Did the Rumites almost win those battles? Or did you change something to cause them to win?
The Sultanate of Rumistan: An Alternate Anatolia
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IOTL the Seljuqs probably should have won the battle of Kose Dag. They had an intense numerical superiority over the forces of Baiju (the Mongol general that headed the armies there), but IOTL Kaykhusraw II rejected a suggestion by his generals to wait for the Mongol attack, leaving his forces open and susceptible to those of the Mongols. ITTL, Kaykhusraw II accepted that advice and waited for the Mongol army, meaning that he could use his numerical advantage much better than IOTL. The battle of Malatya never happened IOTL, but the reason why the Seljuqs won it was because of numerical advantage (more Georgian nobles joined the fight after seeing what happened at Kose Dag), but also skillful strategy on the part of the future Sultan Kilij Arslan.
Part 5: Kilij Arslan, Magnificent Sultan
Part 5: Kilij Arslan, the Magnificent Sultan
At the start of the new year in 1259, Kilij Arslan IV dashes out of Iconium and to the battlefields that dash across the Sultanate, leaving the palace without its occupant. Gürcü Hatun, desperate to keep her influence, began making ties with notables in the court, even marrying a former adviser of the Sultan Kaykhusraw II and using his political strength to keep her high position while Kilij Arslan IV was departed. These attempts by the Georgian Lady to keep her political position lead to strife between her and Sultan Kilij Arslan IV, though now the actions of his brother’s mother in Iconium are not on the mind of the warrior-Sultan. Reaching the new front line only miles away from the city of Ankara, the forces of the newly crowned Sultan and his traitor-brother Kaykaus clash, in a turning point battle in the civil war. Ending in a resounding victory of the forces of Kilij Arslan IV, the Battle of Ankara would be glorified (and over-exaggerated) in the text, Chronicle of the Mighty Lion, a Persian language history of the reigns of Kilij Arslan IV and his immediate predecessors. It is this epic chronicle that is believed to have the first mention of the Vision of Kilij Arslan, where he saw the banners of his house and of his people flying over the far-off city of Constantinople, and claimed to have heard a voice of an angel from above promising many lands to his children. More likely than not, however, this was entirely an artificial inclusion, as there are no texts before the 1360s that mention it, and with the almost Sufi undertones of much of the text it more likely than not does not reflect the feelings of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV who was rather uninterested in Sufism.
While the events surrounding the battle in the public consciousness may be fabricated, there is no denying the impact that the Battle of Ankara had on the civil war with Kaykaus. Kilij Arslan IV’s forces pierced through Kaykaus’s, reaching the Roman hinterland and cleanly cutting their occupying forces into two territories, a southern and a northern. From then on, the civil war was a losing battle for Kaykaus and the Romans, culminating with the traitor’s complete defeat in 1262 and his fleeing to Constantinople, dying in that city in 1280. Kilij Arslan IV, though not at war with the Empire of the Romans, was even able to push into Roman territory, capturing the countrysides around certain eastern cities, notably Dorylaeum and even Nicaea. Not all was going so poorly for the Romans, regaining their jeweled capital from the Latin crusaders in 1262. Victorious on the battlefield, Kilij Arslan IV returned to Iconium in 1263, to reign for another 30 years of glorifying and peace.
The first major issue which Kilij Arslan IV had to contend with after the quelling of Kaykaus’s uprising was the rampant famine which spread across western Anatolia like a wildfire. With all of the fighting and warfare, thousands of peasants had died, leaving nobody to till the fields and gather the wheat, made only worse by a series of dry summers beginning in 1260 and ending in 1268. At first, the Sultan ignored the famine, instead turning toward commissioning art in Iconium and Caesaraea, but he quickly realized the potential danger of a discontented peasantry. Turning to the relatively peaceable lands in the north and east, Kilij Arslan heightened levies of grain from his iqta-holders and vassals, taking that grain (and fish in the case of northern coastal provinces) and doling it out to many of the cities and towns in his western lands. In a strange act of generosity, he even issued some of this grain to cities nominally under Roman control, such as Nicaea and Nicomedia. There has been much debate over his actions here, from those who see this as a step toward the absolutism of the Seljuq Sultan in later years to those who believe it was nothing but a pragmatic solution to the issue at hand. A common hypothesis for why he doled out grain to cities he did not control was to gain their ostensible support, as a possible insurance for conquests to the west. Whether or not that is true is uncertain, as Kilij Arslan IV never expanded to the west after the war with Kaykaus.
