Part 1: A Sign From Above
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    Part 1: A Sign From Above

    Palace of Axayacatl, Tenochtitlan
    May 20, 1520 A.D.

    Moctezuma sat, lonely and silent, in one of the many rooms of his father's palace. Though several hours had passed since the sun vanished into the horizon, the tlatoani's body refused to sleep as his mind thought over and over about the terrible mistake he committed many months ago, when he welcomed the Tlaxcalans and the strange light-skinned men who came along with them as guests into Tenochtitlan an attempt to know them better, even though the destruction of Cholula showed how dangerous they were. He then tried to convince the newcomers, whose leader was named Hernán Cortés, to join his side by giving them vast gifts of gold and silver, and how did they repay his generosity?

    By turning him into a hostage so that they could satisfy their insatiable greed and, worst of all, interfere with the rituals that ensured the stability of the world since time immemorial (1) without having to face the people's wrath. He should've seen this coming, much like how his younger brother Cuitláhuac did. But Moctezuma was powerless now, destined to die a prisoner under the custody of a hated enemy and their new allies. What had he done for the gods to bestow such a humiliating fate upon him? There were several possible answers, but none of them mattered in the end: all he could do at this point was hope that Tenochtitlan would be spared from their wrath. But even that seemed like an increasingly remote prospect, since although his captors did their best to isolate him from the rest of the world, the tlatoani knew the population groaned under their harsh rule.

    War was inevitable, and he was an asset to the enemy.

    That made Moctezuma stand up. The gods' will was absolute, of course, but maybe there was something more to his current predicament, something they wanted him to do to make everything worth it? The monarch began to wander around in the palace in the hopes of calming his mind, the usual bustling of courtiers, servants and guards which dominated it in daytime replaced by a heavy, oppressive silence which made him feel even more alone. His curiosity was piqued: how alone was he, really?

    Moctezuma made his way to one of the palace's exits as quietly as he could, and froze after encountering one of those "Spaniards" - as the foreign, light-skinned men called themselves - assigned to keep him captive, his metal armor glistening under the moon's light. But the stranger didn't react to his presence, something that made the prisoner realize he was asleep. So he continued onward, even more silently than before, and no one stopped him. A few minutes later, the liberating sight of one of Tenochtitlan's many streets greeted his eyes. The gods hadn't given up on him just yet (2).

    The tlatoani knew he had to act quickly to seize the opportunity before him: Cortés had left a few days ago with a handful of soldiers to fight an army sent to capture him, leaving an even smaller contingent of Spaniards and Tlaxcalans under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, his trusted lieutenant.

    It was time to pay them a visit.
    ----------------------
    A few hours later...
    Pedro de Alvarado was woken up by what sounded like thousands of people surrounding the palace of Axayacatl. The young captain wasn't too worried at first, for he had witnessed several of these incidents during his stay in Tenochtitlan and they were all resolved amicably thanks to the timely intervention of Moctezuma, whose speeches always calmed his subjects down. All it took was a brief peek outside for him to realize how much danger he and his compatriots were in: these weren't angry commoners, but warriors brandishing macuahuitls, quauholollis and other weapons, massing for an assault. Where the hell was Moctezuma to deal with these people? Were they revolting against his authority?

    The invaders searched every corner of the building, but their prisoner was nowhere to be found.


    Everyone in the palace knew that, without the tlatoani under their control, it was only a matter of time before they were all killed or, worse, sacrificed. That grim reality only hardened the resolve of the Spaniards and their Tlaxcalans allies, for although death was a certainty, they would bring down as many Aztecs as they could with them. With that in mind, Alvarado ordered the men under his command to use what little time they had left to barricade themselves as much as possible.

    The attack began a few minutes later, and the Mexica warriors quickly overran most of the palace through sheer weight of numbers, while the defenders fought with increasing ferocity the more they were driven back and cornered. But there could be only one possible result, and even though the Tlaxcalans' courage was boosted by despair and the Spaniards' heavy cuirasses withstood multiple blows, they fell, one by one, as time went by.

    Many hours later, in the morning of March 21, the Aztecs finally won the battle, but not before suffering many more casualties than expected. Nearly all of the palace's defenders were killed, Alvarado among them, while the few who unlucky enough to survive were taken to the Great Temple and sacrificed as offerings to Huitzilopochtli. The capital of the Mexica was free, for now at least, but it wouldn't be completely safe until Cortés and especially Tlaxcala were defeated for good.

    And they would have to be fought in a battlefield much more favourable to them and their tactics, since it would be impossible to trap them inside Tenchtitlan again.

    ----------------------
    Notes:

    (1) Human sacrifices, of course.

    (2) There are two PODs here. The first is that Moctezuma escapes the house arrest he was under since November 1519, the second is that he does so after Cortés departs to deal with Narváez and before Alvarado kills most of the Aztec nobility.
     
    Part 2: The Price of Greed
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    Part 2: The Price of Greed


    Unaware of Alvarado's demise back in Tenochtitlan, Hernán Cortés and his followers were busy celebrating a formidable victory of their own: they had just defeated an expedition led by Pánfilo de Narváez, which outnumbered them at least two to one, thanks to a daring night attack. As if that wasn't enough, Cortés was able to convince most of Narváez's men to join him after telling them of the vast, almost incomprehensible treasures waiting for them in the capital of the Mexica, something that was predictably very well received by men who had left their now distant homeland a few years before in the search of glory and riches. The army under the command of the outlaw-turned-potential-conqueror grew from a little more than two hundred to approximately 1.300 foot soldiers, most of them rodeleros, who were backed by 96 horsemen, 15 cannons and, most importantly, at least 2.000 Totonac and Tlaxcalan warriors. Said army began the long journey back to Tenochtitlan in May 29, after two days of rest.
    cortes tlaxcala.jpg

    The Hispano-Tlaxcalan army on the move. Cortés and his mistress/translator Malintzin are in the front, leading it.

    Meanwhile, hundreds of miles to the west, in the city that would be nicknamed the "Venice of the New World" by awed European visitors in the future, Moctezuma was busy mobilizing an army of truly gigantic proportions to crush the invaders once and for all. This force, which was led by Cuitláhuac, is believed to have numbered a whooping 100.000 men in total, far more numerous than anything their foes could muster and still one of the largest armies to ever be assembled in the Americas. The Mexica did not, however, intend to gamble everything on a big field battle despite their massive numerical superiority, but, instead, they set up an ambush right in the middle of the route the Spanish used to reach Tenochtitlan in 1519. The army was split into two forces of roughly equal size, one half being tasked with executing the main attack while the other stayed back as a reserve to be deployed if the situation called for it (1).

    But Cortés was no fool. Although it was impossible for him to know about the gruesome fate that befell his lieutenant, the fact he didn't receive so much as a single message from him ever since he was left behind was more than enough of a sign that something was wrong. So he stopped in his tracks after reaching Tlaxcala then asked for and received thousands of extra warriors as reinforcements over several days. Fully rested and now numbering at least 20.000 men, the Hispano-Tlaxcaltec army continued onward, reaching the important town of Amaquemecan, flanked by the mighty twin volcanoes of Iztaccihuatl and Popocatépetl, on June 21. They were just 63 kilometers away from Tenochtitlan, a distance that could be covered in two days at most.
    1280px-Conquest_mexico_1519_21.png

    A map showing the route Cortés used to reach Tenochtitlan in 1519. Amaquemecan is located southeast of the Valley of Mexico.
    And then the Mexica attacked, a wave of men that sprung from prepared positions on both sides of the road simultaneously and charged straight into the exposed flanks of the enemy force, their war cries sounding less like screams and more like a furious, terrifying tide. The invaders, who were organized in a long column, were unable to use their biggest strengths - their horsemen and cannons - effectively, and they suffered enormous casualties right from the get go. The situation was dire, and for a moment it looked as if the column was about to break up into multiple smaller bits, something that would turn the battle into a massacre. But it didn't. The Spanish contingent formed a square, with the rodeleros forming a perimeter around the crossbowmen and arquebusiers, who were thus free to fire upon the advancing Aztec troops with impunity.

    Cuitláhuac couldn't believe the scenario unfolding before his eyes: his elite warriors, each of whom had earned their status by fighting in countless battles for many years, were unable to defeat a force they outnumbered several men to one, each successive attack being whittled down by bullets and crossbow bolts and then pushed back by what looked like an unbreakable wall of steel, and to make matters worse, the Spaniards' performance inspired the Tlaxcalans to regroup. It seemed, after a couple of hours, that the tide of the battle was about to shift, and it probably would have shifted were it not for the timely arrival of the Mexica reserve.
    The_sad_night.jpg

    The Battle of Amaquemecan. Tenochtitlan is shown in the background, an alluring prize that would never be seized.

    Their intervention convinced Cortés of the need to return to Tlaxcala, for although his men had performed admirably and inflicted much greater casualties than the ones they suffered, fatigue was setting in, they were still badly outnumbered and also running low on ammunition. And it was at that moment where things began to go wrong for the invaders, since a there was a sizable detachment of Aztec warriors standing in their way, having been put there, away from most of the fighting, to prevent a retreat. The Spanish and Tlaxcalans had no choice but to fight through them, all the while being constantly pelted with stones, arrows and atlatl darts by the rest of the enemy army, suffering multiple casualties in the process. The final result of the Battle of Amaquemecan was, thus, a resounding defeat for the allies, who lost almost half of their force (at least 200 Spaniards and 8000 Tlaxcaltecs), were forced to abandon their wounded and, most importantly, their cannons, to the enemy (2). Still, the fact they managed to retreat back to Tlaxcala was nothing more than a miracle.

    The Mexica, meanwhile, were anything but happy with their victory. Not only they had failed to annihilate their foes despite their overwhelming numerical advantage (though they did capture quite a few prisoners to sacrifice later), but their casualties were unacceptably high: 15.000 of their best men were killed, and thousands more were wounded. How could this have happened? It didn't take long for Cuitláhuac and his captains to notice the correlation between the Spaniards' armor and their stunning durability in battle, especially since Alvarado also proved himself to be a formidable opponent during his last stand at the Palace of Axayacatl. With this in mind, they organized, somewhat haphazardly at first, a small, elite unit of hand-picked warriors who were clad in heavy armor and equipped with small shields and swords. These "shining men", as they were called because of their equipment, were very small in number for now (150 men at most, at least those who were fully armored), but in time they would become some of the most feared members of the Mexica military (3).
    armadura.jpg

    A typical armor dating from the 16th century. The first "shining men" used what was left of the suits used by the Spaniards.
    After a day of resting and licking their wounds, the Aztec army set out in pursuit of Cortés, reaching the outskirts of Ocotelolco, one of the four altepeme that made up the state of Tlaxcala, on June 26. As the troops massed to attack the city, defeat its entrenched defenders and plunder it in revenge for the destruction of Cholula, Cuitláhuac received a message informing him that he had a powerful new ally on his side: the tlatoani of Tizatlan, Ocotelolco's main rival for supremacy within Tlaxcala, Xicotencatl the Younger. Xicotencatl came close to obliterating Cortés' expedition in September 1519, and was only stopped from doing so after being persuaded by his father, Xicotencatl the Elder, and Maxixcatl, ruler of Ocotelolco. As a result, relations between him and the Spanish were uneasy at best, and the sight of the Mexica preparing to lay waste to everything and everyone who opposed them convinced him that continuing the war would be a very bad idea.

    Thus, the Battle of Ocotelolco, which took place on June 27, was decided not by elaborate tactics or soldierly courage, but by treachery, since the troops under Xicotencatl's command - who made up most of what remained of the Tlaxcaltec army - suddenly returned home a day before battle was joined, abandoning the Spanish to their fate. In a matter of hours, every member of Cortés' army was either dead or captured, although a number of captains argued that at least some of the Spaniards should be spared so they could be interrogated later (4). As if that wasn't good enough, this victory ensured that all of Tlaxcala fell under Aztec control, with only Tizatlan being allowed to retain its dynasty thanks to Xicotencatl's actions.
    batalha.jpg

    The Spaniards' last stand.
    The only task left for Cuitláhuac to do before he could return to Tenochtitlan with his newly won booty and captives was to invade Totonacapan and punish its inhabitants for their support of the invasion. Little did he know that he would be forced to face an entirely new threat in just a few months.

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    Notes:

    (1) This is a much better approach than the one the Aztecs took when they tried to destroy Cortés after the Noche Triste, which led to the disastrous Battle of Otumba. They do this because:

    A: They're on the defensive, instead of chasing the Spaniards;

    B: They have more capable leaders/strategists/officers available since Alvarado is killed before he decapitates the Aztec nobility.

    (2) Not that the Mexica know how to use them.

    (3) Wikipedia (I know, I know) says the Aztecs used some Spanish weapons in the battles that took place after the Noche Triste, since they abandoned a lot of equipment at Tenochtitlan.

    (4) Which will come in handy later on.
     
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    Part 3: An Invisible Enemy
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    Part 3: An Invisible Enemy


    Cuitláhuac returned to Tenochtitlan on August 17, 1520. He and his men had been on campaign for two months, during which they had not only destroyed the Spanish as a threat - for now - but crushed the Totonac rebellion and brought Tlaxcala, who had been at war with the Triple Alliance for decades, to its knees, and they possessed the plunder and prisoners to prove it. This was a magnificent (if costly) victory, one that would be remembered for centuries to come, and everyone in the army expected to be rewarded accordingly, which only made the reception they were given all the more shocking.

