It is interesting to read how the Aztecs are taking full advantage of the boons brought by the Spaniards but, at the same time, will pay the price for trying to change the ways of their state while still dealing with things such as human sacrifice.

On the other hand, I hope the purépecha state (I am big fan of the Tarascans) can also get their hands on some European technology and put their existing metal working expertise to use. Give the Mexicas a real challenge besides other European nations arriving some time in the future.
 
This is really cool! I can’t believe I just discovered this TL. Awesome job so far @Vinization
One hypothesis I have for such a scenario is the emergence of a “castle age” of sorts in Mesoamerica as they begin to adopt European tech.
The open grid layout of Mesoamerican cities is very susceptible to getting overrun by an army on horseback and just as vulnerable to cannon and gun warfare. So the various city-states might adopt fortified walled cities and castle-like structures to protect themselves against the encroaching Triple-Alliance. Meanwhile, the Empire might build similar structures to solidify their hold on the territory they have conquered. The northern and western frontier (especially the border between the Mexica and Purepecha) will likely be littered with such structures. Just food for thought.
 
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The Tarascans IOTL have a history of building fortifications on their border with the Mexica. Which I presume would be upgraded once European knowledge filters to them and to avoid being massacred by the few cannons that the Mexica may possess.
 
The Tarascans IOTL have a history of building fortifications on their border with the Mexica. Which I presume would be upgraded once European knowledge filters to them and to avoid being massacred by the few cannons that the Mexica may possess.
I could also see some Spanish mercenaries bands making their way west, getting into service of other nations besides the Aztecs who, as their army grows and modernizes might not need them anymore.

Or perhaps the rise of condottieri-like Mesoamerican mercenaries...
 
As previously talked about, I'm wondering how the survival of a large Mesoamerican empire will affect the spread of Chocolate to Europe and possibly future American nations. And the tastes.

Aztec taste for chocolate is more of frothy, bitter and spicy drink, while the Europeans added sugar or honey to make the drink sweeter. And I am jumping the gun here, if the modern-chocolate process still occurs, making Chocolate candy bars, would that type of candy be popular, or would the Aztecs prefer their bitter and spicy taste?
 
If the Aztecs make it to the 17th - 18th Century, I'm wondering if they'll start adopting European fashion. I think they'll be particularly adopting the styles of King Louis XIV France, as the French were major trend settings during the 17th Century, and I can see the Aztec elites adopting the French-style. However, not wigs, as they probably not suitable for Mexico's climate.
 
As previously talked about, I'm wondering how the survival of a large Mesoamerican empire will affect the spread of Chocolate to Europe and possibly future American nations. And the tastes.
Aztec taste for chocolate is more of frothy, bitter and spicy drink, while the Europeans added sugar or honey to make the drink sweeter. And I am jumping the gun here, if the modern-chocolate process still occurs, making Chocolate candy bars, would that type of candy be popular, or would the Aztecs prefer their bitter and spicy taste?

A previous post, just mentioned the Mexica nobility gaining a sweet tooth after the Spanish begin exporting sugar from the Caribbean. It is likely that they will begin experimenting with flavors and develop both the bitter brewed cacao drink and the sweet sugary drink/paste... however, adding milk would likely be a European development due to the lack of farm animals in Mesoamerica.

If the Aztecs make it to the 17th - 18th Century, I'm wondering if they'll start adopting European fashion. I think they'll be particularly adopting the styles of King Louis XIV France, as the French were major trend settings during the 17th Century, and I can see the Aztec elites adopting the French style. However, not wigs, as they are probably not suitable for Mexico's climate.

Since these fashion developments are still a century away, the European 17th-century style will likely be different. The Mexica elite might adopt some European styles but seeing how even some cultures closer in the periphery to Europe kept their own fashions until the 19th century, this might be the case for the Mesoamericans as well. All styles will evolve and influence each other.
 