While responding to such economic issues, Kilij Arslan IV and his brother’s mother Tamar conflicted in the courts. The Georgian Lady advocated against the grain dole and in favor of the rights and powers of iqta-holders, in attempts to strengthen her own position among the nobility against the Sultan. Her husband, once a major political and military adviser under Kaykhusraw II and Kayqubad, was dismissed by Kilij Arslan IV, and eventually expelled from the court entirely. Another field that Kilij Arslan IV and Tamar conflicted in, however, was in their support for the arts. Tamar continued to supply the poet Jalal ad-Din Rumi with funds, while Kilij Arslan IV first attempted to sway the poets interests toward his own, and then chose to instead support other literary figures in the court at the time. Since Kilij Arslan IV had access to more wealth than did Tamar, he financed numerous monuments and architectural marvels as well. The Blue Mosque of Sinope is credited to Kilij Arslan IV in an inscription on a cornerstone of the edifice, and there are also the rather distinct Pillars of the Lion in Caesaraea and Iconium, tipped with stone carvings of lions (the Sultan’s namesake) and supposedly once decorated with gold and jewels. However, this conflict between Sultan Kilij Arslan IV and Tamar ended with the latter’s death in 1282, leaving Kilij Arslan IV as the sole powerful figure in Seljuq government.
During his reign as Sultan, Kilij Arslan IV had two wives. The first was a member of the Georgian nobility, whose name is sadly unknown, but who was chosen for her connections to David VII of Georgia. The second, however, was the daughter of a Turcoman shaykh named Gulbahar, who birthed Kilij Arslan IV’s favorite sons and daughters. The oldest of these was named Kaykhusraw, in honor of his father, and it was this son who would inherit the throne of the Sultanate upon Kilij Arslan IV’s death. Toward the end of his reign, the mighty lion turned more toward personal affairs, training his sons with both his Georgian wife and Gulbahar to become archetypal Turcoman heirs. Though only the age of 67, in 1294 Kilij Arslan IV died of an accident in his home, leaving his 19 year old son Kaykhusraw, the third of his name, to become Sultan of Rum.
Special Update 1: The State of the World
Special Update 1: The State of the World
Between the victory at the Battle of Köse Dağ and the coronation of the young Sultan Kaykhusraw III in 1294, much has changed around the world. The whole of the world remains dominated by the barbarian Mongols, though since 1262 and the death of Möngke Khan (the successor to the western-focused Güyük) it has been divided between four great Khans. These successor states are the Golden Horde based in the steppes east of Russia, the Ilkhanate based in Iran and Mesopotamia, the Khanate of Chagatai centered on the Tarim Basin, and what is commonly referred to as the Yuan Dynasty of China which controlled the whole of China, Tibet, and Mongolia. However, the Khan of the Yuan remained, ostensibly, the overlord of the whole of the Empire, even as his influence steadily receded. The four states that successfully fended off the Mongols across the world, these being the Kingdom of Hungary, the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum, the Mamluk Sultanate of Cairo, and the Delhi Sultanate, each grow in their own influence and fame, their neighbors and their people hailing them as saviors who resisted against the horrid yoke of the Tatars. This fame was especially awarded in the Near East, with the horrid bloody violence wreaked in Iran terrorizing the neighboring Muslim and Christian states. As the role of the Mongols in politics and society becomes ever more entrenched, the states which surround them jockey for influence within them. The conversion of the pagan Mongols is something which greatly interests both Muslim and Christian, with Russian, Catholic, and Sunni missionaries competing to gain the favor of the Mongols in Aksaray, Tabriz, and Karakorum. The most stringent of the Khanates is that in Iran, however, with the Ilkhans staunch in their worship of Tengrii and their appreciation for Buddhism. Built in 1289, the only Buddhist monastery in the whole of the Middle East was constructed by the Ilkhans around this time, only decades before their ultimate conversion to Islam.
