestilence to their advantage, preaching hopeful and mystical messages that galvanized the people in the cities and countryside across the region.

    The older of the two, the Mevlevi Order was established by followers of the poet Rumi after his death in 1273 (671), and is famous for its “Whirling Dervish” practices, performing a unique spinning dance as a form of dhikr, or remembrance of God. The Mevlevi Order was also the only Sufi sect to experience any sort of state sanctioning over the whole of Seljuq history, with numerous Sultans over the centuries financing Mevlevi lodges and even helping to build shrines to Mevlevi saints. In most ways other than their unique whirling sama dance, the Mevlevi Order is typical of Sufi groups, though very distinct from the Dimashqi Order, its main competitor across western Anatolia.

    Aisha ibn Isa ibn Uthman al-Dimashqi was born in the city of Damascus, to parents fleeing the destruction of Baghdad. Her exact birthdate is unknown, but it is believed to be around the early 1270s (670s). Her parents were notables in the ‘ulema of Baghdad prior to its destruction, active in the philosophical and theological discussions that were prominent in the city, and as part of the wave of refugees fleeing to the west they brought their deep and complex ideas with them, moving the center of Arab culture, philosophy, theology, and science to Dimashq. Growing up in this environment of intellectualism, Aisha grew fascinated with the discussion of falasifiyya that were going on all around her, reading up on the greatest of the Arab scientists, Roman philosophers, and Persian writers. According to the narrative described by leaders of the Dimashqi order, Aisha ibn Isa al-Dimashqi founded her mystical order around the 1320s (720s), amid the chaos and death of the Pestilence in Damascus, forced to leave the city at the efforts of the local governor. From the beginning, the beliefs of the Dimashqi Sufis were seen as excessive forms of falasifiyya, and the resoundly anti-Sufi governor felt that exiling them was truly needed. Fleeing to the east, they took refuge in the Ilkhanate, the Ilkhans far more interested in court intrigue and dealing with the plague to respond, as the group spread further out from those western provinces of Mongol Iran.

    The Dimashqi Order combines the mystical core concepts of Sufi theology with Platonic philosophy and even some aspects of Iranian religion that percolated through the Persian writers that Aisha read in her youth. They believe that God is the source of all pure platonic forms, and practice an almost dualistic belief in the purity of the divine (in the form of God, His prophets, and the platonic forms of all existence) as opposed to the uncleanliness of the material world, an almost Gnostic practice that has been the source of much of the disdain held for them in the regions where they are present. However, it is this very anti-materialist dualism that has made it quite popular in the plague-ridden regions of western Anatolia, giving it a strong foothold in the region, stalwart against the efforts of the Mevlevi Order and of the Sultans at Iconium.
     
    Part 10: The Pestilence in the North
  • golden-horde-successors.png

    A map of the major players of the Pontic-Caspian Steppe after Öz Beg Khan's death (map depicts circa 1345)
    Part 10: The Pestilence in the North

    The whole world over changed irrevocably due to the Pestilence, and thusly our focus should not linger too long on the world of Anatolia. The lands to the north, what was once the Golden Horde of the Mongols, were affected resoundingly by the Pestilence, for theirs was the greatest state of which a sovereign succumbed to the disease. Öz Beg Khan, Khan of the Kipchaks and the Tatars, the Great Lord of the Golden Horde, died from the black Pestilence, leaving no strong-willed heirs, in 1332 (733). In almost an instant, the lands north of the Caucasus, the Black Sea, and the Caspian Sea were shattered into numerous successor states, made up of the generals of Öz Beg Khan, upstart warlords of the steppes, and the local magnates of the cities which dot the expansive wilderness. The yoke of the Tatars which so angered the Russian principalities was broken, as was the ban on Christian travel through the steppes. The steppelands were completely changed.

    To truly get a sense of the chaos which suddenly engulfed the former Golden Horde, we must examine the key players, the most major successors of the Mongol state. In the south, there was the Khanate of Crimea, based out of its capital at Eski Kirim, which spread from the coast of Moldavia to the Sea of Azov. To its east were a number of newly independent Caucasian states, made up of Circassians, Chechens, Ingushetians, Alans, and others, but the largest of these was the confederacy of the Neo-Khazars, just to the north of Azerbaijan and with its ostensible capital at Samandar. The oldest son of Öz Beg Khan, Djanibek Khan, established a rump state out of Sarai, surrounded on all sides by the hostile states of rebellious generals, most notably the Manghit Horde under the command of Babak Temur, a half-Persian half-Mongol warlord. A group of Buddhist Mongols, taking advantage of the collapse of their mostly Muslim overlords, established the Kingdom of the Western Oirats along the Volga. The Uralic peoples which had been living under the Mongol horseshoe established their own independent states as well, from Mordvinia to Perm. The steppes had become a mosaic of warring states, all crippled by the Pestilence and yet still pushing into battle.

    The beginning of the Wars of the Successors in the former Golden Horde was defined primarily by the pitched fighting between the Manghit Horde and the remnants of Djanibek’s Horde out of Sarai, Babak Temur focusing on becoming the overlord of the city which was once the seat of Öz Beg’s power. While Djanibek Khan and Babak Temur Khan were battling along the Yaik River, the Western Oirats were attempting to expand to the west, conquering beyond the Volga and into the principalities of the Rus’. The Vladimir-Oirat War lasted for 9 years, ending with Oirat victory in 1345 (745), a Buddhist state established over numerous Russian towns and villages. Whether the Oirats would maintain control over the towns was a different story, though it did not seem that Novgorod, the largest and most influential of the Russian states, was preparing for war. To the west of the Russian principalities, the tribes of the Lithuanians unified under the banner of Vilnius, a series of chaotic wars fought amongst the pagan tribes, as the Teutonic Knights to their north prepared for another series of raids on the newly independent Lithuanians and their traditional targets, the Samogitians. Poland’s Mongol-friendly king of the Piast dynasty was overthrown and killed in 1347 (747), plunging the kingdom of the Poles into civil war between rival noble lines, each vying to become the new kings of Warsaw.

    While Thrace, Anatolia, the Caucasus, and the Middle East were hit hard by the Pestilence, the sands of al-Sham were not stained red with the blood of thousands like the earth of eastern Europe were. From the Aral Sea to the river Oder, the clashing of swords and the shouting of soldiers accompanied the Pestilence, throwing the lands formerly under the domination of the Golden Horde into a complete bloody chaos.

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    Sorry for a bit of a shorter post... I ended up spending most of my time for this post making the map hehe. This sets up a lot of important stuff for the future however... Up next: a look back at the crusades of the 13th century!
     
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    Special Update 2: The Five Failed Crusades
  • Special Update 2: The Five Failed Crusades
    Over the course of the latter half of the 13th century, five crusades, five failures that followed the chaotic and violent Fourth Crusade that stole the city of the world’s desire from Roman hands in 1204. First of these was the Fifth Crusade, an attempt at retaking Jerusalem from the hands of the Ayyubids in Egypt in 1217, led by the King of Hungary and the Duke of Ostermark, ultimately ending in a failure for the Franks, and al-Quds remaining in the hands of the Kurds. Following this was the Sixth Crusade, yet another attempt to take Jerusalem, which successfully regained the holy city for the Kingdom of Jerusalem for a whole of fifteen years, before it fell back yet again to the hands of the sons of Salahuddin. At the very least, these crusades could say that they made a meaningful attempt at the goal that the Franks had been working toward for centuries. The same could not be said of the three great failures that followed.

    The Seventh Crusade was a very small movement, led by King Louis IX of France, which attempted an attack on Egypt in 1248. Al-Malik as-Salih Najm al-Din Ayyub, crowned as Sultan of Egypt and Emir of Damascus only 8 years prior, petitioned the Turcoman Sultan at Iconium for assistance regarding the planned invasion by Louis IX, not entirely knowing the strength of their forces and wary of responding to the first crusade attempt in his reign, but the boy Sultan Kayqubad II declined, at the insistence of his mother to focus instead on defending against raids by the barbarian Mongols. King Louis IX’s forces would have normally been no match for the Mamluks of Sultan al-Malik, but he died in the year 1249, leaving his son Turan Shah to become the Sultan for a very short period. Leading the armies himself, Turan Shah defeated the Frankish crusaders at the city of al-Mansourah, capturing King Louis IX and putting him up for ransom. The ransom of him and his soldiers would be paid by 1254, a huge sum of 800,000 bezants (a term used by Western Europeans to describe Middle Eastern gold coins).