    The magnificent metropolis the soldiers knew was being ravaged by a disease whose symptoms no one had ever seen before, a plague so virulent and contagious that thousands of people perished every day, their corpses littering the streets since most of those who were still healthy shut themselves in their homes, fearing to catch whatever this was. To make matters worse, many
    among the bureaucracy and nobility were infected, further hampering the state's ability to organize an effective response. Still, there were enough administrators left to impose a quarantine over most of the Valley of Anahuac, mitigating at least some of the damage (1).​

    smallpox.jpg

    A Mexica doctor trying to treat people infected with smallpox.
    Moctezuma was reportedly overjoyed after learning of his brother's triumphant return - it was the first piece of good news he received in months. Like any good Mexica sovereign of the time, he promptly ordered the preparation of a lavish festival to celebrate this event and appease the gods, a ceremony that would inevitably end with the sacrifice of all prisoners, regardless of their nationality. Many captains, however, believed that it would be best to keep some of the Spaniards alive, especially those few who learned a little Nahuatl during their time as prisoners, a line of thought which Cuitláhuac backed since he, like his subordinates, witnessed the effects of the weapons and tactics employed by the Europeans at Amaquemecan.

    The tlatoani and the priesthood disagreed, the former because he was understandably scarred by the time he was forced to spend as a prisoner and the latter because they feared such a breach of protocol would enrage the gods even further, and if the plague was any indication they were angry enough already. Hours of deliberation ensued as both sides brought their arguments, most of them focusing on who among the captives deserved to be sacrificed the most, and although they all agreed that the Tlaxcalans brought their impending fate upon themselves, the culpability of (some of) the Spaniards in acts such as the Massacre of Cholula could be put into question (2). In the end, a compromise was reached: at the time of the ceremony, sixty prisoners were selected by Moctezuma himself and allowed to live, with the others being all escorted up the stairs of the Great Temple and sacrificed. Some, including Cortés and most of the Tlaxcaltecs, faced their demise in silence, while others, overcome by terror, screamed, struggled, cursed and cried out for someone, anyone to help them before their chests were cut open and their hearts ripped out (3).
    800px-Codex_Magliabechiano_%28141_cropped%29.jpg

    A typical Aztec sacrifice.

    While Tenochtitlan and the other cities of the Valley of Anahuac licked their wounds as best as they could, the scourge that was smallpox swept its way through Mesoamerica like a storm, the trade routes that crisscrossed the land serving as highways for the disease. The sickness spread so quickly most cities and villages didn't do anything before to contain its onslaught before it was too late and their inhabitants began to die in droves. By October the first cases were reported in Zaachila, nearly five hundred kilometers to the southeast of the plague's epicenter, and by the end of the year the disease reached the distant province of Xoconochco and from there the kingdom of Q'umarkaj, deep in the Guatemalan highlands. It didn't take long for the northewestern border to be crossed, either, with thousands upon thousands of cases and deaths taking place in the territories controlled by the Purépecha Empire and its smaller neighbors, such as the kingdoms of Colima and Xalisco.

    The outbreak finally came to an end sometime on mid 1521, but not before killing at least five million people, a quarter of the Mesoamerican population (4). But this was only the beginning: as contact with Europeans intensified, diplomatically or otherwise, more diseases would show up, such as measles, typhus and influenza, sending the land's demographics into a continuous downward spiral that only stopped in the 1580s, by which time its population amounted to half of what it was before contact at best (5). The plagues' effects were felt far beyond the initial deaths they caused, with trade greatly diminishing or outright ceasing in several places and large areas of farmland being abandoned, crippling the production of foodstuffs such as beans, squash and, of course, maize.

    The aftershocks of this demographic catastrophe hit the Mexica particularly hard, since their empire, despite boasting characteristics such as an organized bureaucracy, widespread production of paper and mandatory education for all of its subjects regardless of their social status, was not a "true" organized state like that of their Purépecha neighbors or the Tawantinsuyu. The Triple Alliance, like its name said, was more of a loose federation whose members were allowed to retain their local rulers and dynasties as long as they paid tribute to Tenochtitlan in the form of precious metals, agricultural goods and sacrifices. It became very difficult if not outright impossible for many of the subordinate altepeme to sustain the obligations they had with their overlord, and it wouldn't take long for the more poweful and rebellious among them to smell blood in the water (6).

    Their opportunity would reveal itself in the future, and Moctezuma wouldn't be there to see it - he caught smallpox and died at the age of fifty-eight on November 7, 1524. Cuitláhuac, his most likely successor, suffered the same fate a few months prior, and because of this the nobles elected Cuauhtémoc, a son of Ahuitzotl who already had a distiguished career despite his young age (he was 27 years old at the time of his coronation), to become the Triple Alliance's new tlatoani. He would face his first challenge just months after rising to power: a new Spanish expedition had landed at Veracruz.

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    Notes:

    (1) The Mexica no longer have an enemy army breathing down their neck, so they can afford to focus on themselves for a while.

    (2) Cortés might've been the leader, but one must always remember that the bulk of his army was formed by native allies.

    (3) I wanted to highlight that the conquistadors were still human beings, rather than cartoon villains.

    (4) I'm using this chart as a reference:

    Acuna-Soto_EID-v8n4p360_Fig1.png


    (5) Still a much, MUCH higher percentage of the native population than IOTL. The diseases still cause a lot of damage, but the native states (some of them, at least) manage to get their act together without the disruption and increase in warfare and exploitation caused by the Spanish conquest.

    (6) The examples of Tlaxcala and Totonacapan are still fresh in the minds of most potential rebels for now, but the fear they inspired won't last forever.
     
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    Part 4: New Opportunities
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    Part 4: New Opportunities

    Outskirts of Xallapan
    March 9, 1524 A.D.

    "So?"

    "It's really bad." The soldier began, still panting after almost getting caught by what was very much an enemy just minutes ago. "Judging by the number of tents we got to look at before they saw us, I'd say there are at least 30.000 of them."

    "Shit." The leader of the expedition, Pánfilo de Narváez, replied with a voice that carried more exhaustion rather than anger, before turning his attention to one of his lieutenants. "Are the cannons ready, at least?"

    "As ready as they can be, sir."

    "Good, very good." Narváez got up, straightened his back and sighed. "In case we somehow get out of here alive, we'll march back to Veracruz as soon as everything is over. And if Cuéllar doesn't like that, then he can go to hell." With those last, bitter words coming out of his mouth, he left his tent and inspected the 'fort' (more of a stockade and some earthworks, really) the troops spent the last few days building after they got word of the army marching in their direction. Though a part of him remained stubbornly optimistic, hoping, perhaps, that the cannons would deliver him a victory against all odds, the conquistador harbored no illusions: he and his compatriots were almost certainly doomed (1).

    Fuck, he really should've stayed in Cuba, losing an eye and being imprisoned in Veracruz for a year should've been enough of a hint that this land was nothing but bad news. Narváez wondered what happened to Hernán Cortés, the man he had been sent to arrest almost four years ago and claimed to have discovered a city whose size rivaled that of Seville and Córdoba. Was he still alive? Did he abandon his Hispanidad completely and carve some petty kingdom for himself?

    A sudden tide of shouts and whispers among the men snapped the captain out of his reverie, and he set about figuring out what was going on. One of the sentries had just spotted a handful of natives walking to their position, and if his description of them was accurate they were almost certainly men of high standing. Narváez silently thanked God for this opportunity, then ordered the soldiers to let them in.

    The Mexica envoys hesitated for a few seconds, but entered the fort. Their clothes were certainly strange by European standards (loincloths, capes and sandals), but it was the gifts they brought that got the Spaniards' attention, for they were all made of gold, silver and other precious metals.

    One of the ambassadors cleared his throat before speaking. "Greetings, señores. We hope you come in peace." Most of the soldiers couldn't believe what they just heard: did this man, who was clearly not an European, just talk to them in Spanish?

    Who were these people?
    ------------------
    The Mexica Narváez contacted were profoundly different from the ones Cortés first met four and a half years before. Ever since the slaughter of almost all of the latter's followers after their final defeat at the Battle of Ocotelolco, the Aztec bureaucrats worked overtime to decipher the knowledge the survivors - who became known as the "Lucky Sixty" - had on various subjects and write them down on their codices. They were grilled in many different ways, from outright threats to promises of wealth and power in case they fully accepted their new status as subjects of the tlatoani and adopted their overlord's customs. Some refused to submit to a "pagan" king and chose instead to goad their captors into killing them (since outright suicide was a mortal sin), usually with insults, or, in a few other cases, the most famous of them by far being that of Cristóbal de Olid (who was the quartermaster of Cortés' expedition), to escape at the first opportunity.

    They were very much an exception, however, and most of the prisoners told the Mexica everything they knew either out of gratitude for being spared or because they knew they had nowhere else to go. The things they said were extremely alarming: far from being opportunistic marauders, as many aristocrats began to believe after their initial shock and awe wore off, the Spaniards were subjects of a distant but powerful emperor named Charles V, and not only there were a great many of them just a few hundred kilometers away, but they were all familiar with the weapons, armor and tactics that claimed the lives of thousands of warriors. They also stated, however, that Cortés had acted against orders and severely wounded the man the governor of Cuba sent to restrain him, a valuable piece of information which gave Moctezuma (and, after his death, Cuauhtémoc) the hope that it was possible to establish peaceful relations between Tenochtitlan and the Spanish.
    codice asteca.jpg

    The Spaniards' knowledge was transcripted to codices such as this.
    The Mexica also began to adopt the Europeans' technology or, if that wasn't possible, at least understand it. Firearms were out of question, as was cavalry: the artisans' attempts to reverse engineer the few arquebuses available were unsuccesful, with most of the weapons being destroyed before the experiments were cancelled at last, while the horses the Spanish brought either died in battle or fled into the wilderness and became feral, forming the first population of wild equines in continental America since the end of the Ice Age. But even these failures taught them much, since they provided guides on what not to do the next time someone got his or her hands on these precious resources, something which would happen sooner rather than later.

    They were much more successful in incorporating things such as pikes, swords, crossbows especially plate armor, a process that began before Cortés' demise thanks to the official creation of the "shining men" after the Battle of Amaquemecan. However, it would take a great many years for the Mexica to establish an industry capable of producing enough of these items to satisfy the army's needs, since not only were they not accustomed with smelting the iron and other metals needed to create steel (metallurgy was largely restricted to copper and precious metals in most of Mesoamerica, the Purépecha being the exception), but they didn't know the location of major deposits of said materials yet.

    But there was one field in which the Mexica progressed at a remarkable pace: shipbuilding. One of the prisoners was Martín López, a low-ranking Spanish aristocrat who, despite not being a naval engineer by profession (as far as we know, at least), was nevertheless clever and, most importantly, eager to climb his new home's social ladder by proving his usefulness to its sovereign (2). He did this by designing a ship that could be best described as a strange mix between a brigantine and a galley, a vessel that, although unsuited for oceanic voyages, was still revolutionary for a nation whose inhabitants had never seen or piloted anything other than canoes and rafts. López's ship was launched on May 8, 1523, a day which is still commemorated as the official founding date of the Anahuac Navy. The vessel and its crew then spent the next few days touring the waters of Lake Texcoco, Xochimilco and Chalco, earning many amazed stares from the people who lived in the cities surrounding those lakes, and the tlatoani, who at this point was still Moctezuma, boarded it in person.
    bergantim.jpg

    A miniature model of the ship designed by Martín López.

    One must never forget, however, that technological advancements such as this would've been much more difficult if not impossible to achieve in such a short period of time were it not for the survival of Malintzin, the Nahua woman who Cortés took as his translator and mistress and the only known indigenous member of the Lucky Sixty. Her knowledge of Spanish, which she earned and refined during the sixteen months she spent under the conquistadors' custody, made it surprisingly easy for the Aztecs to interrogate the other prisoners and eventually learn their language as well. Because of this, they were able to form a small but capable corps of diplomats who, after a few years of training, were almost fully bilingual and played a critical role in ensuring meetings with future Spanish expeditions went along better.

    Speaking of expeditions...
    Panfilo_de_Narvaez.jpg

    Pánfilo de Narváez, first ambassador to the Mexica.

    Narváez's party, which had 680 foot soldiers (a number that included 60 crossbowmen and 20 arquebusiers), 50 horsemen and 12 cannons, had three missions to fulfill: first, they were to find out what happened to Hernán Cortés and his men, since no word ever came from them after the Battle of Cempoala almost four years before. Secondly, they would investigate whether the now rampant rumors of large, opulent cities far into the interior of the continent that dwarfed every native settlement the Spaniards encountered so far were true or not. The expedition's last task, assuming these rumors were true, would be to either establish diplomatic relations with these states, in case they were friendly, or conquer them by any means necessary if they were hostile.

    The conquistadors ran into trouble almost immediately after they departed Veracruz, since not only it was extremely difficult to contact or kidnap locals they could use as scouts and translators, but most of those few who they managed to capture frequently told tales of how they would suffer the same fate the last white men who dared to enter the tlatoani's domains did. Deprived of reliable indigenous allies, demoralized by the tropical summer heat and the doomsayers' words, the Spanish nevertheless continued onward and reached Cempoala, whose population had been greatly reduced by smallpox and fled upon seeing them, on February 5, 1524. They spent a few days there, resting and sending messages to their countrymen in Veracruz and Cuba, before marching westward. The trek to Xallapan, the gate to the Plateau of Anahuac, was long and arduous, taking at least twenty days to complete since the expedition often walked in circles due to the lack of good scouts. The Spaniards were, needless to say, utterly exhausted by the time they finally reached the settlement, and then they learned of the force sent to deal with them.