Uuchlaarai Gej Naidaj Baina Monastery, near Zahedan
While the Mongols are exceedingly important in the politics of the world in 1294, other states must be turned to. In the Near East, the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum and the Mamluk Sultanate of Cairo, though both recovering from intense conflict, are dominant in the affairs of the region. With possession of the 'Abbasid Caliph and the three holy cities, the Mamluk Sultans in Cairo are often seen as the inheritors of the dominion in the Near East, of both the 'Abbasids and of the beloved Salah ad-Din ibn Ayyub. To their south and north are small Christian states, with the Nubian Kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia regularly raiding into the Nile valley and the Armenian Kings of Cilicia protected by Seljuq force of arms, while to their west are a handful of north African kingdoms. With our focus turned to the Maghreb, we can look to their north, and the states of Hispania. The Kingdom of Castile looks poised to end Islamic rule in Hispania once and for all, with the Nasrid Sultanate of Granada the sole remainder of the Muslim power in the peninsula. However, their focus is far more turned to their fellow Christian neighbors, with regular skirmishes and diplomatic conflicts between Castile and Aragon further dividing the once close Kingdoms. Strife between European monarchs is also the norm to the north, with a dramatic exchange of words between the King Philip IV of France and the Catholic Pope seeming nowhere close to ending. The Holy Roman Empire has its focused turned toward the east, with the Mongol vassal king in Poland a stark reminder of the Tatar influence. Poland, along with the westerly regions of Rus', were conquered and consolidated by Güyük Khan following his defeat at Malatya, with the King of Poland, the princes of Russia, and even the still pagan chiefs of the Lithuanians forced to pay vassalage first to the unified Mongol Empire, and then the Golden Horde. With only some of the Baltic tribes conquered by the Mongols, the remainder, known today as Samogitians, are under constant raids and threat by the Teutonic Order of Knights that borders their north and west. The Mongol Conquest is the single event often credited with the division of the Baltic people into the Lithuanian and Samogitian nations, dividing them politically and, eventually, religiously as well.
As the world enters the 14th (7th) century, much is changing. While the Mongol Khans remain dominant around the world, and remain staunch in their adherence to what the Muslims and Christians would consider idolatry, within only the next half a century much will change across the world of Eurasia, but the newly crowned Sultan of Rum knows little of this, as he sits on his low-lying throne in Iconium.
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Notes on the map:
While the Holy Roman Empire is very much disunified, I colored in the constituent kingdoms of the Empire for simplicity's sake (these are the Kingdom of Germany, the Kingdom of Burgundy, the Kingdom of Italy, the Kingdom of Bohemia, and the Kingdom of Sicily). Everything within the red line is considered part of the Holy Roman Empire. Similarly, the principalities of the Kievan Rus' have been simplified, other than the Republic of Novgorod. While the Mongol Empire as a unified institution no longer exists in 1294, the blue line around the successor states marks the ostensible extent of Yuan overlordship as Khans of the Empire.
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Since I've posted six updates so far, I was wondering if anybody would have any criticism or suggestions? Since this is my first timeline, I would absolutely love it! Additionally, I would like to know if the map turned out well, it's also my first alternate history map. Thanks so much for reading!
The map looks great for what you need it to do. Worlda scale can be a little small if you have a lot of detail to convey, but your blurb beneath it takes care of that concern. I would consider adding hard borders (i.e., black 1-pixel outlines) between states to better show independent entities, while still leaving the borders as-is between vassals/constituent units in the HRE and Mongol dominion, in order to prevent a little bit of confusion and better highlight the nature of those two entities.
As for the timeline itself, you're doing fine so far, and I like the particular time and place you're working from, as I don't know very much about it and most of the TLs here tend to focus on the Byzantine side of things. Having a Seljuq-focused work is a nice break. One thing I have found works well as TLs get longer is to keep individual updates focused on a particular topic at a time, such as religion, political developments, arts and culture, etc., which makes it easier to give more detail on a given thing without bogging the overall narrative down too much. Updates which try to cover a whole range of information can become either overlong and tedious, or feel scattershot and shallow, and generally I think individual deeper dives are easier to pull off well. It also encourages authors to branch out a bit and cover stuff like economics and language, which can often get overlooked or reduced to footnotes and Q&A followups while the main updates are one battle and contested succession after another.