    In 1270, another attempt was made by King Louis IX to push into the Dar al-Islam, not yet done with that strong crusading spirit, but this time he attempted a rather unorthodox direction, sailing to capture the city of Tunis. The Frankish ships failed to capture the city from the sea, turning to land on the coast and attack the city from there, but at this point a mutiny and betrayal took place, with Henry III’s son Edward taking the remainder of the ships and turning to port in Sicily, abandoned Louis IX and his plague-ridden soldiers in the deserts of Ifriqiyya. King Louis IX, following another feeble attempt to capture Tunis, fled into the sands with his army, dying of disease around 1271 or 1272. The Frankish Army (Jaysh Faransiun) has since become a staple of the folklore of Tunis and the surrounding countryside, the remnants of accounts of villages mysteriously raided in the night by the stragglers that remained of Louis IX’s army forming into folk tales of a ghostly army, almost like desert ghuls, that haunts the sands outside of Tunis, sometimes able to be seen at night. In reality, however, the soldiers that King Louis IX brought with him eventually perished out in the desert, leaving little trace beyond the rumors of their ghostly existence.

    After building his forces in Sicily and southern Italy, Edward went back east, to attempt an invasion of the Holy Land one last time. This is most properly known as the Ninth Crusade, though it is more famously termed the Last Crusade, for the title of the popular historical fiction book that describes a dramatized version of events. It truly was the “last crusade” however: though there were to be more wars termed crusades in the centuries to come, the Ninth Crusade was the last attempt by any Catholic power or noble to take the Holy Land, and it would seem that the “crusading spirit” so popular and prominent during the High Middle Ages, was finally petering out. In 1271, Edward son of Henry sailed out from the city of Syracuse to land in Acre, then capital of the crumbling remnants of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the first step of a three year long campaign that would take him through the Levant, Syria, and Cilicia, and involve a unified effort of Seljuq Sultan Kilij Arslan IV, Armenian King Leo II, and Mamluk-Sultan Rukn ad-Din Baybars to push out the Frankish incursion.

    First, Edward landed at the port of Limassol in Cyprus, still under Crusader control, whereupon ships under the orders of the Mamluk-Sultan came to the city and attacked his forces in June of 1271, forcing him to make haste to the city of Acre, holing up in the city’s defensive walls, and taking part in a defense of the city against the forces of Mamluk-Sultan Baybars in November of 1271. Following this, he took his armies and swooped down, capturing the city of Qaqun to the north of Jerusalem, and ceding it to the Kingdom of Jerusalem. For much of the winter of 1271, while the farming villages were relatively unprotected, Edward captured a large swathe of land to the north of Jerusalem, hoping to capture the Holy City in the spring of 1272. But, at the insistence of Mamluk-Sultan Baybars, the forces under the command of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV, strengthened and full of morale at the victory against Kaykaus a decade or so prior, came down through the Levant to attack Edward from the north.

    Caught by surprise, Edward’s forces were routed and forced to flee back to Acre, whereupon the city was put under siege by the joint forces of Kilij Arslan IV and Baybars. Frantically searching for a way to respond to the siege, Edward sent a secret envoy out of the city’s port during the night, traveling to the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, ultimately hoping to reach the Ilkhanate and gain the support of Mongol warlords and nobility. This was a great success, with the Mongols hoping to capture the lands of al-Sham that were blocked from them earlier in the 13th century, but on the return trip the envoys were captured by King Leo II of Armenian Cilicia, executed, and their heads sent to Acre, to be seen by both Baybars and Edward. But it was too late: Mongol forces under the command of Samagar swooped into northern Syria during the summer of 1272, forcing Baybars to turn around and respond to the Tatar invasion. The small contingent sent by Leo II as well as the army of Kilij Arslan IV were all that remained around the city, and Edward thought that he could take them.

    In June of 1272, the Crusader army emerged from the gates of Acre, charging at the joint Armenian-Turcoman forces, hitting them hard. Through skillful use of supply lines through Cypriot ports and the bow-wielding garrison of Acre itself, Edward was able to scrape out a meager victory, and his forces pushed northward, hoping to incapacitate Leo II’s forces by capturing Sis, the capital of Armenian Cilicia. Leaving a swathe of destruction in their wake, Edward’s armies, supplemented by the crusader knights of Acre and the rest of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, captured small towns but ignored major cities, hoping to outrun the Armenian-Muslim forces and reach Sis before winter. But by August of 1272, Baybars had defeated the Mongol armies and forced a ceasefire, turning his armies around to pin Edward and his armies, just outside of the city of Antioch. The Battle of Antioch would be a resounding victory for Baybars, Kilij Arslan IV, and Leo II, routing Edward’s forces and scattering them throughout Cilicia and al-Sham. Edward attempted to regroup in the spring of 1273, but was defeated again at Kilis, whereupon he fled to the west, making a stop back in Cyprus before returning to England, only to become King of England a few years later.
     
    Part 11: Blood on the Steppe
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    An artistic depiction of the Battle of Soroca
    Part 11: Blood on the Steppe
    Following the death of Öz Beg Khan in 1332 (733), his expansive empire that held sway from the River Oder to the Aral Sea crumbled into more than a dozen different warring factions, rival hordes and upstart khanates, ethnic groups glad to throw off the Tatar yoke, and warlords and generals eager to take advantage of the weakness of the state. For the remainder of the 14th century, the lands of the former Golden Horde are turned into a churning bloody mess, constant conflict and warfare condemning thousands to death under horse’s hooves and mongol spears.

    Babak Temur Khan, the half-Persian half-Mongol general who rose to prominence leading raids into the Ilkhanate and the states of the Rus’ for Öz Beg Khan, led a large group of Mongol tribes and rebellious warlords into forming the Manghit Horde, so named for the group that would come to dominate its politics later in the century, the greatest state of the former Golden Horde. Babak Temur’s horde quickly captured the lands north and east of the Caspian and even pushed up the Volga river and toward the capital of Sarai, and it is said that the Volga delta turned red with the blood of Djanibek’s men and horses as this slow and steady Manghit push moved ever closer. Meanwhile, from the perspective of Djanibek Khan, his steadily shrinking state was always on the defensive, hemmed in on all sides by the Manghit, Kipchak, and Kazan Khanates that quickly sprung up out of his former empire. By 1346 (745), Djanibek Khan controlled only the city of Sarai itself, but he would be saved by the push northward of the state commonly called the Neo-Khazar Confederacy, centered on Dagestan.

    There has been much debate about the nature of the Neo-Khazars that rose to prominence in the aftermath of the collapse of the Golden Horde: their relation to the old Jewish Khagans of the early middle ages, if they are related to the old Khaganate whether any Jewish religious influences remained, or even if the name was a misnomer, misapplied by those who primarily wrote about the wars in the North (primarily Persians and Turcomen, with some infusion by Italian merchants). The first use of the term Khazar for the state that arose out of the Golden Horde is found in a text written in Armenian dating back to the year 1363 (764), though this work is still being translated, and the more well-examined work is one written in Persian that dates to 1381 (783) and was found in the city of Tabriz. This text seems to make a connection back to the Jewish Khazars, recounting a story about the circumcision of the new Khan that was crowned in 1334 (734), though there are few other accounts that indicate this connection. A symbol described by some to be the Star of David has been found on shields in the region that date back to this period, but this has been disputed, attributed as a commonly found Middle Eastern symbol that could just as much indicate that the soldiers fighting were Muslims. The general consensus is that, though Jewish individuals were probably present in the government and armies of this new Khazar state, the vast majority of those fighting under the Khan’s banner and under the Khan himself were either Muslims or continued following a shamanic Turkic religion.

    While the true nature of the Neo-Khazar Confederacy is up for debate, what isn’t up for debate is the push northwards of the Khazar Khan’s forces, toppling the little-attested Kurgan Khanate (so called for the large number of artifacts of this short-lived state on hills and mounds in the southern steppe) and invading the Manghit Horde, crossing the Volga with a force number upwards of 45,000 to 60,000 Turkic horsemen and Caucasian warriors. Distracting Babak Temur Khan’s armies, the Perso-Mongol turned from the siege at Sarai to confront the Khazars, meeting them in battle first at the mouth of the Volga (where he lost) and then at the Yaik river, where a resounding Manghit victory forced the Khazars to flee back to Dagestan, though Babak Temur did not pursue. Using this window of opportunity, Djanibek Khan defeats Khan Komek of the Kipchaks, ending the siege of Sarai and pushing both up and down the Volga, but it is this splitting of his forces that ultimately spells his downfall.