    Back in Tenochtitlan, Cuauhtémoc acted as soon l as soon as the first reports of European ships came in, first ordering the surviving prisoners to be sent to multiple locations in the empire to keep them from acting as a potential fifth column, then raising a host of 50.000 men and departing the capital in the hopes of negotiating with or crushing these new arrivals personally. At the forefront of the army was a corps of elite troops who sported not only the traditional suits which showed what military orders they belonged to (Eagle and Jaguar warriors, Otomies and Shorn Ones) but also helmets, cuirasses and swords all made of steel, a truly terrifying sight for a small, tired and isolated party whose members had never seen natives carrying this kind of equipment before. One can only imagine the relief Narváez must've felt when he learned of the tlatoani's decision to use diplomacy instead of storming his little fortification and massacring everyone inside. The first conversation with the envoys went along decently, and he was invited to come along with a handful of other conquistadors to speak with the Mexica sovereign in person.
    cortes malinche.jpg

    Narváez and Cuauhtémoc meet face to face. Malintzin's presence in this occasion is still a subject of debate among historians since only a few accounts mention her.
    Assuming this codex tells the truth, she was probably there to make sure no one made any serious gaffes.

    According to Narváez's journal, which was later sent to Charles V, "We were surrounded by guards clad from head to toe in heavy armor and armed with swords and strange, decorated clubs with sharp teeth who watched our every move with great suspicion. Their king, whose name is Cuauhtémoc, asked me through an interpreter if I was a friend of Hernán Cortés. I immediately said he was a bandit who defied the will of Your Majesty's faithful servant, governor Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, and that I had been sent to bring him to justice. He smiled after the interpreter translated my answer, and then, after a few minutes of debating with men who I suppose were his generals, asked me if I wanted to visit his capital, promising to give me and my men food, water, shelter and everything we wanted as long as we behaved properly. I couldn't pass on such a great opportunity to spread the word of God, so I accepted his offer (3)."

    Though the trip to the Mexica heartland happened without a hitch and the Spaniards were received amicably by cities such as Texiuitlan, Tizatlan and Cholula, it was obvious to all of them that they weren't really guests, but hostages. Another, less famous conquistador's account remarked on the existence of a Mexica contingent which marched right behind the expedition and served as both a rearguard and a barrier. The unease created by the sword of Damocles which hung over the foreigners' heads was very much worth it, however, for they became the first Europeans to visit the great cities surrounding the waters of the lakes of the Valley of Anahuac and live to tell the tale. And they were an incredible sight to behold, in spite of the damage caused by smallpox.
    tenochtitlan.jpg

    16th century Tenochtitlan in all its glory.

    But there was one jewel whose magnificence put every single one of the urban areas the Spanish saw so far to shame: Tenochtitlan, nerve center of the Triple Alliance as well as the largest metropolis in the Western Hemisphere. Narváez wrote that "many of us thought we were dreaming when we first saw their capital. It is a vast, sprawling city built on land and water, sitting atop an island that is connected to the mainland by five main causeways, all of them wide enough for ten horses to walk side by side. I counted at least forty palaces and large temples in the urban area, which is surrounded by a myriad of small islands where people plant their crops (4). Everything is bright, colorful and lively, from the buildings to the nonstop hustle and bustle of commoners and merchants going about with their lives." The next several dozen pages describe almost every major building in the city, from the Chapultepec Aqueduct to the Dike of Nezahualcoyotl and the enormous palaces built on the orders of Axayacatl and Moctezuma II, the latter of which now served as Cuauhtémoc's residence. Interestingly enough, human sacrifice is mentioned only a few times in this document, something that was almost certainly a political calculation on Narváez's part given this practice was still a core aspect of Mesoamerican religion (5).

    The Spaniards spent a little more than three months in the Valley of Anahuac (from mid April to late June), during which only a small group of them was allowed to enter Tenochtitlan at a time while the rest were forced to camp outside and wait for their turn. Though a few incidents and misunderstandings were reported, relations between them and the Mexica were amicable enough for Narváez and Cuauhtémoc to hammer out a document that became known as the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which established formal diplomatic relations between Spain and the Triple Alliance and recognized Veracruz as a possession of the former.
    tratado.jpg

    A 19th century litograph commemorating the 300 year anniversary of the Treaty of Tlatelolco.
    It is unlikely that Narváez was allowed to get so close to Cuauhtémoc: the handshake definitely didn't happen since touching the tlatoani was forbidden.

    It was the start of a very profitable friendship, one which gave great rewards to both sides: one half gained access to livestock, beasts of burden, steel and a small but steady trickle of firearms and gunpowder. The other half, meanwhile, got its hands on fine fabrics, new foodstuffs such as maize and manioc, exotic animals and, most important of all, lots of gold and silver.

    It wouldn't take long for Cuauhtémoc to use his new allies' gifts in an activity the Mexica were very famous for: waging war.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) Maybe not, though, since the Mexica never faced cannons in battle before.


    (2) IOTL Martín López designed the ships employed by Cortés during the siege of Tenochtitlan.

    (3) That's definitely what Narváez really wanted to do. What, did you think he was after something else? ;)

    (4) These "islands" are called chinampas.

    (5) It's kind of hard to convince your king that your new friends are civilized if you spend multiple pages describing their... issues.​
     
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    Part 5: God, King and Money
  • ------------------
    Part 5: God, King and Money

    South Pacific
    December 25, 1520

    Antonio Pigafetta couldn't believe his luck.

    It had been at least two weeks since he last saw dry land, and all this time at sea had taken its toll not only on him, but on all the men he was with, since they weren't prepared for such a long voyage. Much of the seal meat they stocked up rotted within a few days thanks to the harsh tropical sun, rats were eating most of the biscuit and water was running out. It was ironic, really: as a member of the expedition led by Ferdinand Magellan, who the king of Spain had tasked with finding a 'backdoor' to the East Indies, Pigafetta witnessed two mutinies, countless storms and Portuguese attempts to stop the 'Spaniards' from reaching their objective, yet it seemed that he and his colleagues were doomed to suffer a slow, agonizing death at the hands of hunger, thirst and scurvy.

    Which was why the island his ship's lookout saw just a few minutes ago was such a godsend. It was dotted with multiple hills, showing that this wasn't some isolated rock in the middle of nowhere but a place in which the Europeans could land and forage for supplies. As if that weren't enough, the beach they were heading to was lined up with enormous statues made of stone, more than enough evidence that this place was inhabited, and soon enough many large, double-hulled canoes, each carrying dozens of people, came into view.
    640px-Hodges_easter-island.jpg

    Rapa Nui and its iconic moai as it might've been seen by its first European visitors.
    Pigafetta hadn't reached the Spice Islands yet - he couldn't know it, but he was still thousands of kilometers away - but he had found something just as important, a waystation where weary European travelers such as him could rest. Unfortunately, that discovery also brought about the end of the very civilization that received them, and for centuries his writings on the Rapa Nui would be regarded as a fictitious tale whose purpose was to inflate a story already full of fantastic feats (1).
    ------------------

    Ferdinand Magellan's expedition was a testament to the absurd amount of luck that was required for such an enterprise to succeed. He was beset by problems even before his departure, since the Spanish authorities distrusted him thanks to his foreign origins and almost nipped everything in the bud, while the voyage was even more arduous thanks to the quadruple threat of storms, mutinies, Portuguese vessels and, of course, scurvy. By the time he crossed the strait that now bears his name in the present day (on November 28, 1520, one year and two months after leaving Seville), the number of ships under his command fell from 5 to 3 - one ship, the Santiago, was wrecked by a storm in the Patagonian coast, while another, the San Antonio, deserted and returned to Spain after a successful mutiny.

    The voyage across the Pacific was, in contrast, surprisingly easy, albeit that was mostly due to luck. After spending a week in Rapa Nui (which was given the name of Christmas Island due to the date of its discovery), during which its supplies were fully replenished and cordial relations were established with the natives (although there were at least some incidents thanks to the lack of translators), the expedition continued to sail west, reaching Tahiti on January 28, 1521. However, this time the inevitable misunderstandings boiled over into open conflict, with at least five Tahitians being taken prisoner (all of whom would die long before their captors returned to Europe) and dozens of them being killed, an ugly portent of what was to come for the Polynesians and other Pacific Islanders. This oceanic game of hopscotch went on for almost three more months (during which the Europeans landed on Samoa, Nauru and Palau) before Magellan made landfall in Cebu, smack dab in the middle of the archipelago that would later be called the Caroline Islands, on April 15 (2).


    There he met with Humabon, raja (king) of the island, and struck with him an alliance that, much like the Treaty of Tlatelolco three years later, brought great profits to both parties, at least at first: Humabon converted to Catholicism (taking the name Carlos after doing so) and became a 'subject' of the king of Spain. Magellan, meanwhile, promised to help fight the raja's enemies, starting with the datu (chieftain/prince) of Mactan, Lapu-Lapu, who fell under the combined might of the Cebuanos and their Spanish allies (3). Having fulfilled the promise made to Humabon, the fleet left Cebu and sailed to Tidore, where they were warmly welcomed by its ruler, sultan Al-Mansur, and at long last got the spices they were looking for. By the time they were ready to depart each ship was laden with at least twenty tons of cloves and cinnamon.
    humabon batismo.gif

    Humabon and other prominent Cebuanos being baptized while Magellan looks on.

    Now it was time to ensure these vessels returned to Europe with their precious cargo safely, which was much easier said than done. Fully aware that the waters west of Tidore were crawling with Portuguese ships, especially now that word of his arrival was spreading throughout the East Indies like wildfire, Magellan chose to sail eastward, a decision that hedged on the assumption that the North Pacific had a gyre (much like its Atlantic counterpart) that would allow the expedition to return to the Americas. After stopping in Cebu one last time and gathering as many supplies as the crew could get its hands on, the fleet sailed north at first, reaching Japan before turning east and eventually making landfall in California. They then turned south, slowly sailing along the coast for several months until they reached Panama City, where they made some much needed repairs to their ships before the last leg of their journey.

    The pompously named Armada of the Moluccas landed on Sanlúcar de Barrameda on July 17, 1522, and its exhausted sailors, whose numbers at this point had dwindled to just 136 men out of an original crew of 270 (barely enough to operate three ships), were received as heroes by the authorities (4). Their voyage, though arduous, not only turned up a massive profit, but also broke the Portuguese monopoly on the spice trade and established a Spanish foothold in Asia. For Magellan himself, however, this victory had a bitter taste, since his wife and son died while he was away. His connection to Europe now weaker than ever, he soon argued in favor of a new expedition, one which would conquer the Carolines and then the Moluccas. Little did he know that this enterprise would accomplish much, much more than that.
    mapa magalhães.png
    ------------------

    Pánfilo de Narváez's success was received with even greater jubilation than Magellan's, and its timing couldn't be more fortuitous. Charles I, king of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor (as Charles V), was locked in a struggle for supremacy over Italy with Francis I of France (a rivalry that was portrayed in more movies, books and television series than we can bother to count (5)), and he had suffered the most humiliating defeat of his career mere months before (6). He later received a message that provided him with the perfect reward to give to the man who brought the precious metals that would eventually allow him to strike back at the French: the governor of Cuba, Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar, died in office, creating a power vacuum which was temporarily filled by a council. Charles' choice for a replacement was all too predictable.

    Narváez arrived in Cuba on March 14, 1525, and promptly set about turning it into the jewel of the Caribbean, a task in which he was greatly aided by his newly forged connections with the Mexica. It didn't take long for the island, located right in the middle of the route connecting Seville and Veracruz (and, through it, the Triple Alliance), to become a commercial center of vital importance, a place where ships laden with goods such as cotton, precious metals, chili peppers, firearms, gunpowder and all sorts of fabrics, European and Mesoamerican, could stop and rest before carrying on with their journeys. Its economy flourished as a result, with two cities in particular, Havana and Santiago, each located on opposite ends of the colony, being the biggest beneficiaries of this growth by far.

    havana.jpg

    The port of Havana at the end of the 16th century.

    But the backbone of Cuba's prosperity hinged on two products: sugar and tobacco. The Spaniards realized within a few years that the Mexica nobility had an enormous sweet tooth, one which made a crop that was already expensive even more valuable and triggered an explosion in the number of sugarcane plantations all over the Caribbean, even on relatively neglected colonies such as Jamaica (7). As for the latter product, word began to spread all over Europe of the "medicinal" effects of tobacco smoking, increasing demand for it several times over. By the time Narváez's gubernatorial tenure came to an end in 1536, Cuba was Spain's wealthiest colony, and he its richest landowner.

    Ultimately, however, all that wealth was built on a foundation made out of untold amounts of suffering. The Taíno and other peoples native to the Caribbean, whose numbers were already in a steep decline thanks to warfare, European diseases and the plantations' insatiable hunger for blood, were almost completely exterminated. Once they ceased to be a viable source of enslaved people, the Spanish administrators turned to Africa, importing boatloads of human beings who would, in most cases, live for only a few months if they were "lucky" enough to survive the hellish interiors of the slave ships. Though the Cuban Revolution was still centuries away, these people resisted the brutality of their masters and overseers in many different ways, from going on strike, feigning stupidity or laziness and, finally, forming maroon communities on the most mountainous parts of their islands, communities which the authorities never managed to destroy despite their best efforts.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) It's hard to overstate how unlucky Magellan was during his Pacific crossing IOTL. If you look at the trajectory his expedition took you'll see that they could've come across multiple islands where they could've rested and resupplied (Rapa Nui, Tahiti and so on), had their path been just a little different. Here their trajectory is that little bit different, and so they reach the Philippines in much better shape ITTL. Unfortunately, this also means that the Polynesians come in contact with things like smallpox sooner, and the Rapa Nui civilization collapses a century or so earlier as a result.

    (2) The Philippines, which are named after Charles V ITTL.

    (3) IOTL Magellan tried to defeat Lapu-Lapu with a small landing party of just 60 men and got himself killed. Humabon betrayed the remaining Europeans days later.

    (4) Only 18 (eighteen!) men survived the voyage IOTL, and given all the setbacks they suffered it's honestly a miracle they made it back home.

    (5) Seriously, why isn't there at least one TV series or movie showing their rivalry IOTL? You could even shoehorn Henry VIII in there.