Anyway, this has just been my opinions, so take what helps you and fits with the plan you already have in mind as to how you want to do your work. However it goes, I'll be here to follow it with interest.
Thanks so much for the input! I definitely want to incorporate more topic-focused updates, especially as more of the TL diverges from OTL. I'm glad that you appreciate the more Seljuq-oriented focus, while I definitely love the Eastern Romans as much as the next gal, more turkic TLs are always good, hehe. As the 14th century rolls on in, there will be a whole lot more to do with population dynamics and language in the Middle East, so with your suggestions expect some more focused posts about those! Again, thanks so much for the input, and thanks for liking it!!
So what are you ambitions for the Seljuq Sultanate and other islamic powers in the future?
For a moment, I actually thought the Zahedan Buddhist monastery was an actual thing!
As for criticism, I'd say you're doing quite well. The individual paragraphs do get a bit long, but I'm guilty of building fat sentences myself.
As for criticism, I'd say you're doing quite well. The individual paragraphs do get a bit long, but I'm guilty of building fat sentences myself.
Well I don't want to spoil too much, but the 14th and 15th centuries will be very redefining and impactful for the Dar al-Islam as a whole. The Black Death coming in the 14th century completely shifts political and population dynamics, especially in the Middle East, and it will be a major time of strife for the Seljuqs and their neighbors. The Mamluk Sultanate, since it controls some of the richest parts of the Near East as well as the three holy cities of Makkah, Madinah, and al-Quds, doesn't quite have any obvious routes for expansion of control nor influence, other than continuing to defend against the Mongols. The conversion of the Mongols will also be a major topic in the coming decades.
Thanks so much! I'll definitely take that into consideration. I was worrying that my paragraphs weren't structured very well, so I definitely want to work on that. Also I'm glad that the Zahedan monastery seemed realistic enough to get you to think it was real hehe.
Leaves me expecting the Illkhanate to survive the brunt of the Black Plague, as they don't have anatolia like OTL.
This is a fantastic TL, last thing I'd expect to see on this site. It's kind of interesting seeing the Turcoman and Georgian courts clashing over influence over the Sultan.
Part 6: Osman's War
Part 6: Osman's War
During the build up to war, Kaykhusraw III met with King Vakhtang II, grandson of King David VII and son of the beloved but short-lived Demetrius II. Riding on horseback to the city of Batomi on the Pontic coast of Georgia, the two cousin kings conferred on their course of action. Sultan Kaykhusraw III desired the assistance of his distant cousin Vakhtang II, to both supply additional retinues and to suppress any attempts by the Empire of Trebizond, who had grown increasingly afraid of Seljuq expansion, to invade the Sultanate. This single meeting is the source of much controversy, especially among the modern day Roman community, who believe that Vakhtang II was a malicious king who desired to take down the Roman Empire and the Empire of Trebizond in order to gain more control over the Black Sea. These theories, which present Sultan Kaykhusraw III as only manipulated by King Vakhtang II, are often used to foment nationalist sentiment in the modern day, though they are relatively unfounded in what is known from the historical record.
By 1302, all was arrayed and prepared for invasion into western Anatolia. Sultan Kaykhusraw III had called forth an army of 40,000, headed by General Osman and both Turcoman and Georgian advisers. In fall of that very same year, Sultan Kaykhusraw III declared war on the Roman Empire under Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos. This war, often called Osman’s War, would last for almost a decade, ending with an absolute Turcoman victory. It began with the Battle of Prusa, where the army of Andronikos II Palaiologos was routed and the city itself sacked by the victorious general Osman. Campaigning across the whole of western Anatolia, Osman grew increasingly popular as news of his victories reached Iconium. A victory at Pergamon, a victory at Magnesia, a victory at Palaeokastron, each and every one of them received with reveling at the capital of the Sultanate. In 1304, after two years of campaigning across the hills and valleys of western Anatolia, Osman made a decision to push northward, sparing the cities of Smyrna and the south of the Roman Empire, in order to threaten the shipfuls of supply and trade which funneled into Constantinople itself.