    An envoy from Khan Babak Temur of the Manghist reached Khan Komek of the Kipchaks in early 1348 (749), requesting a sort of makeshift alliance to bring down Djanibek Khan and destroy the Golden Horde once and for all. Khan Komek agrees, sending his force to decimate that of Djanibek in the northern Volga, while Babak Temur follows up with a destruction on the southern Volga, pushing up to pin the city of Sarai before any preparations can be made for a siege. After a considerably shorter siege, Sarai falls to the joint efforts of the Manghits and the Kipchaks, with Djanibek Khan decapitated and his head paraded around on a pike for all to see. The Golden Horde was no more.

    Further to the west, the Khanate of the Kipchaks had to deal with another horde of the steppes, and one that was growing increasingly prosperous from its advantageous position: Crimea. The Crimean Horde inherited by far the most fertile lands of the former Golden Horde, and it was this fertility and the large entrenched Turkish population which gave the Crimean Horde its strength. While the Manghit Horde, with all of its great strength, was made up of loose Turkic and Mongol bands and the Manghits that had traveled so far from their eastern homeland, the Crimean Horde truly embraced the many Turkic tribes of the fertile steppes and fields, giving it an immense force that it used to push in all directions. The great city of Kiev, traditionally at the heart of Rus’ politics and religion (at least up until the moving of the Metropolitanate to the city of Vladimir in 1299 (698)), regularly came under raids from the Crimean Khans, immense amounts of gold and silver stolen from its churches and monasteries by the Turks of Crimea.

    The Crimean Horde was founded by a lesser branch of the ruling dynasty of the Golden Horde, descended ultimately from Genghis Khan through his son Jochi. Börgu Khan, first Crimean Khan, pushed both east and west, consolidating control in the Pontic steppe by 1345 and invading the Khanate of the Kipchaks, possibly in an attempt to reach the jewel of Sarai and capture it for himself (though he was unable to do so, with the Manghit Horde and Kipchak Khanate capturing the city in 1349 (750)). Khan Komek of the Kipchaks personally faced off against Börgu Khan in battle in the year 1350 (752), though ultimately the face off proved to affect little in the wars on the steppe. From then onward, the porous border between the Crimean Horde and the Kipchak Khanate fluctuated repeatedly, pushed east or west by the steady cavalry advances of the two states.

    To the west of the Crimean Horde, a petty state had pulled itself from beneath the Tatar horseshoe, reaching out to the lands to its west for protection against the Khanates that vied to suppress it. When Moldavia achieved full independence from the Golden Horde shortly after the death of Öz Beg Khan, envoys were sent to the courts of the Anjou King Charles of Hungary and Voivode Basarab of Wallachia, as a local notable was raised to the title of Voivode, hoping to establish diplomatic ties and, ultimately, marriage ties with one of its more westerly neighbors. It was at this time that Khan Börgu of Crimea invaded the fledgling Moldavian state, quickly pouring over the Dnieper and capturing the strip of marshy coastline along the Black Sea. Turning his focus toward the east, he ordered his forces to raid into Wallachia and Bulgaria, giving Moldavia a short period of respite.

    While both envoys were received with much decorum and kindness in both Hungary and Wallachia, it was King Charles I of Hungary that expressed considerably more interest in the offer of marriage ties, giving his sister’s hand in marriage to Voivode Ioan of Moldavia along with a promise to come to the defense of what became, in effect, a representative of Hungarian interests in the east. This promise proved useful for Voivode Ioan, for Khan Börgu began a new push into Moldavia in 1354 (754), with the Hussars of King Charles I clashing with the Turkish cavalry in the fields outside Soroca (often used as a bit of propaganda by Pan-Carpathianists in the modern day). However, though there was a valiant defense on the part of Voivode Ioan and King Charles, the whole of Moldavia, with only some holdouts in the valleys of the carpathians, was under Crimean overlordship. Voivode Ioan and his court fled to Hungary, under the protection of King Charles I Anjou. Moldavia would become a battleground over the next few decades, with the fortunes on occasion favoring the Crimeans and on occasion favoring the Moldavians. The Crimean-Moldavian Wars ended in 1363 (764), with Moldavia a loyal vassal of Hungary. The Crimean Khans would have much more to worry about than an unruly Moldavia.
     
    Part 12: Buddhism on the Volga
  • Part 12: Buddhism on the Volga

    The Oirats, the westernmost tribe of the Mongols so named for the forests that they oft found themselves residing in (“oi” for forest and “ard” for people in the Tatar tongue), were one of the Mongol tribes that took the most advantage of the newfound interconnectedness of the Empire that spanned the Oder River to the Pacific Ocean, the chief families among them acting as mercenaries for the great Tatar Khanates born out of the split of the Empire, taking part in the Golden Horde raids on the northern territories of the Ilkhanate. With the death of Öz Beg Khan and the subsequent shattering of the Golden Horde, the Oirat tribe (also sometimes called the Torghut) attempted to establish a state around the Aral sea, but this attempt was very quickly put down by the armies of the rebellious general Babak Temur. Fleeing to the west, the armies of Ayuka the Terrible, the soon-to-be first Western Oirat King, gained numbers from primarily sky-worshiping (i.e. Tengriist) bands of Mongols as well as some Christian populations, taking advantage of the great numbers of soldiers and cavalrymen that were forced out of the primarily Muslim-led and majority Muslim armies of Babak Temur Khan, Djanibek Khan, and the Crimean Khans, pushing northwards, past the bloody battles between the Manghit Horde and Djanibek’s Horde and toward the fertile banks of the frigid Volga, establishing a foothold in the region by 1339 (740).

    While the early movements of the Oirats under King Ayuka the Terrible are relatively well understood, something that is quite a bit more vague is the nature of the Buddhism that he introduced to the Volga region for quite possibly the first time. Far earlier, the migratory Torghut mercenaries are assumed to have been exposed to Buddhism as they traveled west from Mongolia and through the Tarim Basin and western Tibet, many of their prominent leadership converting to the Tibetan Buddhist faith during this period. It is assumed that the majority of the early Oirats in the borderlands between the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanate were not Buddhists originally, but steadily conversion to the Tibetan Vajrayana form of the Buddhist faith increased among the mercenary companies, primarily as a means to distinguish themselves from other Central Asian mercenary groups and to ensure that they would not be held back by community ties in the region: not only were the Oirats distinct from the local Turks and Iranians by language, but also by religion. There was no fear of a Khan of the Golden Horde that the Oirats in his employ would be unwilling to sack a city out of support for the Sufi lodges and masjids of that city. This gradual conversion over the course of the 13th (7th) century was further strengthened by the earlier conversion to Islam of the Ilkhanate: simply put, more Oirats were in the employ of the ostensibly unconverted Golden Horde at the time.

    But what is the nature of what has been commonly referred to as Volga Buddhism? Ultimately, it is a subdivision of the Vajrayana branch of Buddhism, with its closest antecedent in the form of Tibetan Buddhism, but due to the nature of the group that primarily spread it (the Oirats) and the history of its presence along the Volga river, it has numerous influences from shamanic Mongol sky-worship (worship of the god Tengri) as well as Islamic and Christian aesthetic and ritual influences. One of the most obvious influences of the proximity of Volga Buddhism to Eastern Orthodox Christianity is the presence of certain Christian saints in Buddhist iconography, chief among them Saint George. There are numerous wooden and metal depictions of Saint George, reinterpreted as an arhat, slaying a representation of ignorance in the form of a vile creature, some of them with a Shakyamuni Buddha taking the place of the Angel Gabriel in the background. A large wooden painting of such a scene can be found in the Munkhagiin Khargis Temple in Nizhny Novgorod, still venerated to this day by pilgrims to the city. By far more controversial than the depictions of Saint George are what are commonly called “Buddhist Jesus” sculptures, produced between the 1380s (780s) and the 1480s (880s) and quickly falling into obscurity afterward.