A previous post, just mentioned the Mexica nobility gaining a sweet tooth after the Spanish begin exporting sugar from the Caribbean. It is likely that they will begin experimenting with flavors and develop both the bitter brewed cacao drink and the sweet sugary drink/paste... however, adding milk would likely be a European development due to the lack of farm animals in Mesoamerica.

Since these fashion developments are still a century away, the European 17th-century style will likely be different. The Mexica elite might adopt some European styles but seeing how even some cultures closer in the periphery to Europe kept their own fashions until the 19th century, this might be the case for the Mesoamericans as well. All styles will evolve and influence each other.
I figure the Aztecs would've done something with agave syrup or something when it comes to sweeteners. They made pulque afterall. So I suspect that when goats arrive in Mesoamerica, some form of drink would be made with goat milk, agave syrup and the cocao.
 
Part 7: Ouro Marinho New
This chapter was inspired in no small part by a thread posted by @Viriato a few years ago.
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Part 7: Ouro Marinho


While Spain was busy engorging itself on the vast riches of the Caribbean, another, much smaller country was trying to do the same thousands of kilometers to the north, in the distant coasts of Terra Nova. Though the land itself was harsh, with winters that were exceptionally long and cold by European standards, its waters were (and still are) some of the richest fishing grounds in the entire world, with enormous stocks of seals, whales, seabirds, shellfish and especially cod, the last of whom formed shoals so thick it was supposedly "almost impossible to row a boat through them" according to some accounts. Because of this, fishermen from France, Spain, England and Portugal, all competing for the best places to fish in, became a common sight in Terra Nova's shores from the early 1500s onward (perhaps earlier).

The Portuguese king, Manuel I, sponsored three exploratory voyages (led by João Fernandes Lavrador and the brothers Gaspar and Miguel Corte-Real, respectively) into the region at the turn of the century in the hopes of cementing his country's presence there and, through it, acquire a new source of revenue that would boost its already formidable economy even further. A permanent base was necessary to accomplish this, and the task of creating said settlement was given to João Álvares Fagundes, a wealthy ship owner and trader from Viana do Castelo, who was given a royal charter awarding him the governorship of all lands he discovered in March 13 1521. After recruiting around fifty families willing to leave their homes and make a new life for themselves in the New World for multiple reasons, he set sail from Aveiro and reached North America sometime in May, briefly stopping in the Azores to rest and stock up extra supplies.
Gaspar_Corte-Real_at_Labrador.jpg

The Portuguese fleet approaching its destination.

The next few days were spent searching for a good place to land, and the expedition made landfall on a spot that possessed a natural harbor so good Fagundes named the settlement "Porto Seguro" (literally "safe harbor" in Portuguese) after its foundation (1). After a few weeks, during which the colonists built houses, established a handful of farms, celebrated the first mass in North America outside of Spanish territory and erected a wooden palisade, Fagundes departed with some of his men to explore the new colony's surroundings. It was during this trip that the Portuguese established formal diplomatic and trade relations with the Mi'kmaq people. He left Terra Nova for good in October, having mapped its southern coast all the way to Cape Bacalhau ("Cape Cod") before doing so. He had good news to report to his king: although fishing operations hadn't started yet due to the need to make sure the colonists' needs were met, they would surely do so next year, as long as they were properly supported by the metropole.

Unfortunately for him and the colony, said support wouldn't come anytime soon: Lisbon was struck by a plague in December, with king Manuel himself almost dying from it, and, as if that weren't enough, the news of Ferdinand Magellan's success the following year forced the crown to focus its efforts on ensuring Spain didn't grab too many territories in the East Indies, leaving Terra Nova in the backburner for now. In spite of his constant lobbying, Fagundes had no choice but to stay in Portugal until 1523, since setting up a colony was too expensive a task to do without the help of the government, even for someone as wealthy as him (2).