    (6) Let's just say that the absence of the sudden influx of gold and silver will affect the outcome of the Italian Wars.

    (7) IOTL Cuba and Spain's other territories in the Caribbean went into decline after the conquest of Mexico and Peru, since these colonies' silver mines were infinitely more attractive to settlers. Jamaica in particular was little more than an outpost.​
     
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    Part 6: New Blood
  • ------------------
    Part 6: New Blood

    Guatemalan Highlands
    August 12, 1528

    The woman lost track of how many days had passed since she was forced to flee her home. Not that it mattered - all that mattered was that she had to continue onward, for dying here, in the middle of the nowhere, would be a better fate than the one in store for her if she dared to stop or slow down even just a little. For most of her life, her world was almost completely restricted to the little village she was born in, located on the outskirts of the great K'iche' city of Q'umarkaj, the only contacts said hamlet had with the outside being the tax collectors and merchants that showed up every now and then. The plagues which ravaged the land and killed untold amounts of people in the last few years did little to change that. It actually made her and her family even more isolated not only from the world at large, but from their own community - the disease was highly contagious, with those who were lucky enough to survive carrying scars at best or losing their eyesight in the worst cases.

    Of course, even the drastic population decline (and, with it, the collapse of trade) that followed the first smallpox outbreak wasn't enough to keep word of what was going on in the west from reaching the K'iche' lands. As far as the woman knew at the time, these rumors were just that, rumors: the idea of men who wore clothing made of metal, carried weapons that created thunder and rode enormous beasts unlike anything the K'iche' had ever seen before was, to put it mildly, ridiculous.

    Then the Mexica came.

    From what her husband (not exactly a well informed man either, given he was also a peasant) told her, the demands made by the envoys they sent were so outrageous the only possible response to them was war. She never saw him again. Those few who survived the ensuing battle confirmed that every single bit of the information which had slowly seeped into the K'iche' lands in the last few years was true: the invaders' weapons cut through the warriors' armor with ease, while their own, so shiny it hurt the eyes of those who looked at it, was impenetrable. Though the woman didn't see the Mexica descending upon Q'umarkaj with her own eyes, she remembered how the city looked like an enormous fireball from afar, hours before the people who set it alight swooped into her village.

    Once upon a time she was both a wife and a mother, now she was neither. But she still carried on - she had to, for the sake of everyone she lost. The K'iche' may have fallen, but perhaps she could still warn whoever could be kind enough to give her shelter.

    Maybe they could even avenge her people someday.
    ------------------

    The first few years of Cuauhtémoc's reign were mostly peaceful, something almost unprecedented in the history of the Triple Alliance - a newly enthroned tlatoani usually had to face at least a few rebellions following his accession. The most likely reasons for this were, first and foremost, the brutal examples given by the repression of the Totonac rebellion and the conquest of Tlaxcala (one of the last states still capable of resisting the Mexica), still fresh in everyone's memory, and secondly the havoc wreaked by smallpox and other diseases, which forced the vassals who were powerful enough to revolt to instead focus their energies on saving as many of their own subjects as possible. The plagues didn't discriminate by class either, with many altepeme being decapitated politically once their rulers (and, after them, their relatives) fell ill.

    The emperor used this period of peace to do two things: strengthen ties with his new Spanish allies and take advantage of his vassals' predicament. The former was easy enough a task to do, since the Europeans who began to pour in from Veracruz after formal diplomatic relations were established - merchants, craftsmen and soldiers (1) - were so eager to get their hands on some sweet precious metals they were ready to tell the Mexica everything they knew, from how to make steel, ride a horse or use a gun. Some even joined the Aztec army as mercenaries, advising their new superiors on how to use their new weapons as effectively as possible. Many offered their services only for a limited time and returned to whatever colony they came from once they got the money they wanted, but others chose instead to integrate themselves into Mexica society, learning Nahuatl and doing their best to tolerate their new countrymen's... unusual religious practices. The gold helped deal with that, of course.
    373px-Portrait_of_Francisco_Pizarro.jpg
    405px-De_Soto_by_Telfer_%26_Sartain.jpg

    Years before their infamous exploits in Florida, Francisco Pizarro (left) and Hernando de Soto (right) both served as mercenaries in the Triple Alliance's ranks (2).

    The second task also seemed simple at first, but in the long term it shook the Triple Alliance's foundations to the core. With many cities and lordships losing their entire ruling bloodlines to disease, several power vacuums and succession disputes erupted all over the empire, disputes which could be (and were) exploited by the central government for its own benefit. Though Tenochtitlan's power had steadily risen for decades (its monarch was known as the Huey Tlatoani, a title which is basically the Nahuatl equivalent of King of Kings, since the reign of Ahuitzotl), Cuauhtémoc intervened in local politics in a way that was previously unknown in Mesoamerica outside of the Purépecha state. He did so by moderating the disputes between each altepetl's prominent families, and ensuring that the as many of them as possible were then taken over by candidates who owed their position entirely to his interference, turning what were once vassals who still retained a large degree of autonomy into mere provinces in all but name. While the tlatoani gained many allies through this, allies who depended on him alone, he also earned many enemies among the altepeme's local aristocracies (3).

    And they weren't the only ones unhappy with the current state of affairs. With warfare being the main way through which the state acquired new prisoners to sacrifice, many in the nobility and especially the priesthood were anything but content with their monarch's 'hesitation' to subjugate new territories, as well as with his increasingly good relations with a group of foreigners who, as Cortés and his underlings showed years ago, had no respect for their traditions whatsoever (4). Cuauhtémoc was anything but a pacifist, of course, but mustering an army strong enough to embark on a campaign of conquest proved to be a bigger burden than it was during the old times, since hundreds of thousands of once able-bodied warriors were either killed or permanently incapacitated by smallpox. In the end, the tlatoani managed to painstakingly assemble a force of 100.000 men by early 1528. Of these, 4.000 were completely covered in the best armor available (and an unknown number carried at least a cuirass, a steel sword or a pike), roughly 2.500 or so were crossbowmen, 400 rode horses, and, finally, a handpicked contingent of 250 men wielded arquebuses. They were accompanied by 400 Spanish mercenaries and 11 cannons.

    Cuauhtémoc was, at this point, four years into his reign, and he was more than ready to unleash his new weapons upon the land. The only thing left to decide was what direction the army should take: northwest, into the kingdom of the Purépecha, who defeated the Mexica many times in the past, or southeast, into the lands of the Maya. This topic was fiercely debated, and in the end the latter option came on top. Though the reasons for this choice are still discussed, since Guatemala is much further away from the Mexica heartland than Michoacán, it is likely that the tlatoani knew of the existence of Panama City and the Spaniards' gradual expansion into Costa Rica and Nicaragua. With this in mind, he may have intended to create a buffer zone in the south to keep the Triple Alliance from being completely surrounded by Spain, or perhaps he just wished to score an easier victory before moving on to the main course.
    mapa asteca.jpg

    The territory controlled by the Triple Alliance in 1519, before the conquest of Tlaxcala and Cuauhtémoc's wars of expansion.
    Here's the source.
    The army, led by Cuauhtémoc himself (Tenochtitlan was left under the care of Tlacotzin, who held the post of cihuacoatl - an "esteemed advisor" of sorts (5)) began marching on February 1528. Their first target was the kingdom of Tlapan (known as Yopitzinco to the Mexica), a small enclave on the coast of the Pacific Ocean that was ignored by previous tlatoque due to its people's stubborn resistance to foreign occupation and the existence of juicier lands elsewhere. Weakened by disease and facing overwhelming odds, the Tlapanecs surrendered without a fight, handing over as much tribute as they could so as to not incur the invaders' wrath. Once this was done, the troops continued to march along the coast until they finally encountered the first polity which dared to resist them, the Mixtec kingdom of Tututepec. The "battle" that ensued was a massacre: already worn down by smallpox and the myriad of problems that came with it, like everyone in Mesoamerica, the Mixtecs were quickly and decisively routed thanks in no small part to the use of cavalry and firearms, and Tututepec was sacked, all at the expense of barely one hundred men.

    This was the first major victory of the campaign, and the Mexica were nowhere near done. After spending several weeks in Tututepec, during which several garrisons were set up to consolidate the Triple Alliance's control over the land, the army departed sometime in May, stopping in the province of Xoconochco to rest and prepare for the final leg of their journey: the subjugation of the Mayan Highlands. The first section of it to be conquered was Chiappan (Chiapas), dominated by the cities of Tzinacantlan and Huitztlan. Chiappan proved to be a much harder nut to crack than Tututepec, however, since its rugged terrain and jungles were perfect for guerrilla warfare and almost nullified the invaders' crushing superiority in numbers and technology. Though the Mexica did win in the end, at the cost of thousands of lives (most from attrition), they were forced to leave a detach a sizable part of their army, since the Chiapanecs would revolt against their new overlords out at the first opportunity.

    There was only one target worth conquering left now: the city-states of Guatemala, the most powerful among them being the kingdom of Q'umarkaj, ruled by the K'iche' Maya. Irritated by Chiappan's unexpected resistance and fully convinced of his invincibility at this point, Cuauhtémoc demanded that the K'iche' fully submit to Tenochtitlan's authority and pay enormous sums of tribute or be, according to contemporary historians, "wiped from existence". The message was so insulting that, supposedly, the recipients either thought the envoys were madmen or that it would be better to die fighting anyway because of how exorbitant the demands were.

    The tlatoani kept his promise: after a battle all too similar to the one that ended Tututepec's independence, Q'umarkaj was not only sacked, but razed, with every building that wasn't a temple being torn to its foundations. A fire, whether on purpose or by accident, broke out and consumed all it could in the city for days on end, becoming the symbol for one of the most traumatic events of Mayan history, perhaps even more so than the collapse of the great metropolises of old. Those who could abandoned their homes and fled north, the final destination of most of them being the distant region of Petén, whose population swelled by many thousands even as smallpox took its toll (6).

    Q'umarkaj's neighbors, such as Iximche and Xelaju, swore fealty to the Mexica immediately after this brutal display of power, and avoided its fate. Cuauhtémoc, laden with untold amounts of riches and having tens of thousands of prisoners (most estimates range from twenty to as many as fifty thousand) under his custody, returned to Tenochtitlan on October and was predictably given a hero's welcome. In just eight months, he had done the kind of work his predecessors could only complete after years of fighting, and expanded the Triple Alliance's borders beyond what anyone thought possible.

    Little did he know that he was, in fact, sowing the seeds of its destruction, starting with how he thanked the gods for his victory.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) There's one very important group I intentionally left out, one whose effects will be analyzed in depth in a later chapter.

    (2) Let's just say that "Florida" will look quite a bit different ITTL.

    (3) Centralization rarely happens without a hitch, especially in a region full of city-states and petty kingdoms.

    (4) It's inevitable that some people will resent the new arrivals and the changes they bring.

    (5) This was the post Tlacaelel (the guy who kicked the 'human sacrifice' aspect of the Triple Alliance into overdrive) held IOTL.

    (6) Petén was the last Maya kingdom to fall to the Spanish IOTL. It was only conquered in 1697.​
     
    Part 7: Ouro Marinho
  • This chapter was inspired in no small part by a thread posted by @Viriato a few years ago.
    ------------------
    Part 7: Ouro Marinho


    While Spain was busy engorging itself on the vast riches of the Caribbean, another, much smaller country was trying to do the same thousands of kilometers to the north, in the distant coasts of Terra Nova. Though the land itself was harsh, with winters that were exceptionally long and cold by European standards, its waters were (and still are) some of the richest fishing grounds in the entire world, with enormous stocks of seals, whales, seabirds, shellfish and especially cod, the last of whom formed shoals so thick it was supposedly "almost impossible to row a boat through them" according to some accounts. Because of this, fishermen from France, Spain, England and Portugal, all competing for the best places to fish in, became a common sight in Terra Nova's shores from the early 1500s onward (perhaps earlier).

    The Portuguese king, Manuel I, sponsored three exploratory voyages (led by João Fernandes Lavrador and the brothers Gaspar and Miguel Corte-Real, respectively) into the region at the turn of the century in the hopes of cementing his country's presence there and, through it, acquire a new source of revenue that would boost its already formidable economy even further. A permanent base was necessary to accomplish this, and the task of creating said settlement was given to João Álvares Fagundes, a wealthy ship owner and trader from Viana do Castelo, who was given a royal charter awarding him the governorship of all lands he discovered in March 13 1521. After recruiting around fifty families willing to leave their homes and make a new life for themselves in the New World for multiple reasons, he set sail from Aveiro and reached North America sometime in May, briefly stopping in the Azores to rest and stock up extra supplies.
    Gaspar_Corte-Real_at_Labrador.jpg

    The Portuguese fleet approaching its destination.

    The next few days were spent searching for a good place to land, and the expedition made landfall on a spot that possessed a natural harbor so good Fagundes named the settlement "Porto Seguro" (literally "safe harbor" in Portuguese) after its foundation (1). After a few weeks, during which the colonists built houses, established a handful of farms, celebrated the first mass in North America outside of Spanish territory and erected a wooden palisade, Fagundes departed with some of his men to explore the new colony's surroundings. It was during this trip that the Portuguese established formal diplomatic and trade relations with the Mi'kmaq people. He left Terra Nova for good in October, having mapped its southern coast all the way to Cape Bacalhau ("Cape Cod") before doing so. He had good news to report to his king: although fishing operations hadn't started yet due to the need to make sure the colonists' needs were met, they would surely do so next year, as long as they were properly supported by the metropole.