    Now that a quick synopsis of Volga Buddhism has been described, the political actions of Ayuka the Terrible dominate the discussion of the early years of the Western Oirat Kingdom. Quickly consolidating power in the upper Volga, Ayuka immediately went to war with the principality of Vladimir-Suzdal, the leading state of the Kievan principalities at the time, desiring conquest and expansion. Grand Duke Dmitry II of Vladimir, also known as Dmitry the Fat, though unpopular for his lack of direct involvement with his troops, instead choosing to remain in his palace in the city of Vladimir, was a skilled tactician, and initially successfully thwarted Ayuka’s attempts at outright conquest. But by 1344 (744), Dmitry II would befall the same fate as his hated overlord Öz Beg Khan, succumbing to the Pestilence that very year. The prince of Kiev was crowned as the new Grand Duke of Vladimir, but owing to the distance between the two cities and the Crimean raids that constantly threatened Kiev, Vladimir-Suzdal was left completely unprotected. His cavalry pouring over the Volga and into the fields and towns of Vladimir, Ayuka the Terrible is known to have decapitated 500 of the Russian garrison-men, plus a thousand Orthodox priests if the Russian records are to be entirely trusted. With long-bearded boyars fleeing to the west, Ayuka’s armies came upon the city of Vladimir itself in 1346 (747), putting it under siege. In the Annals of Vladimir, a historical text began sometime around the year 1600 (1000), it is written that the “Tatar Demon Ayuga” had Buddhist monks brought to the city walls from further east to loudly chant, seemingly an attempt to drown out the prayers and religious services of the Christian Russians within the city walls. Surely there was little of this deeply religious nature to the conflict between the Oirats and Vladimir.

    Ayuka’s forces succeeded in capturing the city by the end of 1346 (747), tearing down the statues of Russian royalty within and ransacking the churches for their golden relics and silver treasures. The city of Vladimir would be re-captured by the forces of the Novgorod Republic only 10 years later, but ultimately the Western Oirats would recapture the city and commemorate a Buddhist temple there. Feeling safe in the defeat of the principality of Vladimir, Ayuka the Terrible turned his eyes east, quickly overrunning a short lived and obscure state on the site of the former Volga Bulgars, constructing and commemorating a Buddhist temple there as well. By the 1360s (760s), the Western Oirat Kingdom had expanded to cover a large area of the northern Volga, from Vladimir almost to the Ural mountains, constantly engaging in skirmishes and raids on the Muslim powers to their south, as they constantly changed and shifted​
     
    Part 13: Death to the Piasts! Long Live Poland!
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    A recent artistic depiction of the dark, scheming Casimir III
    Part 13: Death to the Piasts! Long Live Poland!
    When the Mongol armies flooded across the border between the Russian principalities and the Kingdom of Poland during the 13th (7th) century, the Piast kings of Poland, weakened from decades of civil strife and now nomadic incursions, were powerless to stop them. Just like the Kievan Rus’ Principalities before them, Poland was put under Mongol overlordship, Mongol darughachis regularly enforcing the Tatar will on the populace and nobility alike. Just as in the Russian principalities, the iron grip of the Golden Horde was despised, especially by the knightly families and noble houses whose activities were greatly restricted by the Mongol darughachis and the Piast vassals of the Golden Horde khans. However, unlike the Russian principalities, Poland was relatively shielded from the wars of the Golden Horde successors that delved the Pontic-Caspian Steppe into churning bloody warfare, leaving the newly independent state to its own devices. But the Piast kings that so willingly allowed the Mongols to dominate them would not benefit in the end.

    The last Piast king of Poland, Casimir III or Casimir the Headless, was a weak monarch who attempted to consolidate his rule over Poland once his rule began in 1330 (730). He saw the end of Mongol rule over Poland with Oz Beg’s death in 1332 (733) as an opportunity to gain true independence for the Polish kingdom, but letters he sent to the kings of Bohemia and Hungary for assistance defending against possible Lithuanian and Mongol incursion were either ignored, in the case of Bohemia, or actively intercepted by agents hostile to the monarch, in the case of Hungary. With the states to his west unwilling to assist him, Casimir III desperately petitioned to the Prince of Novgorod for assistance, even offering a voice in the Polish royal elections (an old tradition in Poland further encouraged by the Tatars) in exchange for the defense of Poland. Aghast at an offer being sent to a lord as heretical as the Eastern Orthodox prince of Novgorod, the knightly house of Odrowaz, whose power base was heavily vested in the Roman Catholic Church, rose up in Lesser Poland, threatening the capture of the city of Krakow. Their uprising marks the beginning of the Polish Civil War in 1339 (740). In the ensuing years, numerous noble families would rise up in rebellion against Casimir III Piast, further strengthened by mass peasant conscripts and alliances between knightly houses.

    At first, Casimir III used his position in Greater Poland to his advantage, sending smallish armies of a few thousand soldiers and loyal knights to Lesser Poland to deal with the uprising of the Odrowaz, and he even communicated with another knightly family of Lesser Poland, the clan of Bogoria, to rise up against the Odrowaz. However, once Casimir’s forces reached Krakow in 1341 (741), by then occupied by the Odrowaz, they were resoundly defeated and sent fleeing in every direction. With Warsaw undefended, Casimir turned inward, closing the gates of the city and shifting almost completely into a defensive mode. The Odrowaz and their clan’s head, a knight named Jakub Czyzewski, pushed northwards through battle after battle with the Bogoria clan under Walentyn Corwin (more commonly known as Valentinus Corvinus), to reach the gates of Warsaw. Around this time, in the later periods of the year 1341 (742) and early 1342 (742), that the Kurowie clan of Mazovia rose up and began to push southwards, with their clan leader Jan Wojcek gaining the support of the Teutonic Knights. 1342 (742) also marks Casimir III’s last attempt at asserting control: a letter sent by envoy to the city of Poznan to gain the support of the noble family who, at the time, controlled much of the western regions of Poland. The old patriarch of that noble line, at the urging of his young sons and daughters, refused. Warsaw was surrounded.

    Between 1342 (742) and 1346 (747), Casimir III remained relatively untouched in his fortified Warsaw. The Odrowaz and Bogoria duked it out in Lesser Poland, while the Kurowie initially marched southwards to threaten Warsaw before pausing to raid settlements in pagan Lithuania at the behest of the head of the Teutonic knights. The Sanguszko family, who ruled over large swathes of western Poland, took time to build up their primarily peasant and infantry based armies, but by 1345 (745) and 1346 (746) they were ready for war. It would seem that 1346 (746) would be the year that the major parties of the Civil War would converge on Warsaw.

    It first began with the Kurowie marching toward Casimir’s fortress in the early months of the year, while the Bogoria and Odrowaz signed a treaty, enshrined in the museum of Krakow, ending the hostilities between them, in order to push northwards and attack Warsaw. By the summer of 1346 (746), Warsaw was under siege, and it was not coping well. Casimir decided to increasingly restrict access to grain to the poorer sections of the city, keeping all the bread for himself and the priests in the Warsaw cathedral: by early 1347 (747) this resulted in an uprising of the peasantry that had fled into the city. With the houses of Warsaw burning, the Bogoria, Odrowaz, and Kurowie all rushed through the collapsing gates, capturing the city for each of their respective forces as skirmishes between peasant conscripts raged in the streets. Casimir himself would attempt to flee his palace in a carriage, only to realize (too late) that the carriage driver had been hired by the traitorous Bogoria clan. Casimir would be publicly decapitated by a Bogoria clan executioner, and his head put on a pike in front of the gate of Warsaw.

    Without the enemy of the weak Casimir III to unite them, the noble families and knightly clans began their feuding once again. For the next decade, civil war would rage between these warring factions, only dying down for the occasional outbreak of plague in one side of the army. The Odrowaz clan would be completely defeated and eradicated by the Bogoria clan by 1356 (756), and by 1358 (759) the first Diet of Krakow would be held. The Diet of Krakow was a council, headed by Valentinus Corvinus of the Bogoria Clan, Jan Wojcek of the Kurowie Clan, and Karl Wnek of the Sanguszko family, that included representatives of all of the major noble lines and knightly families of Poland, notably excluding the few Piasts that remained in the country. The convening of the first Diet of Krakow and the signing of the Treaty of Krakow marked the ending of the Polish Civil War in 1359 (760), establishing the fully elective monarchy of the newly founded Sejmate of Poland (so called not for its government lacking a monarch, but rather for the power that the newly established Sejm had): any member of the major noble houses and knightly orders could become sovereign. The first of these new leaders was Valentinus Corvinus (Walentyn Corwin) of the Bogoria Clan, who, in fact, continued many of the notable policies of the Piasts, including tolerance for Jews and the occasional Orthodox Christian.​
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    A 16th century artistic depiction of Valentinus Corvinus, first Bogoria King (Krol) of Poland
     
    Part 14: Gosudar Gospodin Velikiy Novgorod
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    A modern depiction of Archbishop Feodor of Novgorod.
    Part 14: Gosudar Gospodin Velikiy Novgorod
    Although the unique state on the northernmost fringes of the Rus’ principalities had been prominent in Russian affairs for quite some time, it was with the chaotic 14th (8th) century that Novgorod the Great, as it was usually referred to by its people, came to dominate the rest of Rus’, following the rule of the Tatars, of Vladimir, and originally of Kiev. Novgorod is unique among the many states of the Rus’ for being constructed on a republican model rather than a fully monarchical one: though there was a Prince of Novgorod, he was selected by the people of the city of Novgorod from the states which surrounding the Republic. Rather than a prince being the head of the state, it was the elected archbishop of Novgorod, approved by the Metropolitan out of Vladimir, who handled the vast majority of the affairs of the state. While the archbishop and the veche assembly were the real executives of the state, due to the bloody warfare which engulfed Novgorod’s southern neighbors during the 14th century, a series of rather more powerful and influential princes came to dominate the republic’s military. The first of these was Igor Ivanov Grigorivich, originally from the city of Pskov, who was invited to be the Prince of Novgorod in 1331 (731), only a year before the death of Oz Beg Khan.

    Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich was originally a prominent general in an army in service to Oz Beg Khan, heading forces made up of Russians and Christian Turks in defence of the western Rus’ states against raids by the Teutonic Knights. Following his military career, he was awarded an extensive estate in Pskov by the prince there, and was selected at the urging of Archbishop of Novgorod the Great and Pskov Feodor for his good service to the Khan: Archbishop Feodor only wanted to remain loyal to Oz Beg. With his death to the Pestilence in 1332 (733), only one year after Prince Igor’s arrival in Novgorod the Great, the military might of the general of Pskov would be tested against the swords and bows of both Buddhist and Muslim, Oirat and Turk.

    The archbishop, posadnik (the chair of the veche council), and prince Igor convened to discuss what they would do now that their overlord had died and his state had been plunged into chaos. It was agreed that forces would be sent to defend the borders of Novgorod the Great, but nothing else. As news of the destructive Crimean raids on Kiev made their way to Novgorod, the prince and his archbishop did nothing. They bided their time, building forces and being careful: it is written in the Chronicle of Lord Novgorod the Great that Archbishop Feodor believed the Manghit horde far to the east would rise to prominence, and that it would be best for the people of Novgorod if they bent the knee to this new steppe power. Furthermore, when he received a letter from King Casimir III the Headless of Poland, he replied in the negative, further cementing Novgorod’s relative separation during this short period. The power of historical propaganda can truly be seen here, for it is the depiction of Archbishop Feodor in the Chronicle and in later media that has given him the reputation among Novgorodians for being defeatist, a figure working against the supposed greatness of the Novgorod Republic.

    With the invasion of the Western Oirat Kingdom of Ayuka the Terrible in 1339 (740), Novgorod became increasingly involved with affairs to the south, with the figures of Archbishop Feodor and Prince Igor increasingly coming into conflict. Although Archbishop Feodor did authorize Prince Igor to intervene in the assistance of Vladimir against Ayuka the Terrible, he was ultimately opposed to Novgorodian intervention beyond that. It was Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich who ignored the orders of Archbishop Feodor and continued beyond, to bring a number of other Rus’ states under Novgorodian influence and defend Vladimir from Buddhist invasion.

    Prince Igor gave orders to the forces on the borders of Novgorod to raid into the fledgling Oirat state from 1340 (741) onward, and even traveled to Pskov to ensure support from his former sovereign in the military action to the east. He was able to gain the support of the Pskovian prince in the support of Vladimir by promising to come to Pskov’s aid in the event of an increase of action on the part of the Knights of Livonia. In late 1343 (744), the forces of Ayuka the Terrible began their push into the territory of Vladimir, and Prince Igor began his travel back east to meet with Prince Dmitry II of Vladimir-Suzdal in order to organize the response to the Oirat scourge. Prince Dmitry II would succumb to the Pestilence before they could meet, effectively leaving the Metropolitan of Vladimir and Prince Igor of Novgorod the Great as the most influential figures in Vladimir. Adding the armies of Vladimir to his forces, Prince Igor was able to grow his army almost to the size of 17,000, not counting the garrison of the city of Vladimir itself. A number of relatively minor battles defined Prince Igor’s involvement in Vladimir between 1344 (744) and 1346 (747), up until the Siege of Vladimir, where the Novgorodian Prince headed the defense of the city.

    Although Prince Igor put up a valiant defense (at least, according to the Annals of Vladimir and the Chronicle of Lord Novgorod the Great), encouraging the priests and metropolitan of the city to do nigh constant services to keep the population’s spirits up during the protracted siege by Ayuka, ultimately it was for naught, the Oirat forces able to overrun the city, priests and boyars fleeing to the west, and both the metropolitan of Vladimir and Prince Igor escaping the city. At the urging of Prince Igor, the metropolitan of Vladimir fled to the city of Novgorod, while the joint forces of Pskov and Novgorod fell back to Novgorod to plan another attack on Ayuka the Terrible. It took 10 years of constant fighting across the northern Rus’ principalities, especially Vladimir, but by 1357 (757) the city of Vladimir was in Christian hands again, and a statue of Prince Igor was erected, out of the stones of the abandoned houses of boyars, converted into the homes of Oirat generals. The city would change hands several times in the successive decades, but the land of Vladimir, especially the western regions, was staunchly in the hands of Lord Novgorod the Great.

    During the years of conflict, Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich was not inactive politically. He made no attempts to supercede the power of the Archbishop of Novgorod, but did further the powers of the Prince of Novgorod much more than princes before him. Alliances he established with Pskov, Smolensk, and Ryazan would help further Novgorodian interests to the south throughout the 14th century. Under his tenure as Prince of Novgorod, the Metropolitan of Vladimir and the Archbishop of Novgorod became second only to the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople in the Eastern Orthodox world. Dying in 1358 (758) at the age of 74, Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich set up Novgorod the Great as the leader of Rus’ in the face of Buddhist and Muslim, Oirat and Turk alike.
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    A modern depiction of Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich of Novgorod.
     
    Part 15: The Alexionite Uprising
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    A contemporary depiction of his majesty Basileos Alexios VI Palaiologos, Emperor of the Romans and Second Coming of Jesus Christ
    Part 15: The Alexionite Uprising
    During the latter days of Sultan Kaykhusraw III’s tenure in the throne of Iconium, there were numerous rumors and petty intrigues against him, such as the attempt by the sons of Osman to have their father take control of the state away from his sovereign, but one of the most influential of these movements was prominent in the recently conquered territories of western Anatolia, gaining further followers and support with the spread of the Pestilence. This movement was made up entirely of rural and poor Christians, with some support from Dimashqi Sufis who were opposed to the power of the Sultan and the iqta of Osman. The movement in its early days is very obscure: none of the surviving sources from the cities conquered by Osman in his war of the early 14th (8th) century describe it. It is only following first the death of General Osman in 1331 (731) and then the death of Sultan Kaykhusraw III in 1349 (750) that historians first hear about the group that would later become known as the Alexionites, apocalyptic Christians who believed that newly crowned Eastern Roman Emperor Alexios VI Palaiologos was the second coming of Jesus Christ, the reincarnation of Christ Pantokrator on earth and of a deified Emperor Alexios Komnenos.

    Due to the scant records of the Alexionite movement prior to its rising up in the 1350s (750s), little is known exactly of its origins. Its first known leader is a non-ecclesiastical ascetic named Theodoros, presumably of Roman background given his name, who rallied thousands of peasants and ofeilitas of Dardanellia, Prusa, and the surrounding countryside into an uprising beginning in 1352 (752). Although the aesthetic trappings are of a Roman nature, it seems that many of the underlying conceptions may be of a Persian or even Shi’i origin (a note which was eagerly pounced upon by polemical ‘ulema of Iconium in response to the rebellion), most notably the emphasis on a sort of abstract divine energy which can be transferred down through the generations. The general scholarly consensus now is that the Alexionite movement was born out of the unique situation in western Anatolia, out of the nigh apocalyptic context of the Pestilence and the sudden introduction of large numbers of Persian refugees fleeing the Mongols (though some emphasize an underlying Iranian context of Anatolia which may have shaped the ideology).