Needless to say, Porto Seguro's inhabitants were not prepared to be left to their own devices for so long. Winter set in shortly after Fagundes' departure from the colony, much earlier than expected, and temperatures plummeted in a matter of days. Farming was impossible now, and the settlers, who until then believed the weather would be similar to that of their homeland since were just a little bit north of Viana, didn't have enough heavy clothes for everyone, and soon enough people began to die from the cold, disease and starvation, since there was only so much game they could hunt and that itself was an incredibly difficult task to do. Indeed, the situation became so bad it is quite likely the colony would've been abandoned were it not for the assistance of the Mi'kmaq, who offered them food and furs that put the colonists' outfits to shame (3).

Spring came in March 1522, and by that time the number of settlers was reduced by at least one third. Though they could finally cultivate some crops now, something they did with the utmost haste with varying levels of success, by this time the foreign fishermen who Porto Seguro was supposed to displace got word of the colony's existence. They did their best to sabotage its operations in any way they could, such as stealing fishing boats, depriving the colonists of a valuable source of food in the process, or outright attacking the settlement on one occasion, an assault which was repelled thanks, in no small part, to the help of the Mi'kmaq. Winter came once again, but this time the colonists fared better since they now knew the kind of weather they were dealing with. Even so, however, their population continued to dwindle, and it was clear the settlement would be abandoned if help didn't come soon (4).

Thankfully, that help did come, in May 1523. Having finally gathered enough resources for a new expedition and convinced to crown to support him a second time, Fagundes returned to Terra Nova almost exactly two years after his first arrival, and this time he came not only with new settlers and supplies (including livestock), but also soldiers and orders from the government to build a fort in a suitable location. Porto Seguro's existence, and that of the Captaincy of Terra Nova, were now assured.
Halifax.jpg

A sketch of Porto Seguro in its early days.
The colony's prosperity grew as the years passed, mostly due to growing value of cod (prices more than quadrupled in the period between 1520 and 1550, and they kept rising afterwards) and the fish's seemingly endless stocks in the Grand Banks. Thousands of settlers poured in from all over Portugal in the hopes of either making money from fishing or getting a few acres of land to farm in, with most people coming from the Azores (which were particularly poor and overpopulated) and often bringing their entire families along with them. This demographic growth inevitably led to the foundation of more settlements in Terra Nova, such as Dom Afonso in 1534 (5) and São João in 1547 (6), and the very gradual diversification of its economy, with activities like farming and especially the fur trade slowly gaining prominence.

It wouldn't take long for the Portuguese to extend their influence further inland.

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Notes:

(1) OTL Halifax. Fagundes established the colony on Cape Breton Island IOTL, so I figured the weather would be a little nicer a few kilometers to the south.

(2) These are the big PODs. IOTL king Manuel died from the plague, and Fagundes also passed away a year later. Manuel's successor, João III, had no interest in sending settlers to North America (Brazil was a much bigger prize, after all), and the colony was so completely forgotten we don't even know its name.

(3) According to the frustratingly brief
Wikipedia entry on Fagundes, the Portuguese probably had good relations with the Mi'kmaq IOTL.

(4) Needless to say, this baptism by fire (or ice, in this case) will leave quite a mark on the Terranovans' psyche, especially the descendants of those first settlers.

(5) OTL
Moncton, New Brunswick.

(6) OTL
St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador.
 
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Well, here's hoping the Portuguese are much kinder to the native populace than the OTL Spanish were.

Though, the Seven Years War is starting to look mighty different...

Splendidly written, as usual, and just as Huitzlipotchli awaits for blood, so too do I eagerly await for more.
 
Very interesting. Protuguese North America will be more incorporative of Natives than the British were for sure so that's a plus.
 

(7) IOTL Cuba and Spain's other territories in the Caribbean went into decline after the conquest of Mexico and Peru, since these colonies' silver mines were infinitely more attractive to settlers. Jamaica in particular was little more than an outpost.​

In Puerto Rico we got hit particularly hard by this exodus, with the cry: "¡Dios me lleve al Perú!" (May God take me to Perú).
 
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