Around this time, when Andronikos II Palaiologos was increasingly under threat from the rising star of General Osman, his Empire was invaded by the struggling Kingdoms of Serbia and Bulgaria to its north, quickly crumbling under the force of invasion on two fronts. Splitting his forces to address the twin fronts, Osman continues to push northward, even reaching the strait of the Dardanelles and crossing over to Gallipoli, only to be pushed back in a surprise victory for the Basileos. Panicking, Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos fell right into the hands of the Seljuqs, calling on Emperor John III of Trebizond to push into the Seljuq domain.
The Trapezuntine army, while at first gaining some small victories in northern Anatolia, quickly crumbled under the efforts of Georgian retinues, with King Vakhtang II occupying the whole of Trebizond within two years. By 1310, the only vestige of Trapezuntine control was their small holdout in crimea, under threat by the increasingly Muslim-leaning Golden Horde. In the winter of that very same year, Basileos Andronikos II Palaiologos surrendered to the forces of Osman and to the Sultanate of Rum, instead turning to the Balkans to focus his scrambled forces on the slavic armies. Emperor John III of Trebizond surrendered under increasing pressure from Georgian and Seljuq ships in 1312, ending Osman’s War with finality.
Following the war, the whole of western Anatolia, with the exception of the regions surrounding the cities of Smyrna and Skutarion, came under direct Seljuq control, with large swathes of it granted in iqta to Osman, and the major churches in Nicaea and Palaeokastron converted to mosques. The Empire of Trebizond became a Georgian vassal, and peace came to anatolia after a decade of fighting. Along with the end of war, Sultan Kaykhusraw III could rejoice once again upon hearing the news from his counterpart in Iran, Ilkhan Quthluq converted to Islam, taking on the name Muhammad Quthluq. Sultan Kaykhusraw III, while he did little for the Sultanate on his own, could ride on the popularity of the victories against the Christians and the conversion of the Mongols in Iran. His rule would be greatly challenged in the coming decades, staining his legacy for all future generations.
Good to see the Osman dynasty sill coming to prominence in some manner.
Interesting to see how Georgia will come to grow from this conquest and hopefully expand at the decline of the Mongol states in the future.
It all went to keikaku.
Sorry to not post in about a week, I just want to let everyone know that since I have my exams at the start of next week, it might be a little longer without an update. However, I do want to let y'all know about what next update will be focusing on: the Black Death, demographic change, and even linguistic change are all things to be expected in the upcoming post. The 14th century is an eventful one! Thanks for staying with this TL!
Part 7: The Pestilence
Part 7: The Pestilence
With the Mongols increasingly converting to Islam and the great Eurasian empires forged by the sons of Genghis Khan encouraging trade across the continent on a scale never before seen, there was much to rejoice over, across the world. As the traveling Venetian Marco Polo experienced firsthand, the connectedness and ease of commerce between the successor states of the Mongol Empire brought together the many disparate regions of Eurasia together. While this interconnectedness did foster travel, trade, and the birth of unique cultural fusions across the Tatar domains, they also fostered something else: disease. Beginning with outbreaks in China and Tibet, a new disease, referred to as the Terrible Plague, the Black Death, or the Great Pestilence, quickly flourished in the trade routes and major population centers of the Mongol Empire, and even spread beyond it, to ravage the Levant, India, and Europe.Following his victories against the Romans in the early 14th (8th) century, Sultan Kaykhusraw III turned toward more domestic concerns, making deeper diplomatic ties with his neighbor King Vakhtang of Georgia. The decade and a half after the success in Osman’s War was a short golden age for the Sultanate of Rum and the Kingdom of Georgia, with their respective monarchs given glories and accolades in accordance with their achievements. The brothers of Sultan Kaykhusraw III were awarded extensive iqta holdings in the newly acquired territories from the Romans, while Osman himself became increasingly influential in the court at Iconium. The unspoken alliance between General Osman, Sultan Kaykhusraw III, and King Vakhtang II defined affairs in Anatolia, with the right to rule of Kaykhusraw III strengthened by the force of arms of his close general Osman. Meanwhile, the Romans lost extensive territories to the Bulgarians and Serbs to their north, with a civil war breaking out between Basileos Andronikos II Palailogos and his own grandson, Andronikos III Palaiologos. Andronikos III was increasingly supported by Venetian mariners, with the Venetian presence in many Aegean cities opening up access for further trade in the eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea. By 1324 (723), Andronikos II had completely lost the civil war, and Andronikos III Palaiologos became the new Basileos of the Roman Empire, giving free access to Venetian merchant ships through the straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosporos. Then came the Plague.