    In 1352 (752), as the newly crowned Sultan Mahmoud Shah settles down into his third year on the low-lying throne of Iconium, Theodoros the beggar ascetic rose up with a force of several hundred peasants and captures the city of Dardanellia, issuing an edict that all lands captured by his followers will be returned to the “holy and loving hands of his majesty Alexios the Anointed One”, taken from the “claws of the many-headed dragon of Babylon who follows only the false prophet”. With his forces strengthened by the capture of the city, now around a thousand strong, Theodoros turns to the east, spreading along the coast and regularly preaching to his followers from the walls of captured cities or the tops of hills. Roman and Frankish Christians in the cities are left untouched, while the Jews, Muslims, and Armenians which the rebels come across are usually forced to acknowledge the power of the Anointed Alexios or be killed. The most heinous example of such a massacre was when the forces of one of Theodoros’s underlings captured the city of Dorylaeum, wherein the imam of the largest masjid had brought most of the Muslim and Jewish community, only for the Alexionite forces to burn the masjid with the townsfolk inside.

    Although wary of sanctioning a group of rebels so heretical as the Alexionites, Basileos Alexios did give his support to Theodoros and his movement, supplying them with arms and reinforcements from his Anatolian territories following a consolidation of control on the part of the hermit Theodoros in the western regions around the city of Dardanellia. Strengthened by Roman assistance, the Alexionites infiltrated a number of cities outside of the iqta of Osman (now under the control of his son Orhan), causing uprisings by the urban poor against the Sultanate in Kotyaion, Palaeokastron, and Nikopolis. In Kotyaion and Nikopolis the uprisings were put down by soldiers in the service of Sultan Mahmoud Shah, but in Palaeokastron the community of Dimashqi Sufis who were angered with the Sultanate for patronizing Mevlevi lodges, took part in the uprising, giving a distinct Islamic-Christian alliance to the Alexionite uprising of the southern cities.
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    The area of Alexionite control in 1360, at the time of the Battle of Sakarya River
    (Dark red: Eastern Roman Empire, bright red: Alexionite Uprising, light green: Sultanate of Rum, dark green: iqta of Orhan son of Osman)
    By 1359 (759), more than half of the iqta of Osman was under the rule of the Alexionites, as well as numerous territories to the south where the loose alliance of Alexionites and Dimashqi Sufis made the foothold of the rebels slightly more unstable. Prior to this year, Sultan Mahmoud Shah’s forces were effectively powerless, weakened by the Pestilence and struggling to regroup after significant defeats at the hands of Theodoros and the Alexionites. In early 1360 (760), however, the combined forces of Sultan Mahmoud Shah and Orhan son of Osman were able to rout the Alexionite forces at the Battle of Sakarya River, beginning a slow push into Alexionite territory that would end with the capture of Dardanellia in 1369 (769). The territories held by the Alexionites and Dimashqi Sufis would take longer due to the lack of involvement on the part of Orhan son of Osman, with the last Alexionite-Dimashqi stronghold falling to the forces of Sultan Mahmoud Shah in 1372 (772). Another uprising of Alexionites would occur in Prusa in 1374 (775), led by a mendicant monk named Alexander, but this would be put down by the strengthened Rumi garrisons in the iqta of Orhan son of Osman. The Dimashqi order experienced suppression during the remainder of Sultan Mahmoud Shah’s reign, primarily for their involvement in the Alexionite uprising.

    Theodoros himself fled to the Roman Empire, meeting with Basileos Alexios VI Palaiologos in Constantinople and reportedly kissing the Emperor’s feet repeatedly. The exiled Alexionites formed a loyal community of immigrants in Gallipoli and other cities of Thrace, most of them settled there at the orders of the Emperor himself. While this strange apocalyptic movement would eventually die out in Rum, it would remain prominent in the Eastern Roman Empire for much of the next half century.
     
    Part 16: Sultan Mahmoud Shah, Lion of Islam
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    A 17th century depiction of Sultan Mahmoud Shah, probably around the age of 40 or 50
    Part 16: Sultan Mahmoud Shah, Lion of Islam

    Even as the salah prayer was recited at his father’s funeral in 1349 (749), the newly crowned 30 year old Sultan Mahmoud Shah had to contend with the ongoing effects of the Pestilence that engulfed Anatolia, trying his hardest to help his people cope with the massive loss of life from the disease. Taking a cue from the lives of past sultans, Mahmoud Shah reinstated the grain redistribution of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV, though diversifying it to rely primarily on food produced in cities due to the mass migration of farmers into cities. Partnering with the largest masjids in cities from Iconium to Nicomedia, Mahmoud Shah began a program designed to feed the starving populace as best as he could, with extra funds being provided by zakat and jizya taxes in order to provide the widows and orphans of deceased farmers and craftsmen with an income. In 1356 (756), noticing the migration of Kurds further north in the eastern regions of his holdings, Mahmoud Shah struck a deal with a number of Kurdish tribes that would give them political autonomy in exchange for a cut of the produce of their herding, namely wool and mutton. At first this may seem like a poor deal, but the location of the Kurds on the border with the Ilkhanate gave these dealings an additional significance, with autonomous Kurdish bands able to better defend their borderland homes, as a buffer against potential Mongol aggression.

    However, Mahmoud Shah’s attentions would be diverted back to the west with the Alexionite Uprising of Theodoros, depriving the reinvigorated grain redistribution program of the fertile produce of western Anatolia as well as resulting in the deaths of thousands of citydwellers and formerly agrarian refugees. The period of Alexionite control of western Anatolia caused a spike in the number of deaths in Anatolia, even when ignoring the deaths from the fighting itself. The lull in the food redistribution program was absolutely devastating, and if Mahmoud Shah wanted to get back to helping his people, he would have to respond to the rebellion as quickly as possible.

    Initially, Sultan Mahmoud Shah believed that the rebels were fully backed by Basileos Alexios VI Palaiologos, and so an envoy was sent to Constantinople to demand an end to support for the rebels and a return to amicable relations between the two states. The envoy was imprisoned and presumably died in prison. So Mahmoud Shah reached out to two increasingly important factions within his state: the iqta of Orhan son of Osman, and the nomadic Kurds. The Alexionite Uprising had begun within the iqta of Orhan, but the young noble had been experiencing difficulties defend his domains from the efforts of Theodoros. Mahmoud Shah sent him a letter in 1354 (755), describing the sultan’s plans to defeat the rebels: he would use nomadic Kurdish warriors from eastern Anatolia to supplement the struggling troops of the sultanate, providing a unified bulwark against the Alexionites that would be able to defeat them with ease. Orhan son of Osman was intrigued by the idea, and agreed. Now, Mahmoud Shah had only to communicate with the prominent Kurdish tribes, and these dealings were not too difficult. By 1357 (758), a force of mixed Kurdish and Turcoman soldiers was moving out of Iconium to regroup with the forces of Orhan at Nicomedia.

    Ultimately, the strategy of a combination of nomadic warriors and traditional infantry and cavalry paid off, with the Alexionite rebels routed and exiled to the Eastern Roman Empire by 1372 (772). A few Kurdish bands which had accompanied Sultan Mahmoud Shah settled down in the recaptured territories of western Anatolia, shaping pockets of Iranian nomadism in the fertile fields and valleys of the Aegean plain, and providing a bulwark against Roman incursion. Many of these Kurdish bands were almost fanatical in their adherence to the faith, and the Sultan used them to his advantage in suppressing the rebellious Dimashqi Sufis as well as the Alexionites that remained in Anatolia, though there were documented instances where Kurdish mercenaries would attack state-sanctioned Sufis (namely Mevlevis) for their supposed heresy and drunkenness.

    With the victory over the Alexionites pushing the way, Sultan Mahmoud Shah experienced a period of great popularity, increasing the efficiency of the food redistribution system as well as building a few notable masjids and sufi lodges, most importantly the Mevlevi lodge in Prusa, which was constructed in 1378 (779) with the help of dirhams from the Sultan’s treasury. For his defeat of the Alexionites and patronage of religious institutions, Mahmoud Shah was termed the Lion of Islam, or Islam Arslani. When he went on hajj in 1379 (779), he took with him an entourage of servants and attendants, but left his wife behind in Iconium. She would die while he was away, succumbing to the Pestilence as many of her subjects did as well. His wife, a scion of a notable family of Turcomen, was named Sayar, and she was instrumental in the restructuring and re-esablishing of the food redistribution system in Rum. She proposed the division of the state into districts with state-appointed representatives, in the Roman style, which would oversee the distribution of the food and work with local masjids in a way which the Sultan simply could not. She was also known to be a skilled huntress, even riding alongside her husband in the Anatolian countryside. Upon hearing of her death, Sultan Mahmoud Shah is said to have spent a whole year grieving in Damascus, but it is possible that this is a fabrication. Mahmoud Shah returned to Iconium from the hajj in 1381 (782), now 62 years old.