    Unfortunately for him and the colony, said support wouldn't come anytime soon: Lisbon was struck by a plague in December, with king Manuel himself almost dying from it, and, as if that weren't enough, the news of Ferdinand Magellan's success the following year forced the crown to focus its efforts on ensuring Spain didn't grab too many territories in the East Indies, leaving Terra Nova in the backburner for now. In spite of his constant lobbying, Fagundes had no choice but to stay in Portugal until 1523, since setting up a colony was too expensive a task to do without the help of the government, even for someone as wealthy as him (2).

    Needless to say, Porto Seguro's inhabitants were not prepared to be left to their own devices for so long. Winter set in shortly after Fagundes' departure from the colony, much earlier than expected, and temperatures plummeted in a matter of days. Farming was impossible now, and the settlers, who until then believed the weather would be similar to that of their homeland since were just a little bit north of Viana, didn't have enough heavy clothes for everyone, and soon enough people began to die from the cold, disease and starvation, since there was only so much game they could hunt and that itself was an incredibly difficult task to do. Indeed, the situation became so bad it is quite likely the colony would've been abandoned were it not for the assistance of the Mi'kmaq, who offered them food and furs that put the colonists' outfits to shame (3).

    Spring came in March 1522, and by that time the number of settlers was reduced by at least one third. Though they could finally cultivate some crops now, something they did with the utmost haste with varying levels of success, by this time the foreign fishermen who Porto Seguro was supposed to displace got word of the colony's existence. They did their best to sabotage its operations in any way they could, such as stealing fishing boats, depriving the colonists of a valuable source of food in the process, or outright attacking the settlement on one occasion, an assault which was repelled thanks, in no small part, to the help of the Mi'kmaq. Winter came once again, but this time the colonists fared better since they now knew the kind of weather they were dealing with. Even so, however, their population continued to dwindle, and it was clear the settlement would be abandoned if help didn't come soon (4).

    Thankfully, that help did come, in May 1523. Having finally gathered enough resources for a new expedition and convinced to crown to support him a second time, Fagundes returned to Terra Nova almost exactly two years after his first arrival, and this time he came not only with new settlers and supplies (including livestock), but also soldiers and orders from the government to build a fort in a suitable location. Porto Seguro's existence, and that of the Captaincy of Terra Nova, were now assured.
    Halifax.jpg

    A sketch of Porto Seguro in its early days.
    The colony's prosperity grew as the years passed, mostly due to growing value of cod (prices more than quadrupled in the period between 1520 and 1550, and they kept rising afterwards) and the fish's seemingly endless stocks in the Grand Banks. Thousands of settlers poured in from all over Portugal in the hopes of either making money from fishing or getting a few acres of land to farm in, with most people coming from the Azores (which were particularly poor and overpopulated) and often bringing their entire families along with them. This demographic growth inevitably led to the foundation of more settlements in Terra Nova, such as Dom Afonso in 1534 (5) and São João in 1547 (6), and the very gradual diversification of its economy, with activities like farming and especially the fur trade slowly gaining prominence.

    It wouldn't take long for the Portuguese to extend their influence further inland.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) OTL Halifax. Fagundes established the colony on Cape Breton Island IOTL, so I figured the weather would be a little nicer a few kilometers to the south.

    (2) These are the big PODs. IOTL king Manuel died from the plague, and Fagundes also passed away a year later. Manuel's successor, João III, had no interest in sending settlers to North America (Brazil was a much bigger prize, after all), and the colony was so completely forgotten we don't even know its name.

    (3) According to the frustratingly brief
    Wikipedia entry on Fagundes, the Portuguese probably had good relations with the Mi'kmaq IOTL.

    (4) Needless to say, this baptism by fire (or ice, in this case) will leave quite a mark on the Terranovans' psyche, especially the descendants of those first settlers.

    (5) OTL
    Moncton, New Brunswick.

    (6) OTL
    St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador.
     
    Last edited:
    Part 8: Nepantla
  • ------------------
    Part 8: Nepantla

    Great Market of Tlatelolco
    October 1528

    It didn't matter how many times Fernando (1) visited the Mexica capital and (literally) set up shop on its busy northern suburb, he could never get used to the gargantuan crowds that swarmed Tlatelolco's market, all selling and buying an infinite variety of products - fabrics, both simple and exquisite, macaw feathers, jewels, seashells, dyes, tobacco, an assortment of tools, pottery, food, spices - to which he only contributed a microscopic amount. For him, it was sometimes still hard to believe that he was even here in the first place, countless kilometers away from his native Maragatería, whose population, he was sure, was many times smaller than that of this single market. How could it not be, when even Seville, which he saw in very extensive detail before embarking on the long journey to the New World, was at best only equal in size and wealth to the city he was inside of right now?

    Still, although he was now living in a place that could be best described as, well, alien, in spite of how similar it was to its European counterparts (the few he saw, at least), Fernando wasn't a fool: his current life here in America was infinitely better than anything he could've plausibly hoped for back in Europe, and it had the potential of improving even further if he played his cards right. He arrived in this distant continent two years ago as a nobody among many others, and now he belonged to the still small growing number of Spaniards who were allowed to leave Veracruz to do business with the Mexica in their capital, as well as the many cities which stood in the way. It wasn't easy to learn Nahuatl, especially because every damned place he visited somehow had a different accent, but he gritted through it and now had enough of a grasp on it to not need to pay for a translator anymore. And that wasn't the only thing in Fernando that was changing, since it didn't take long for him to realize that the clothes made from the fabrics the locals used were far more comfortable in the sweltering tropical sun than the ones he brought from his homeland. Once they were, ahem, "adapted" for someone like him, of course - he'd never wear a loincloth, obviously.

    He was slowly going native, and to be honest, he found himself caring less and less. Sure, he had heard the incessant sermons of the priests and missionaries, most of whom somehow managed to say the exact same thing over and over again, each time with different words: that these people were pagans who took hundreds or even thousands of innocents to their temples and then ripped their hearts out, and that by trading with - and, therefore, strengthening - them, the Spanish merchants were just as guilty of taking part in these horrific acts as they were. Though Fernando had heard similar tales from other traders, he never saw anything which could confirm them in person, and thus by now believed these stories were just a trick those men used to keep potential rivals from entering this or that city - this was a very lucrative and competitive business, after all. All he had seen in the past two years so far were people - sure, people who spoke a different language and still unaware of the word of God, but people nonetheless. Not the kind of savage barbarians capable of committing this kind of atrocity.

    The marketgoers were gripped by a wave of murmurs, and this drastic departure from the usual cacophony, combined with the some of the words that were said, got Fernando's attention. What was going on? He tried to get a better view of whatever was the source of this commotion, but there were so many people in front of him he could barely see anything of note beyond the top of the great temples a kilometer or so south of where he was. The crowd's anxious whispers were suddenly replaced by a tide of screams and cheers that shook the foreigner's body to his core, so powerful and deafening it was. This went on for several minutes before finally subsiding for a while, and it was during this lull that Fernando heard what sounded like music, no doubt coming from the center of Tenochtitlan. He had heard about how Cuauhtémoc, ruler of the Mexica, had departed the capital several months ago, so perhaps he was finally returning home. No wonder the people were celebrating - if the descriptions he heard about the sovereign of this land were accurate, he was undoubtedly laden with the spoils of a victorious conquest.

    The crowd erupted into cheers once again, their voices sounding even louder than before, and Fernando swore he could feel their euphoria contaminating the very air he breathed, almost intoxicating him in a way. His senses were overwhelmed: all he could hear was the people's incessant shouting and jubilation, all he could see was them jumping, waving their arms and sometimes dancing, and all his skin could feel was the tropical heat getting even worse thanks to all the agitation. His muscles tensed, the temptation of joining the crowd in their display of unbridled joy creeping up his spine with each passing second.

    Until he saw something that made his blood run cold.
    423px-COM_V2_D273_Prisoners_for_sacrifice_were_decorated.png


    ------------------

    Main Palace of Zaachila
    February 1532

    Andrés de Olmos (2) took a deep breath to calm his nerves. He was on a dangerous, clandestine mission, one which didn't befit a holy man like him, and yet that made the young Franciscan priest the perfect courier for the men he was working for. He was sent, along with other missionaries, to the valley of Huaxyacac under the orders of the bishop of Veracruz, Juan de Zumárraga (3), to not only spread the word of God among the inhabitants of Zaachila, but to, if possible, establish friendly relations with the city's king, Cocijopij, who in spite of being Cuauhtémoc's nephew was believed to be chafing under his increasingly oppressive overlord. His task was perilous for two reasons: the first, and the most obvious one by far, was the fact he was basically attempting to foment a rebellion on one of the Triple Alliance's most important provinces. The second was that he was acting without the authorization of either the crown or the governor of Cuba, which meant there was a very high chance he would be treated like a criminal, if caught - and Narváez would do everything in his power to protect his business partners in Tenochtitlan.

    Three years had passed since their arrival, during which they were tremendously successful in their first task, in no small part because they were allowed to preach wherever they wanted. This was a sign that the rumors about the Zapotec leader's disloyalty were right, since he heard from other missionaries working elsewhere that they were often harassed by the local authorities. With this in mind, the holy men requested an audience with Cocijopij, then had a meeting to decide who would best represent them. They chose Olmos unanimously, since he was judged to speak the Zapotec language better than his companions.

    And now he was here, inside Cocijopij's palace, surrounded by guards and aristocrats, while the king, sitting on his throne, stared him down. "Greetings, foreigner." He began. "To what do we owe your visit?"

    "Your Highness," Olmos replied in Zapotec, and bowed. "I am here to personally thank you, for allowing me and my brethren to do our work. We were able to save many souls because of it, all thanks to you." He heard several whispers coming from the men around him, and even saw some smiles through the corners of his eyes. Cocijopij's expression, meanwhile, was mostly unchanged, but he did raise an eyebrow. Clearly, this stranger could be very useful for his own plans.

    "It is the least we can do. Our peoples are allies, are they not?" The king spoke up again. "And besides, you are far more polite than the rest of your countrymen, so it was only fair that we treat you well." He quipped, obviously referring to the European mercenaries who were now an extremely common sight in the lands ruled by the Triple Alliance.

    Olmos chuckled, and felt a weight being lifted off his shoulders. Still, he had a job to do. "Those men are nothing more than vultures. They do not care about who or what they serve, only how much gold they get paid with. They are far from our best."


    "You woundn't happen to belong to that group, would you?" Cocijopij immediately replied with a smirk, the suddenness of the question making his courtiers burst into laughter.

    "Wha-!!!" Olmos gasped, horrified at what he implied. "No, no no no!" He stammered. "Please forgive me, sir, I didn't mean to come off as arrogant."

    "At ease, stranger." The king laid back on his throne. "Do not worry, you are safe here. Now..." He leaned forward, his once joking expression now completely serious. "What are you really here for?"
    ------------------
    While the idea of a perfectly stable, static society being suddenly flipped upside down by a decisive historical event is little more than a fiction - humanity is and always will be in flux, after all - but if there was one place where this fiction came closest to reality, it was the Americas. From the far-off lands of the Kanata people to the equally distant ones under the control of the Sapa Inca, every person, from the grandest noble or priest to the humblest peasant (not at the same time, obviously), realized that the world they lived in was changing forever, and not necessarily for the better. With Mesoamerica being the first non-island region in the continent to be visited by Europeans in large numbers, this phenomenon was not only extensively documented by its (Nahuatl-speaking) inhabitants, but given a name: Nepantla. The word itself already existed in their vocabulary, and meant, in the literal sense, "in-between-ness", a perfect way to describe the state their society and culture were in, and its usage became so ubiquitous in official documents, literary works of multiple types and other cultural manifestations that the period between 1519 and 1597 became known, by future academics, as the Nepantla Period - the era of transition.

    Since the demographic, political and military effects of the exchange (a steep decline in population thanks to new diseases, an impulse towards increased centralization and the adoption of iron weapons and armor, as well as gunpowder) in the Triple Alliance have already been discussed in detail, we shall now turn to two other important subjects left unaddressed, the economy and culture. Though the shock that first came when Cortés and his ill-fated expedition visited the great cities of the empire wore off once they revealed themselves to be terrible house guests, the fact there was another continent far beyond the seas the Mexica knew, and an empire perhaps even grander than the one they had sitting there, was nothing short of horrific for those few who knew the full extent of the truth during the years between Cortés' defeat and Narváez's arrival. Indeed, one letter written by the tlatoani of Texcoco at the time, Cacamatzin, to Moctezuma II despaired over the prospect of a future war with Spain, and urged the recipient to squeeze out every possible secret held by the Lucky Sixty through whatever means necessary (4).
    rota cortés.png

    The trade route between Veracruz and Tenochtitlan.
    This is an edited version of
    this map.

    The establishment of friendly relations following the Treaty of Tlatelolco allowed for deeper ties to be made between the Spaniards and the Mesoamerican peoples. The first tangible consequence of this development was the growth of the cities along the route linking Tenochtitlan to the port of Veracruz (which became known as the Camino del Oro, or Gold Road), since they served as stopping points for the merchants who made the long journey from the coast to the Valley of Anahuac. In spite of this phenomenon being widespread throughout the entire Gold Road, some places, such as Xallapan, Tizatlan and Cholula, benefited from it more than others, be it because they were already important urban centers or because of their strategic location. Cholula's growth was especially dramatic, since much of its population had been massacred by then still independent Tlaxcalans and their Spanish allies on October 18, 1519. Its recovery can be credited to two factors, the first of which was mentioned just now, and the second being the vast investments that came directly from Tenochtitlan's treasury. With its legendary pyramid and dozens of temples dedicated to multiple gods, Cholula was (and still is, of course) one of the most important religious centers in all of Mesoamerica (so much so that many nobles would go there to legitimize their authority) and because of this its reconstruction was one of the central government's top priorities (5).