The first news of outbreaks of this horrible disease came from the east, in towns in Khurasan and Sistan. It ravaged the eastern territories of the Ilkhanate beginning in the 1320s (720s), prompting sudden necessary action to stem the tide of the disease. It spread to the north as well, with outbreaks in Sarai, Bolghar, Azov, and other cities along the Volga and Don. Its spread further west was stemmed somewhat by the ban on Christian travel between the principalities of the Rus’ and the Golden Horde itself, but the flowering of pestilence across the major cities of the Horde brought terror to all those in other lands who heard of it. Thousands dead, their bodies pocked with foul black sours, emaciated and left to rot. The border raids between the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanate ground to a halt, each side focusing inward on the stemming of pestilence.
A Venetian ship visiting the port city of Kaffa in the Crimean holdings of the Georgian vassal Trebizond picked up not only a cargo of furs and food, but also a cargo of disease. Stopping at Constantinople, recently conquered by Basileos Andronikos III Palaiologos, the merchants unload some cargo and depart, unknowingly bringing plague to the city of the world’s desire. While the exact ship which brought the Great Pestilence to Constantinople is unknown, or whether there even was a specific ship, it is generally believed that the newly strengthened Venetian trade ties passed the disease to the Roman Empire, and from then into the surrounding states. While just victorious in war, the Sultanate of Rum, Bulgarian Empire, and Serbian Empire all will buckle under the intense pressures of pestilence, just as the fractured and disunited Roman Empire will suffer. Plague passes easily across the Bosporos, and it is first the recently conquered western Anatolian cities which succumb to the Black Death.
1328 (729) is the year that the first western Anatolian city is reported as having an outbreak of the Pestilence, with the city of Nicomedia near the border with the Romans acting as a vector of disease to the surrounding cities. The years since the end of the civil war between Kilij Arslan IV and the traitorous Kaykaus have been good for the Sultanate, with increasingly productive harvests and the patronage of art and architecture across many of the major cities allowing for increased population growth. While this massive jump in population may have, at first, been seen as a great blessing, with the pestilence it became nothing but a curse. The cities that flourished and grew with the successful harvests were ripe for the spread of the pestilence, which hopped from city to city across the highlands of Anatolia like a springing demon.
Sultan Kaykhusraw III became bedridden, not due to the sickness which ravaged his lands, but out of light illness and worry for the groans and moans which crawled into his ears through his windows at night and during the day. There is no evidence to indicate that Kaykhusraw III had caught the plague, but there seems to have been much discussion in his court with regards to whether or not he did. The sons of Osman, as evidenced by a letter currently on display in the Vojvode Khadiv Orhan Museum in Thessaloniki, even suggested to their father that he attempt a coup on the ailing sultan, though this does not seem to have come to pass. The rumors only grew in strength upon the death of Muhammad Oz Beg Khan, the great warrior-king of the Golden Horde, who perished from the pestilence and left only weak-willed heirs. In 1332 (732), with the steppes north of the Black Sea torn apart by the fighting of the generals of Oz Beg Khan and of upstart warlords, Sultan Kaykhusraw III issued a proclamation declaring his healthy state, and began to quickly institute responses to the ravages of the cities all across Anatolia, gather the dead and paying the Imams of the greatest masjids to lead immense funerary rites for the dead in the largest cities.
Sultan Kaykhusraw III would ultimately die in 1349 (750), leaving behind a single son who similarly had to scramble to respond to the continued ravages of the pestilence. However, a change that neither Kaykhusraw III nor his son Mahmoud Shah could have ever noticed in their lifetimes was occuring in the hilly highlands of the east, where the winds blew like the ghastly whispers and wails of the long-gone dead. The fields of Anatolia were left fallow by the sudden lack of farmers, leaving the valleys and grasslands open for a people relatively shielded from the ravages of the plague: the Kurds, those who dwell in tents, the Iranian nomads of the highlands and mountains.
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Sorry for the long wait! I just lost track of time, oops! This timeline will be continuing, and it will be continuing with full force in the future. Thank you, all of you!