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    Hundredth post in this thread! Sorry for a bit of a short one: I sort of thought that this one and the last one had to go together, so I decided to post them back to back like this.
     
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    Part 17: Burilgi the Conqueror, the Iron-Willed and Indomitable
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    A statue of Burilgi the Blind, built and dedicated in Sarai, mid-20th century

    Part 17: Burilgi the Conqueror, the Iron-Willed and Indomitable
    In 1330 (730), only two years before the death of Oz Beg Khan and the complete dissolution of his khanate, a boy would be born to parents in land of the Bashkirs, a product of the union of local Turk and foreign Mongol, a true representative of the effect that the Tatars had on Central Asia and the Steppes. His name was Burilgi, and though he was born to obscure and unknown parents of a herder background, he would rise to prominence and define a whole century with blood and conquest. Little is known of his upbringing, other than that he lived as a goatherd in the foothills of the Ural mountains, that he claimed his mother was descended from one of the sons of Chinghis Khan himself, and that he lost his right eye in an accident with a bow and arrow around the age of 11. For this iconic injury, he was known as Burilgi the Blind, or, in his native tongue of Baskhort, Khukir Burilgi. He was raised as a Muslim, although he lived in a community that was predominately sky-worshiping, and based on certain aspects of his life and career it would appear that he truly practiced a somewhat syncretistic form of Islam, albeit one ultimately based in the Sunni tradition.

    Burilgi the Blind took part in the bloody wars of the Manghit Khanate against the smaller successor states to the east, rising in the ranks of Babak Temur Khan’s armies during his conquests of Sarai and wars with neighboring hordes. Burilgi claimed to have been present at the siege of Sarai, though his role in the battle could not have been incredibly important: he would have only been 18 at the time of the capture of the city. While his presence at such early events is somewhat contested, his involvement in the wars between the Manghits and the Crimean Khanate are well documented, for it is in these wars, over the course of the 1350s-1360s (750s-760s), that Burilgi the Blind was appointed as a commander, capturing numerous cities in the eastern hinterlands of the Khanate of Crimea and distracting Borgu Khan from his expansion in Moldavia. Babak Temur Khan was unable to conquer the lands of Borgu Khan, but during the series of short wars and skirmishes that Burilgi took part in on the Crimean borderlands, he rose through the ranks, eventually becoming the head of the armies of Babak Temur Khan in the West, eyeing the border with the Crimeans and the Kievans, and leading raids into many of the neighboring states to the west. It is during this period of his life that Burilgi the Blind had an audience with Khan Komek of the Kipchaks and with Babak Temur Khan of the Manghits, and led the conquest of the Neo-Khazar Confederacy that toppled the supposedly Jewish Khan of the Caucasus and shattered the northern Caucasus into innumerable squabbling tiny statelets. By the 1370s (770s), Burilgi the Blind had brought much glory to the Manghit Horde, and Babak Temur was glad for it.

    In 1371 (771), Babak Temur Khan died in his sleep. The official texts from the time after Burilgi’s rise to power say that he succumbed to the Pestilence, but there are no contemporary texts that indicate Babak Temur even had the Pestilence in the first place. Most scholars assume that he succumbed to old age, though there are a contingent that believe he was assassinated at the orders of a powerful general in his employ. Babak Temur Khan lacked an heir: his oldest son was only 10 years of age, and a group of aspirant generals vied to divide the extensive territory of the Manghit Horde amongst themselves, undoing the work that Babak Temur had done since the death of Oz Beg Khan. The exact series of events after the death of Babak Temur Khan are uncertain: the only narrative form of events is that which was written at the orders of Burilgi’s sons after his death.

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    A modern depiction of Burilgi the Blind defending the Manghit Khanate from the Turcomen (concept art for a film based on his life)

    According to the official history written after Burilgi’s death, Burilgi the Blind was able to take hold of the Manghit Horde at the request of the lake Babak Temur Khan’s wife Khurgesh, the mother of his young son, who worried for the safety of herself and her children in a Manghit horde shattered by greedy generals. Burilgi, acting only in the interest of Khurgesh, began a campaign of assassination and mutilation of the conspiring generals in question, ending with the death of Jurchi Batu, one of the older generals of Babak Temur, in 1375 (776). This also coincided with an invasion of the Manghit Horde by Turcomen in the service of the Ilkhanate, who, upon hearing news of the death of Babak Temur Khan, desired to destabilize the region further and leave Turkestan open to the political machinations of Ilkhan Ali, son of the Great Ilkhan Abu Said. Burilgi the Blind personally led the charge against the raiding Turcomen, decapitating their (unnamed) general and dragging his headless body behind his black horse. Whether this is the true course of events is hard to determine, though it is likely that it is nothing but propaganda, for Khurgesh, the supposed favorite wife of Babak Temur Khan, disappears from the historical record after the 1370s (770s).

    Following his rise to power over the course of the 1370s (770s), Burilgi the Blind was granted the title of Amir by Khan Erdashir son of Babak Temur, the ten year old Khan that Burilgi supposedly fought to protect. He also pushed for his younger brother, named Ruslan Arslan, to receive the title as well, and got Ruslan a good diplomatic position in Sarai, the royal seat of the young Khan Erdashir. Ruslan had little experience on the battlefield, unlike his brother, but it would seem that Burilgi’s efforts to award him a cushy diplomatic job was to make sure that Ruslan could not challenge his power in the Manghit Horde. While Burilgi’s power would only grow in the Manghit Horde, he (at least initially) always placed himself in deference to the Khan of the Manghits, only their servant, general, and amir. The fact that Khan Erdashir had little to no power in the Manghit Horde was easily ignored by those who valued their life in a state increasingly dominated by the figure of Burilgi.

    Following the defeat of the Turcomen in 1376 (777), Burilgi the Blind turned his eye northward, to push into his homeland of Bashkortostan, in the foothills of the Ural mountains. The Bashkirs had established an independent state south of the Urals, led by a loose alliance of primarily Muslim warlords and a sky-worshiping spiritual elite that gave the Islamic political leadership a legitimacy in the eyes of the primarily pagan populace. Burilgi’s family was forced out of Bashkortostan during a time of famine for their Muslim faith, scapegoated by the local populace and forced out for supposedly offending the great sky-god Tengri, while the Muslim Bashkir overlords turned a blind eye. With his newfound political power, Burilgi was able to appease his slight vendetta against the Bashkir lords, and began an invasion of Bashkortostan in 1377 (777). Using a tactic of sudden massive cavalry-based war (Kinyet Sugisch in the Tatar Turcish language), the independent Bashkortostan was completely overrun within a year and a half. Burilgi mutilated the Bashkir lords, slicing off their ears and noses, and forcing the people of Ufa to watch as he executed them and slung up their bodies on the walls of the city. He also killed several sky-worshiper priest-shamans, though the exact number is unknown. He attended prayers in the small mosque of Ufa, and although he killed the lords of Bashkortostan and most of the Tengri-worshiping shamans, he left the population of Bashkortostan relatively untouched. He also visited several kurgans in Bashkortostan, including a number associated with sky-worship in the region.

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    A depiction of one of the soldiers in the employ of Burilgi the Blind, from a historical tabletop wargame

    Burilgi the Blind received a letter from Khan Komek of the Kipchaks during his invasion of Bashkortostan, requesting assistance in a war that the Kipchak Khanate had begun against the Western Oirats. It would seem that Khan Komek believed that, as the newest prominent general in the Manghit Horde, Burilgi would honor the alliance between the Kipchak and Manghit Khanates. Instead, Burilgi turned his forces to the west and began another Kinyet Sugisch against Khan Komek: he made a deal with the Oirats to divide the Kipchak territory between the two states. The eastern borderland of the Kipchak Khanate was entirely undefended after decades of relative peace between the Kipchaks and Manghits, and the great mass of the thousands of soldiers of Burilgi the Blind overwhelmed the Kipchak Khanate, while the Oirat infantry and cavalry poured over the collapsed northern border of the Kipchaks. Khan Komek was pinned between two enemy forces, and took his own life during the siege of his newer capital Kazan. When Burilgi’s forces pushed through the siege of 1382 (782), he completely sacked the city, burning it down to nothing but a husk of its former self and executing hundreds of its people. Kazan was surrounded by the wails of its inhabitants and the piles of stacked skulls that Burilgi’s forces built at his orders. In 1385 (785), Burilgi the Blind began construction on a new citadel and mosque in the city, rebuilding it in his image. He gave himself the title of Khan of the Kipchaks, albeit retaining the symbolic relationship with his supposed overlord Khan Erdashir of the Manghits. The former Golden Horde would be shaped in his image.