    But Tenochtitlan's monopoly on trade with Europeans couldn't last forever. Another city, far to the south of it, became an equally tantalizing destination for the Spaniards and their insatiable hunger for precious metals: Zaachila, the dominant urban center of the Zapotec Highlands. Though it was saddled with a substantial Mexica garrison, the fact it was conquered at a relatively recent date (sometime during the reign of Moctezuma - surviving records are unclear) and its dynasty was lucky enough to avoid the worst of the wave of political decapitations brought about by smallpox and other new diseases made Zaachila a force not to be trifled with. As if that weren't enough, its king, Cocijopij, was directly related to the Triple Alliance's royal family - his mother was a daughter of Ahuitzotl, making him Cuauhtémoc's nephew - which only reinforced his legitimacy as a ruler. And so, in spite of his overlord's wary gaze, he began to slowly build up an arsenal with the help of every European who entered his dominion (6).

    Another development that had far-reaching consequences was the gradual adoption of draft animals like oxen, horses and mules. The very idea of using creatures capable of doing the work of dozens of people was completely alien to the Mesoamerican peoples, since they had no such animals to speak of (unlike their counterparts in the Andes, who at least had llamas). Thus, it took a relatively long time for the animals to be employed correctly (with some embarrassing occasions becoming the subject of comedies), but once their new handlers got the hang of it, the result couldn't be described as anything other than an agricultural revolution. The yields of the ever-important Three Sisters (maize, beans and squash, the backbone of North American agriculture), crippled by the death of millions of peasants thanks to repeated outbreaks of smallpox, typhus, measles and other illnesses, suddenly skyrocketed, and, in 1531, records showed a decrease in food prices for the first time in years (7).

    Another area that also went through a change, but was sorely underanalyzed by past researchers until the last few decades, was linguistics. Since the Nahuatl language often had no name for many of the things the newcomers brought with them, its speakers took the words the Spaniards used to describe these novelties and adapted them to their own tongue. Some examples of this phenomenon are words such as pollo, huacax, bala and cauallo, whose very similar or sometimes identical Spanish counterparts (pollo, vaca, bala and caballo) mean chicken, cow, bullet and horse, respectively (8). The schools dedicated to the education of the upper classes also began to gradually adopt the learning of Spanish as part of their lessons, once a large enough corps of bilingual individuals who could serve as teachers was organized.

    Finally, there was one last front in which the Spanish and Mesoamerican cultures interacted in a big way: religion. Missionaries from multiple orders (usually Franciscans or Dominicans) were a constant presence in Spanish expeditions, and they were predictably horrified at not only how widespread the practice of human sacrifice was, but how essential it was for the locals. The priesthood, on the other hand, was just as horrified at the foreigners' protests, since, for them, these sacrifices were what kept the world from being destroyed by the Moon and the stars. A conflict was inevitable under these circumstances, and many surviving documents state that missionaries were often barred from entering certain cities, and if they got in anyway, they were harrassed or even outright expelled by the local authorites on the charge of fomenting insurrection (9). Still, a number of nobles and lords saw the Christian faith with welcoming eyes, since they had no interest in sending their subjects (whose numbers dwindled with each passing year) to be killed in far-off Tenochtitlan if they could avoid it.

    However, relations between the Mexica priests and their European counterparts weren't always hostile, and many interesting discussions were had on the occasions when cooler heads prevailed. Thankfully, some records showing the details of these dialogues survived, revealing two groups that, although very different, were still profoundly fascinated (if puzzled) with one another. For example, a letter written by a priest of Tlaloc stated that "these men don't make any sense. They claim to revere one god alone, only to say in the same breath that said god is somehow also three." Beyond the Holy Trinity, other aspects of the Catholic Church that confused them were the worshipping of saints and their relics (eerily similar, in their view, to their own reverence of statues and other sacred objects the missionaries said were 'idols') as well as the multiple instances of animal sacrifices mentioned in the Bible. The missionaries' answer to the last question, that Jesus sacrificed himself on behalf of all humanity, didn't please their interlocutors either, since it meant the sacrifices they performed for millennia were all for nothing.

    As for the Spaniards, their interest was most piqued by the purported origin story of the Mexica: according to their counterparts, they were a nomadic people who originated in a distant, arid region far to the north who, after many trials and persecutions by stronger peoples, eventually settled in the land that had been promised to them by Huitzilopochtli, the island on which Tenochtitlan was founded. The similarities between this story and the one narrated by the Book of Exodus, in which the Israelites fled from a life of slavery in Egypt and made a new home for themselves in Canaan after an arduous journey, were impossible to ignore (10). To the missionaries, this could mean only one thing: in spite of their mistaken beliefs and barbaric practices, the Mexica and their subjects were people just like themselves, people who already knew some aspects of Christianity despite never having heard of it for their entire lives, until now.

    A realization that made their evangelizing work all the more important.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) An original character.

    (2) IOTL he wrote books on the Nahuatl, Totonac and Huastec languages. Sadly, only the first one survived to the modern day.

    (3) He was the first Bishop of Mexico IOTL.

    (4) IOTL Cacamatzin was killed during the Noche Triste.

    (5) IOTL Cholula was superseded by the nearby city of Puebla, founded by the Spanish in 1531.

    (6) Which explains his attitude in the second vignette.

    (7) Not a big decrease, mind you, but a noticeable one, just enough to make the average person's life slightly easier and affect the ongoing demographic trend.

    (8) I got these words from this online dictionary. Hopefully I got them right...

    (9) A very different scenario from OTL's, of course, and one that will inevitably lead to conflict... once Madrid finds out about it.

    (10) I swear, someone HAD to make that connection IOTL. Seriously!​
     
    Part 9: Meanwhile, in Italy (I)
  • ------------------
    Part 9: Meanwhile, in Italy (I)


    While his westernmost subjects were busy exploring, settling and often plundering an ever-growing part of the New World, back in Spain (and practically half of Europe) king Charles was mired in the latest episode of a struggle that began years before his birth. This struggle, now known as the Italian Wars, pitted Spain and the Holy Roman Empire against the kingdom of France for control of Italy, whose states devolved from being some of the wealthiest in Europe during the 14th and 15th centuries to becoming mere prizes to be fought over by foreign powers by dawn of the 16th century. By the time hostilities broke out once again, in 1521, the French controlled the Duchy of Milan and the Republic of Genoa, and were allied with the Republic of Venice, while their Habsburg opponents ruled the southern half of the peninsula (Naples and Sicily) and were allied with the Papal States, which wished to take over the parts of Milan south of the Po river (Parma and Piacenza).

    While this war was, on the greater scheme of things, merely yet another flare-up of a rivalry that would last for centuries to come, for Charles and his French counterpart, Francis I, it also had a personal aspect: both men ran for the title of Holy Roman Emperor in 1519, and while the former was elected unanimously thanks to his deeper pockets the race was still long and bitter.

    italia 1499.png

    Italy at the dawn of the 16th century.
    By 1521 the northern third of the peninsula was ruled by France and its allies, while the south was controlled by the Habsburgs.

    The war got off to a promising start for the Habsburgs, with a combined Imperial-Papal army commanded by the veteran condottiero Prospero Colonna invading Lombardy in November 1521 and forcing the outnumbered forces of the French governor, Odet de Foix, Viscount of Lautrec, to retreat without a single battle. They were aided in this endeavor by the local populace, who rose up in revolt against the hated French occupiers and their taxes, so that by early 1522 nearly all of the duchy's territory was under Habsburg control, save for the Castello Sforzesco in Milan itself, where the city's French garrison fled to after the rest of it fell. Still, they too would be forced to capitulate if help didn't come soon, and with Colonna's army receiving fresh reinforcements from Germany under the command of Francesco Sforza (whose dynasty ruled the duchy before its conquest by France in 1499), this became an increasingly likely possibility.

    Of course, Lautrec had no intention of allowing this to happen. Having retreated in mostly good order despite the success of the Imperial offensive, his once meagre ranks were swelled by a powerful force of 16.000 Swiss pikemen and additional reinforcements from Venice, so that his army may have numbered as many as 30.000 men (though most estimates put its size as somewhere ranging from 20 to 25.000 troops) by the time it left winter quarters. However, Lautrec was unwilling to go on the attack, since Colonna's soldiers spent the winter months erecting formidable defenses in Milan and its outskirts, which meant that a direct assault would be either very costly at best or disastrous at worst. Thus, he attempted to lure the Imperials out of their stronghold, first by attacking the cities of Pavia and Novara, and, once that plan failed to achieve its objective, by cutting their lines of communication. Unfortunately, his Swiss mercenaries, who had not yet received any of the money they were promised after their entry into Lombardy, had other ideas: they demanded an immediate attack, otherwise they would return to their cantons. Forced to choose between fighting a battle on a field chosen by his opponent and losing the bulk of his infantry, Lautrec chose the first option.

    The two armies met at Bicocca, a manor park protected on three sides by a marsh to the west, a deep ditch to the east that could only be crossed by a single bridge, and a sunken road to the north, directly in front of the only path the French army could take. This position, already very defensible, was turned into a true fortress by the Imperial soldiers, who built a rampart south of the road (effectively making it even deeper) and several redoubts housing their cannons. Behind the rampart were four rows of arquebusiers, ready to greet their attackers with a shower of lead, and behind them were blocks of battle-hardened pikemen and landsknechts, led by Georg von Frundsberg. A frontal assault was suicide, and yet that was exactly what Lautrec had to do. But in spite of the daunting task ahead of him and his army, the French commander had one crucial advantage: artillery. Not only did he have more cannons than the enemy, but the skill of his country's gunners was famous in all of Europe, and it was on them that he put his hopes.

    The Battle of Bicocca began on the dawn of April 27. Two columns of Swiss pikemen, led by Anne de Montmorency, marched toward the entrenched Imperials and stopped just outside the range of the enemy artillery, while their own guns were put in place (1). Said guns unleashed a merciless bombardment as soon as they were ready, and Colonna could do little more than watch as more and more of his heavy cannons were knocked out of commission by the French barrage, the only consolation being that they couldn't hit all of his troops from their current position, only the forwardmost ones. By the time the Swiss were at last ordered to attack, the response to their advance was far less ferocious than it could have been, thanks to the losses their enemies suffered. Even so, the battle was just beginning: once the pikemen reached the sunken road, they were greeted by a hail of bullets fired by the surviving Habsburg arquebusiers, one they couldn't respond to properly since their pikes were shorter than the combined depth of the road and the height of the rampart right behind it. Still, despite their growing casualties, a number of them reached the top of the rampart, where they locked swords and pikes with the enemy landsknechts.
    576px-Battle_of_Bicocca_%28diagram%29.png

    The opening moves of the Battle of Bicocca.

    While the Swiss slowly ground their way through the Imperial fortifications, paying for every inch of ground they gained with a liter of blood, a small detachment of cavalry led by Thomas de Foix-Lescun attempted to cross the bridge south of the park and attack the Imperials from the rear. He succeeded at first, fighting his way to the enemy camp, before nearly being surrounded by a combined assault from two cavalry forces led by Antonio de Leyva, who struck out from the main Imperial position, and Sforza, who attempted to block the bridge, respectively. However, he managed to retreat back to the rest of the army, after which Lautrec sent him additional horsemen to prepare for a new attack. They would be joined in this endeavor by Montmorency and the Swiss, who despite being finally pushed back from the sunken road and suffering at least 2.000 casualties were still confident of victory (2).

    The Imperial camp, on the other hand, was fiercely divided. The commander of the few surviving arquebusiers, Fernando d'Ávalos, Marquess of Pescara, called for a sortie to be made before the French recovered and unleashed a second bombardment, one that would be followed by an assault which would be far more likely to storm their position than the first one. Colonna, meanwhile, argued that such a move would be disastrous because the bulk of the enemy army - especially its artillery and cavalry - was still intact. Pescara's fears were ultimately proven correct, since the French cannons, now in much closer range than before thanks to the neutralization their Habsburg counterparts in the previous attack, let loose once more in the afternoon, their shots choking Bicocca's defenders in dust, gunpowder and blood. The park, once a fortress, was now a tomb: all that was left was to do was deliver the coup de grâce.

    Lautrec left this task to the Swiss, who swarmed the rampart and held the landsknechts back long enough for a contingent of Venetian soldiers led by Francesco Maria della Rovere, duke of Urbino, to come to their aid. As the struggle for the main line of Imperial defenses devolved into a slogging match even more brutal than the one which took place in the morning, Lescun made a beeline for the bridge at the head of a cavalry force much larger than the one he led earlier, scattering his opposition and making it clear he wouldn't be caught on the back foot this time. Upon seeing that the only avenue of escape the Imperial army had was about to be cut off, Pescara immediately demanded that Colonna order a general retreat before they were all surrounded and annihilated. Since such a move would effectively lose him all of his hard won gains in the previous campaign - the French were far from the only people who had trouble finding money to pay for their mercenaries - the veteran condottiero decided against it and chose to give Lautrec as bloody a nose as possible. In his defense, by this point there was nothing he could do - the Imperial army would melt away sooner or later.

    But Pescara had no intention of becoming a casualty, especially not in a battle he was sure would've had a different result had his advice been heeded. And so, while most of his peers were either killed or taken prisoner, he and a handful of soldiers slipped away in the mayhem, returning to Milan and reporting what had happened at Bicocca to the small Imperial contingent that was left behind to keep the pressure on the Castello Sforzesco. The flags of Lautrec's victorious army appeared on the horizon the next day, by which time the ducal capital was bereft of any Habsburg troops. Months worth of losses were reversed in a single day, in a battle whose winner didn't even want to fight in the first place. Though the Swiss returned to their homes in the Alps within a few weeks anyway, Lautrec was able to reassert French authority over Lombardy by mid-May, and could already imagine the promotions ahead of him and his lieutenants, especially Montmorency. Della Rovere wouldn't be there to see it, sadly, since he was grievously wounded during the final moments of the battle and died afterwards (3). The initiative was now in Paris' hands, and king Francis was determined to oversee his dynasty's final victory in this war in person.