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    Since today is a major milestone for me in my real life (I turn 18 today and am preparing to go to college to get a degree in history), I thought it was only fitting for there to be a milestone even more major for this TL. Burilgi the Blind is the true result of the death of Oz Beg Khan in 1332, and he is the dominant figure of the 14th century for most in this TL. His campaigns and rapid expansion will be detailed over the course of the next few updates, with this one serving primarily to introduce him and get the ball rolling. Thank you all so so much for reading this timeline, and for supporting me as it has been going on, I really hope that as more and more updates come out you can really appreciate and explore it!
     
    Part 18: The Black Horse and the White Eagle
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    The Burning of Crimea by Burilgi the Blind
    Part 18: The Black Horse and the White Eagle
    With the subjugation of the lands of the Bashkirs and the Kipchaks, Khan Khukir Burilgi the Conqueror rode on to the west, consolidating his power through shows of strength and force at every stop along the way. His army grew to a staggering number, especially given the still lingering effects of the Pestilence in Tartary: the numbers vary, but they all describe forces of cavalry and marching infantry upwards of a hundred thousand, made up a wide variety of ethnic groups and religious groups. These immense numbers can be readily chalked up to the regular exaggeration that Medieval authors were prone to, but even when compared to other likely inflated numbers this is still impressive: see, for example, the 50,000 soldiers under the command of Sultan Kaykhusraw II at the Battle of Kose Dag. According to Russian and Polish sources, these were a “daemonic host”, made up of all faiths dedicated to “the destruction of Christendom”: it was said that in Burilgi’s army encampments, one could hear the prayers of Muslims, the swaying chants of Jews, and the deep-throated songs of the sky-worshipers just as readily as one another. Although the Rus’ and Poles wanted to present the armies of Burilgi the Blind as entirely non-Christian, this was very likely not the case. It is known that, following the death of Oz Beg Khan in 1332 (732), the ban on Christians traveling through the border between the Golden Horde and the Russian principalities was completely lifted, leading to a large movement of Russians (especially mobile peasants and aspects of the merchant classes) into the rapidly depopulated east. Invariably, Russian Christians must have served in Burilgi’s armies, and archaeology verifies this: a number of pieces of armor in Russian style have been found at the sites of notable battles, and, most famously, a large wooden cross that was likely carried by a contingent of Christian soldiers in the service of Burilgi in his war with the Crimean Khanate. This wooden cross is now in the Museum of the Russian Nation in Novgorod.

    The mention of this significant cross comes not a moment too soon, for in 1384 (784), only two years after the sacking of the Kipchak capital, Burilgi made a move onto the Crimean Horde of Mahmet Khan, son of Borgu Khan, the loamy soil of the fertile land stained red by the steady tide of Burilgi’s horses and soldiers. Mahmet Khan put up a good fight: although isolated from most of his neighbors by the actions of his father in Kiev and Moldavia, his large population and fertile fields gave him a slight advantage over Burilgi and his armies shaped entirely by fear and power. In response, Burilgi began to burn every field and village he came across. The sky was turned black by the smoke of peasant villages burning to a crisp, the air filled with the acrid scent of flaming thatch and charred flesh. In Hungarian records, the winds brought the smoke to the west and blocked out the sun for days. Mahmet began a sort of fortress strategy: he holed up in Eski Kirim and provided stronger garrisons to many of the cities he still held onto. On the morning of the 20th of Rajab 1387 (787), Mahmet Khan awoke with no sunrise. The city was encircled by billowing smoke. All of the fields around were ablaze: the screams of the rural peasantry being burned alive filled his ears. There was no siege of Eski Kirim: Mahmet Khan gave in. Burilgi entered the city gates on the first of Muharram 1388 (788), publically decapitating Khan Mahmet and all of the garrison of the city. He gave the throne in Eski Kirim to a weak brother of Mahmet Khan, turning the Crimean Khanate into a state under as much direct control by him as the young and vascillating Khan in Sarai.

    Following the victory against Mahmet Khan of Crimea (and numerous lesser victories which brought the northern Caucasus under his control, at least on paper (controlling the lands of Chechnya and Circassia is by far easier said than done)), Burilgi the Blind turned his eye to the west, to begin a conquest of the chaotic Russian principalities, the rich fields and easily defensible mountains of Poland and Carpathia. Burilgi saw himself as a true successor to the mantle of the Golden Horde and of its great Khans, even as he may not have truly held descent from Chinghis himself. As such, he in effect desired to recreate the sphere of influence of the Golden Horde, to undo the violent aftermath of Oz Beg’s death. In another example of Kunyet Sugisch, the pitch-black horse of Burilgi led the charge into the land of Kiev and the land of Ryazan, overwhelming the meager defenses already worn down by decades of war. The Crimean Khanate oiled the gears for Burilgi: it was just that the Bashkir-Mongol finally pulled the lever. Kiev fell in 1389 (789): its walls were all but destroyed, and the only defenses were a peasant conscript garrison meant to defend the church and the kremlin of the city. The Kiev kremlin was dismantled following the capture of the city, and the heads of the peasant garrison were stacked up in rows along the walls. As a symbolic gesture, Burilgi brought the gold and silver relics stolen from the city by the Crimeans in regular raids, only to melt them down in the middle of the town square in front of a crowd of fearful Slavs. At the same time, his forces were overrunning Ryazan and Smolensk, and assisting the Oirats in pushes into Vladimir and Novgorod. It would seem that Rus’ would fall to the Mongols once again, with Burilgi’s forces pushing past the Dnieper and almost to the Carpathian mountains. This would only change with another invasion, an invasion that would be the first in Burilgi’s career to fail.

    Dominican_martyrs_killed_by_Mongols_during_the_Mongol_invasion_of_Poland_in_1260.jpg

    A contemporary Polish depiction of a minor scene in a Benedictine monastery in eastern Poland

    In 1391 (791), Burilgi attempted an invasion of Poland, but to his surprise the state once mired in civil war and conflict between rival noble houses put up a stalwart defense, orchestrated primarily by the man who would later become known as the Polish Caesar: Zdislaw Czapla. Zdislaw was elected following the death of Valentinus Corvinus in 1383 (784), from the clan of Kurowie of Mazovia. He was primarily a militaristic leader: his position on the border of Poland gave him and his clan first action in raids of the pagan Lithuanians and the crusading Teutons, and he himself was even present at the official baptism of King Solomon (his name chosen upon his baptism) of the Samogitians into the Western Rite in 1379 (779). In a time of such conflict and fear, a choice from a clan so reliable for defense made sense to most of the nobles in the Sejm. His skill in defending Poland came to the forefront when Burilgi made his advances on the fledgling state.

    Zdislaw had already stationed large numbers of troops on the eastern borderlands of Poland, and even extended into some of the less stable Russian principalities as well. When Burilgi attempted to pour over the border like he did in Kiev, he met staunch resistance. Years of peace following the civil war had given Poland time to rebuild and train soldiers: they may not have been the best soldiers in Polish history, but they were by far better than the infantry and peasant conscripts in Kiev and Smolensk. Burilgi and Zdislaw were held up on the eastern Polish borderlands for two years, with little to no progress (and Burilgi even leaving to go lead forces in the east), but by 1394 (794), Zdislaw made progress. For the better part of a decade, the black horse of Burilgi the Conqueror dominated Rus’, but now it would be the white eagle banner of Poland that would fly over cities along the Carpathian foothills and the rivers of Halych. While most of the early conquests of Burilgi would remain in his hands, especially those in the east of Rus’, much of the western regions would be taken in one fell swoop by the Catholic Krol Zdislaw of Poland and the Pagan Chief of Lithuania. The remaining independent Russian principalities became increasingly reliant on one or the other power, and eventually would be snuffed out of existence in their entirety.

    Novgorod was involved some in these wars as well, but they were by far more preoccupied with the activities of the Western Oirats in Vladimir and in their own land than they were with the conquests of Burilgi in the south. The city wished to maintain the independence of the Russian principalities, and it truly is the actions of Novgorod which kept principalities like Smolensk independent while Lithuania, Poland, and Burilgi all vied for their control. But ultimately, Novgorod was powerless to do anything.
     
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