    Naturally, the mood in Madrid (and Brussels and Vienna) couldn't be more different. Though Charles' empire was powerful, certainly more than capable to stomach a single defeat, the reality was that it was a giant with feet of clay, one who was already under great strain thanks to the Protestant Reformation and the sheer enormity of the task that was administrating such a gigantic entity. Tens of thousands of ducats worth of men, weapons and armor were spent assembling the army lost at Bicocca, a precious sum of money which went down the drain for nothing (4). As if that weren't enough, he lost some of his most capable generals - Colonna was killed, Leyva and Frundsberg were taken prisoner, and Sforza only escaped the same fate because he played dead. Pescara was, seemingly, still a valuable asset at first, but he quickly fell from grace after an enraged Sforza blew the whistle on how he abandoned his post during the final moments of the battle. Charles could not reward "cowardice", no matter how hard the Neapolitan argued that Colonna ignored his desperate attempts to turn the situation around before it was too late.

    Long story short, the Habsburg cause in Italy was in a bad spot by the end of 1522. Little did Charles know it was about to get much worse - thanks not to the French, but to an ally who was about to reveal where his loyalties truly lay.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) IOTL the Swiss refused to obey Lautrec's orders to stay put, and instead charged straight into the entrenched Imperial army before the French artillery had any chance to soften it up. Because of this, they were predictably slaughtered.

    (2) IOTL the Swiss refused to fight after the failure of their initial assault. Since TTL's equivalent of it is much less costly and they get a bit further into the Habsburg fortifications, they're willing to attack a second time.

    (3) Della Rovere died in 1538 IOTL, by which time his eldest surviving son Guidobaldo was 24 years old. Here he's just eight years of age, which will bring about some... let's just say interesting effects on Urbino. I'll do my best to avoid bloating this TL. My current plans regarding Europe are to write something about the Italian Wars (this update and the one after it), then France, Scandinavia and maaaaybe Russia if I really feel like it. Don't worry, these European "detours" will only be sprinkles on the top of an American (the continent) cake.

    (4) Despite the many victories he scored against practically all of his enemies (Francis I, Suleiman the Magnificent, the dude who led the Schmalkaldic League, etc), Charles was plagued by financial problems throughout his entire reign. That was with all the wealth plundered from the colonies, by the way, a lot of which will stay there ITTL for obvious reasons.​
     
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    Part 10: Meanwhile, in Italy (II)
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    Part 10: Meanwhile, in Italy (II)


    Few historical figures have as complicated a legacy as Giulio de' Medici, best known to us today as Pope Clement VII. During his lifetime and the first few years following his death, he was deemed a villain no different from the infamous Alexander VI, a corrupt pontiff who was more interested in playing worldly politics and enriching his family instead of tackling the various issues that allowed the Protestant Reformation to spread to practically every European country north of the Alps other than France. Then, as Italy was slowly unified in the 18th century, he began to be portrayed as a patriot and a brilliant, far-sighted statesman, one who laid the foundations over which the new kingdom was eventually built. Unsurprisingly, most of the historians who wrote the works that reframed his image from failed pope to "Grandfather of the Fatherland" were financed by the Italian state, whose monarchs just so happen to belong to the same dynasty as him (1).
    clemente vii.jpg

    Clement VII.

    The events surrounding Clement's election as pope, which happened in May 1522, were a reflection of the blow the Habsburg cause had suffered after their calamitous defeat at Bicocca, since his main opponent in the race, Adrian of Utrecht, was a close confidant of Charles V (2). Though this was an obvious sign of what was to come, the real split between pope and emperor was still many months away, and they remained allies for the moment - indeed, the former's predecessor, Leo X (another Medici), was one of the main instigators of the war, giving the Imperial side not only soldiers but also thousands of florins to finance their advance into Lombardy. But, as stated before, the winds shifted quite dramatically since then: France's control over Milan, Savoy and Genoa was stronger than ever now, as was its alliance with Venice, while the Habsburgs had just lost a massive army and couldn't muster a new one just yet thanks to their chronic financial problems (3). The stage, it seemed, was set for a French invasion of Naples, which possessed no means of defense other than its own garrison.

    But it was not to be. Instead, an uneasy peace settled on the Italian Peninsula, one that would last almost a whole year. Paris had to get its own treasury in order too, after all, and they also had to make preparations to deal with the threat of a potential attack from England, since its king, Henry VIII, signed a secret treaty with Charles that called for a joint invasion of northern France by Imperial and English armies. While no English troops marched from Calais because it became clear their advance would not be supported the way they were promised, the mere possibility of something happening on that front forced Francis I to avert his attention from Italy for the time being (4). As if that weren't enough, the French ruler also had to deal with the betrayal of the Duke of Bourbon, Charles III, who defected to the Imperial side after a judicial dispute that ended with the confiscation of most of his lands in order to pay for the war effort.

    Clement took advantage of the lull to engage in his own treachery. Starting in June 1522, barely a month after his election, he exchanged correspondence with Francis, promising his army safe passage over Papal territories (a must for any offensive against Naples) as long as he helped Florence conquer its eternal rival, Siena, a gambit which would strengthen the Medici family's position in Italy to a great extent if it succeeded. The French king replied by assembling a gargantuan army of roughly 40.000 men, led by him in person, who began their march from Lombardy in March 1523. Unfortunately for him and his new allies in Florence and Rome, things began to derail right from the get go, since the army, cumbered by its own size and the difficult terrain it had to cross, marched at a snail's pace, and supplying it wasn't an easy task either, with many soldiers plundering the Tuscan countryside as a result (5). It didn't take long for the Sienese to get word of what was happening, so that once the French came within sight of their capital, on May 19, Siena's already formidable fortifications were even more impressive than usual.

    It was because of these preparations that the French, in spite of being reinforced by contingents from Florence and the Papal States, were unable to take the city in a single stroke. Though completely surrounded and without any hope of relief (the Imperials were busy strengthening their own defenses in Naples), the Sienese people resisted ferociously, forcing the invaders to settle in for a long siege. For almost three months they threw back attempt after attempt to storm their city, every failed assault costing the besiegers lives, money and, most importantly, time (6). In the end, however, Siena's heroic resistance was ultimately futile - their enemies had too many men and cannons to be kept at bay forever, and a large breach was opened near the Porta Camollia on June 11. French and Florentine soldiers poured through immediately after, and the Sienese, weakened by hunger and nonstop fighting, were unable to stop them, and surredendered the following day. From now on, the flag of the House of Medici would flutter over Siena's walls (7).
    800px-Giorgio_Vasari_-_The_storming_of_the_fortress_near_Porta_Camollia_in_Siena_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg

    The last gasp of Sienese independence.
    Francis upheld his end of the bargain with Clement at a terrible cost: nearly a full quarter of his men were either dead, wounded or incapacitated by disease, and it would take weeks of rest for the remainder to be able to march at an acceptable pace. Money was not an issue for now, fortunately, thanks to the generous financial reward he received from the Medici for vanquishing one of their republic's most powerful enemies, so desertions were kept at a minimum. The French army got back up to speed in late June, and, as slowly as ever, reached the border between the Papal States and Naples in early September. Then everything went to hell.

    Not only did the Neapolitan viceroy, Charles de Lannoy, have plenty of time to reinforce the kingdom's fortresses with new soldiers and supplies, he could also count on an extremely powerful ally: the peasantry. Naples was briefly conquered by France twice in the past (in 1495 and 1501), and the memory of those invasions was still so fresh in the minds of the population that they were extremely recepite to the viceroy's orders for them to burn their crops and granaries in order to keep even a single grain of wheat from falling into the hands of the invaders. It didn't take long for Lannoy's scorched earth policy to bear fruit, as Francis was forced to slow down even more so as to not outrun his supply train, which, to make matters worse, became the target of repeated hit-and-run attacks made by local peasants and brigands. By the time the French finally reached Gaeta, in late September, their army had dwindled to some 27.000 men, as they detached garrisons to protect their supply line. A fleet of Genoese galleys led by the veteran admiral Andrea Doria blockaded the coast, allowing the siege to begin.

    Gaeta soon proved itself to be a much more difficult place to capture than Siena was. The city, a coveted military target since the days of the Byzantine Empire, was protected by one of the strongest castles in all of Europe, one that received many upgrades since it was first built in the 13th century, and its garrison stocked up several months' worth of food, water and ammunition. As if that weren't daunting enough, it was also situated on the tip of a peninsula, giving anyone who dared to try to take it only one possible route of attack. However, this also meant the French could concentrate all of their artillery to fire on a single spot, and they had many, many guns. Francis himself didn't take part in the siege much, leaving most of the planning in the hands of the hero of Bicocca, the Viscount of Lautrec. The general's plan for taking Gaeta was fairly simple, much like the one that let him vanquish Prospero Colonna's and his army more than a year before: a long bombardment, followed by an assault. But the castle's walls were sturdy, as was the will of its defenders - no large breaches were seen in spite of days and eventually weeks of shelling, the few noticeable ones being either too small to exploit or quickly patched up by the garrison.
    Castelo de Gaeta.jpg

    A section of Gaeta's fortifications.

    By the end of October it became clear that the besiegers' strategy wasn't leading them anywhere, and they were in fact in a worse position than their enemies were, despite their control of both land and sea. Lautrec called upon Pedro Navarro, one of Renaissance Europe's foremost military engineers, to come up with a solution, and he proposed the use of subterranean gunpowder charges to collapse a portion Gaeta's walls, a strategy the Ottomans used to great effect in their capture of Rhodes. French sappers worked for weeks on end, slowly digging their way toward the castle, while the Imperial soldiers sent out multiple sorties to stop them, but failed. Then, on November 7, a huge explosion shook the fortress to its very foundations, an entire section of its wall falling apart seconds later. Thousands of French soldiers poured through the breach soon after, and the battle that ensued lasted no less than five hours before they were driven back with heavy casualties. A second assault was made hours later, and though they got further into the Imperial defenses than before, they were still defeated by an enemy counterattack.

    Lautrec was in big trouble now. He was low on both able men and ammunition, Francis was becoming increasingly displeased with his inability to take Gaeta, and worst of all, a Habsburg army commanded by Lannoy, numbering some 23.000 soldiers, was on its way to relieve the fortress' beleaguered defenders. He made one final attempt to capture the castle on November 26, which was a failure just like the ones before it, after which he was relieved of duty by his king. He argued, before his dismissal, for a retreat back to Papal territory, citing the danger of being pinned between the Imperial army and Gaeta, but Francis had none of it and crossed swords with Lannoy near the town of Formia on December 8, 1523.

    The Battle of Formia was one of the worst defeats suffered by France in the Italian Wars. The exhausted French army, comprised mostly of Swiss pikemen and heavy cavalry, was torn apart by the well-drilled Imperial arquebusiers, and even their usually fearsome artillery was useless because not only did they not have enough time to position it properly, they had very little gunpowder left. Indeed, Francis himself was almost captured in the melee, and the only reason Lannoy didn't pursue his shattered force all the way to Rome to seize him and punish Clement, who Charles V now referred to as "that villain pope" in his letters (8), was the onset of winter, which made crossing the Appenines a fool's errand. But even if he couldn't bring his master a very unusual Christmas gift in the form of an imprisoned king, the viceroy had plenty of reason to celebrate - Naples was saved, and, if everything went right, there was a chance Milan could be taken next year.

    But there was one Imperial commander who was very unhappy with the battle's aftermath: the disgraced Marquess of Pescara, Fernando d'Ávalos. Grasping at every chance to redeem himself after the disaster at Bicocca, he was, like in that fateful clash, given command of a detachment of arquebusiers, but in spite of the bravery he showed at Formia, proven by how he was wounded in action, Lannoy got all the credit for the victory while his own contribution was ignored. Infuriated by this latest, undeserved slight, Ávalos returned to his estates in Pescara, writing a complaint about the way he was treated by his superior to the emperor. Before he received a reply from Vienna, however, he was approached by an agent of Clement VII, who promised to make him king of an independent Naples, one that was neither Habsburg nor French, if he betrayed his master. Though the details of his correspondence with the pope were sadly lost to the passage of time, it is known that he hesitated for some time before he received a letter from Charles which made it clear he was aware of his general's now-not-so-secret talks with Rome. Knowing he would likely be arrested if stayed in Imperial territory much longer, Ávalos fled, reaching his final destination, Milan, sometime in February 1524 and openly pledging himself to Francis' service (9).
    337px-Portret_van_Fernando_Francesco_d%27Avalos%2C_markies_van_Pescara_Atrium_Heroicum_%28serietitel%29%2C_RP-P-1908-5348.jpg

    Fernando d'Ávalos, Marquess of Pescara and king of Naples.
    The French king was unaware of Clement's latest plot, and when he learned about it he was supposedly "unsure if he should've laughed or roared" at this blatant attempt to double cross him - the Neapolitan crown was a rightful possession of the House of Valois, he said. But deep down he knew directly ruling southern Italy from far-off Paris was extremely hard, if not impossible, to do, and Ávalos, a noble who was born in Naples itself and was married to a scioness of one of Rome's ruling families (the great poet Vittoria Colonna), would make a perfect proxy, far more acceptable to the locals than he or one of his sons. Besides, Francis was still bitter about Bourbon's defection to Charles, and helping Pescara gave him a perfect chance to return the favor (10). And so the army he had been gathering over the winter, a force which numbered around 28.000 troops once it reached full strength, fell under the rogue noble's command, though he did have plenty of French subordinates to keep him in line. They left Milan in March 1524 and marched at a much faster pace than the previous year, thanks to the army's smaller size and the lack of major obstacles - such as Siena - on the road to Naples this time.

    Lannoy, meanwhile, was busy trying to bring Clement to heel. His army attacked Rome as soon as campaign season began, easily brushing aside the Swiss Guard and the pitiful militia the local authorities hurriedly organized to defend their home, and laid siege to the Castle of St. Angelo, where the pope and his entourage took refuge as the rest of the city fell. But then the general had to face with the bane of every Renaissance army: lack of funds. In a strange repeat of the events that led to the Battle of Bicocca, the Imperial soldiers complained that they had not yet received any of the pay they were promised ever since they took up arms several months before, except these men were occupying one of the richest cities in all of Italy, with several instances of looting being reported - indeed, it was only Lannoy's personal charisma, and that of Bourbon, that kept them from burning Rome to the ground (11). But their discipline suffered nevertheless, and at a critical time too.

    Ávalos entered Latium in early May, and it didn't take long for his superior-turned-enemy to get word of it and, after much cajoling with his men, sally forth from the walls of the Eternal City to cross swords with him near the town of Bracciano in May 16, 1524. The army he led was a completely different beast from the one Lannoy trounced at Formia - it was well-rested, had many more firearms at its disposal than before and, last but not least, was commanded by a man who knew how its Habsburg counterpart worked from the inside out. Still, the Battle of Bracciano was a very close affair, with the Imperial landsknechts almost breaking the French infantry line before Pescara deployed his reserves - had they done so, they may well have carried the day. But they didn't.

    In terms of casualties on both sides, and their percentage, Bracciano wasn't a particularly crushing victory. It wasn't an Agnadello, Cerignola, Marignano or Bicocca, but then again, it didn't have to be. In that time period, when armies which were often underpaid melted away after suffering a metaphorical scratch, a simple victory was enough. And that was exactly what happened to Lannoy's force - his soldiers packed their things and went home. The path to Naples was completely open now: by early July the French were at the gates of Gaeta, which was in no shape to resist them like it did the year before, and took it with little difficulty. Then came Naples itself, and with Andrea Doria's galleys patrolling the waters of the bay named after it, the city's defenders knew there was little hope of relief. So they surrendered on July 22, 1524, and as a reward were spared the bloody fate that would've awaited them had a siege taken place. Within a few more weeks the Habsburgs no longer controlled any territories in mainland Italy. Nor would they ever, at least not in a permanent basis, but they didn't know that yet.

    Charles was, to put it mildly, enraged by this catastrophe, but there was nothing he could do about it - in fact, there was a good chance the French and their Genoese allies could also take Sicily if he kept fighting. So he sued for peace and sent out a delegation to negotiate a peace treaty, one whose terms were all but sure to be a complete humiliation for him.

    This treaty, the Peace of Toulouse, stipulated, among other things:
    1. That the Holy Roman Empire would recognize the Duchy of Milan as a rightful possession of the king of France;​
    2. That the Republic of Siena and the Duchy of Urbino (effectively leaderless ever since the premature death of Francesco Maria della Rovere at Bicocca, and taken over by a Papal-Florentine alliance with little resistance) would be ruled by the Republic of Florence;​
    3. That Fernando d'Ávalos would be recognized by all parties as the king of Naples, the first to rule it directly in more than twenty years;​
    4. That the king of France had the right to station troops in the Duchy of Savoy, the marquisates of Saluzzo and Montferrat, the County of Asti and the Republic of Genoa;​
    5. That the islands of Sicily and Sardinia would continue to belong to the House of Habsburg.​
    Peace returned to Italy, but the parties involved knew it wouldn't take long before the spectre of war reared its ugly head once more - such was the norm in modern Europe. As for king-emperor Charles and especially his younger brother Ferdinand, they found themselves agreeing with Martin Luther's ideas far more often than before, thanks in no small part to the scheming done by Clement VII. One can argue he was the true winner of the war, seeing as how he rid himself of a massive threat to his south and turned his beloved Florence into the center of a state which stretched from the shores of the Adriatic to the Tyrrhenian Sea. A consolation prize, another could retort, compared to the death of the Catholic Church in Germany (12).

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) A very different reputation from OTL's, where he's seen as an incorruptible, enlightened pope (he accepted heliocentrism and sponsored many artists, for example) who nevertheless failed in every single one of his plans and got Rome sacked because of it.

    (2) IOTL Leo X died rather suddenly in December 1521 and, in spite of Clement's early status as a frontrunner, was succeeded by Adrian VI. Here he dies a few months later, which means the conclave happens under a context much less favourable to the Habsburgs ITTL.

    (3) This is a completely different environment from OTL's, where the French were kicked out of Italy and Venice signed a separate peace with the Habsburgs.

    (4) IOTL an English army led by the Duke of Suffolk invaded northern France in September 1523, plundered the countryside and got within striking distance of Paris before it withdrew. They don't do that ITTL because France's position is much stronger here.

    (5) Mercenary armies always had a tendency to do that back then, anyway.

    (6) IOTL Siena resisted for over a year before surrendering to the Florentines in the siege that ended their independence (January 1554 - April 1555), so I think three months is a plausible amount of time for them to hold on ITTL.

    (7) More than three decades earlier than IOTL. They did try to conquer it with Papal support in 1526, but failed miserably.

    (8) This is OTL, which isn't really surprising considering how Clement plotted against Charles until the Sack of Rome in 1526.

    (9) A similar conspiracy happened after the Battle of Pavia IOTL, but Ávalos rejected it.

    (10) I admit I'm using some handwavium here, but then again Francis was a bit of a character. This is the guy who got himself captured at Pavia because he led a cavalry charge right in front of his artillery, after all.

    (11) The mercenaries who sacked Rome IOTL hadn't been paid for three years. Their situation isn't as bad ITTL, which means the Eternal City doesn't lose four-fifths of its population after the Imperial army takes it.

    (12) No, Charles won't convert to Lutheranism ITTL, but he'll have much less of a reason to suppress its spread in the HRE if he doesn't have the Papacy under his control.
     
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    Part 11: Empire of Hummingbirds
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    Part 11: Empire of Hummingbirds

    Purépecha-Mexica border
    September 8, 1521

    Not for the first time, Cristóbal de Olid found himself wondering if he made the right choice in fleeing from his captors in Tenochtitlan. How many months had passed since that fateful night, the night he snuck out of his luxurious prison and slipped away from the men Moctezuma assigned to guard him under the cover of darkness (1)? Though he didn't bother counting anymore, he still couldn't forget the similarities between his course of action and what the tlatoani did even longer ago, back when Hernán Cortés, whom the conquistador-turned-fugitive served as his quartermaster, seemed to be almost literally at the top of the world. There was only one difference, of course: Moctezuma returned to his place as ruler and was hailed by his subjects, Olid had been living in the Mesoamerican wilderness for so long he was barely distinguishable from a wild animal at this point, driven only by the instinct to survive. Which, in the end, involved finding someone - anyone - who could protect him, not only from the elements but also the Mexica.

    Assuming they didn't think he was already dead, an assumption that inched ever closer to reality with each passing day. Though Olid managed to live on a diet of native plants and animals (mostly insects) so far, he still lost a great deal of weight in the last few months, while his clothes were reduced to a collection of rags which barely covered his unmentionables. The only thing he was sure of was that was traveling westward, following the sunset, and that was enough. For the Spaniard, during his time as a prisoner, had learned of a mighty empire lying just beyond the Triple Alliance's western border, one which delivered them great defeats in the past, and he'd be damned if he died before he could offer them his services. He was more than ready to submit himself to whatever conditions they could choose to put him under - though he doubted they could come up with something worse than being forced to live in this environment all alone - so long as they gave him a chance to have his revenge.

    As it would turn out, however, they'd find him first. And they had many, many questions to ask.

    ------------------

    The history of the Purépecha and the empire they built is, in many ways, a singular case in Mesoamerica. Their language, for example, is unrelated to those which belong to the Oto-Manguean and Uto-Aztecan families, spoken by neighboring peoples like the Matlatzinca and the Nahuas, respectively, in spite of hundreds if not thousands of years of intermingling. Because of this, some researchers instead try to establish a connection between Purépecha and languages spoken in the Andes, using archeological findings, like pottery and knives, similar to those fabricated by the Moche and even the Quechua, as evidence of contact between these peoples in spite of the great distances separating them from one another. But that wasn't the only similarity between the people who laid the foundations of an empire on the fertile volcanic soils surrounding Lake Pátzcuaro and those who, almost simultaneously, did the same on the one of the highest mountain ranges in the world.

    First, their metallurgy was without equal in Mesoamerica. While other peoples, including the Mexica, worked only with copper and precious metals by the time the Spanish arrived in force in the 1520s, the Purépecha were able to create bronze, which they used to manufacture various objects, practical and ceremonial alike, and even some weapons - though these were few and far between, with obsidian weapons dominating their military thanks to the sheer abundance of it. Secondly, their political system was far more centralized than that of their neighbors, with an organized bureaucracy centered in the capital of Tzintzuntzan (home to at least 30.000 souls, not counting the hundreds of surrounding villages, before smallpox reared its ugly head) and provincial governors who were directly appointed by the irecha (king) and delivered a steady stream of taxes every year. This was nothing like the confederations which dominated the rest of Mesoamerica, in which the various altepeme retained a great deal of autonomy as well as their native dynasties, as long as they fulfilled their tributary obligations (2).

    It was in no small part due to these peculiarities the that the Purépecha state not only maintained its independence when the Triple Alliance (then led by Axayacatl, father of Moctezuma II) first waged war upon it in the 1470s, but delivered them a defeat which humiliated the tlatoani so thoroughly he died of grief at the age of 31. Decades of conflict ensued, the Purépecha fortifying most of their eastern border to protect the core of their territory from Mexica incursions, but the cost of maintaining these defensive works took its toll on the empire: its attempt to subdue the kingdoms of Xalisco and Colima, located to the northwest and southwest of it respectively, failed, halting its territorial expansion for decades. Still, having a (relatively) cohesive, compact state did have its advantages, which became especially clear once Europeans started to set foot on Mesoamerican soil in large numbers, bringing their knowledge and, most importantly, their diseases along with them.

    imperio purepecha.PNG

    The Purépecha Empire at the very beginning of the Nepantla Period (1520).

    Smallpox cleaved its way through the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani (the empire's official name, which translates to "Kingdom of Tzintzuntzan" (3)) in 1520 like a hot knife through butter, claiming tens (if not hundreds) of thousands of lives as it lumbered its way to the north and west. Much like in the other kingdoms it struck, the diesase didn't discriminate by class, with one of its victims being the then current irecha, Zuangua, who held the post since 1486. Fortunately for the empire, Zuangua had a clear successor in the form of his son, Tangaxuan (or Tangáxoan) II, saving it from the horrors of a civil war at a critical time. Though trade along the eastern border, already a trickle thanks to repeated Mexica raids, was practically halted, stories about men clad in shining armor that made them almost invincible and who carried weapons which breathed fire and sounded like thunder still slithered their way into Tangaxuan's inner circle in Tzintzuntzan.

    The court (or what was left of it, at least) didn't believe these tales at first since they had more urgent matters to deal with - matters like enforcing a proper quarantine and not dying in the process. This was another task in which their unusually centralized political system helped, since it allowed the government to receive information on what provinces had to be closed off to stop or slow down smallpox's advance more effectively, and which ones could be kept open to prevent a famine from taking place. Everything changed, however, when a small group of warriors patrolling the outskirts of Taximaroa (a city at the very edge of the Iréchikwa's eastern border) in search of bandits instead encountered the dishelved, filthy, emaciated and just barely living body of Cristóbal de Olid in September 8 1521. Barely hanging on to sanity, he, according to official records, kept babbling in Nahuatl and "a tongue we never heard of" (almost certainly Spanish) about how he was once on the edge of eternal glory, only for the Mexica to take everything he had away and slaughter his comrades. The commander of the local garrison supposedly almost killed him out of both annoyance and mercy, but settled for making him a prisoner instead.


    Months later, after being nursed back to (physical) health by his saviors-turned-captors, Olid was taken to Tzintzuntzan and brought before Tangaxuan and the court, who demanded him to tell everything he knew and if he was responsible for the plague ravaging the Iréchikwa in any way. The Spaniard, much more eloquent and presentable than before, repeated the exact same story he told the men who found him in Taximaroa with the best Nahuatl he could muster, only for the Purépecha nobles, priests, generals and bureaucrats to laugh at his face - how could they possibly believe that a thousand or so foreigners could make the mighty Moctezuma II a prisoner? And even if they did, how could they have let him slip through their fingers and turn the tables on them so easily? Refusing to entertain this tale even a second longer than he had to, Tangaxuan signaled for his guards to arrest Olid to interrogate him more thoroughly later.

    More than two years passed after that fateful meeting, two years in which the Purépecha, with great effort, put their house back in order: the first (and worst) outbreak of smallpox finally subsided, giving them a chance to lick their wounds and look beyond their borders for the first time in years. The information collected by the government's agents in the west was most appetizing, since their words, if accurate, meant that Colima and Xalisco were mere shadows of their former selves, weakened to an irreversible degree by disease and infighting - ripe targets for conquest. The reports about European weapons and armor - coinciding with Narváez's arrival and the events that led to the Treaty of Tlatelolco - also became more frequent, accurate and ominous, but Tangaxuan paid no attention to them and mustered his army to conquer his western neighbors, subduing them with little difficulty (4). Had the Triple Alliance struck at that moment, in 1524, the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani would've folded like a wet paper towel.

    But they didn't, and that would cost them very, very dearly, for the Purépecha received a warning they could not ignore.
    Naufragio-Santa-Maria.jpg

    The shipwreck that changed Purépecha history.
    On November 7, 1526, a Spanish ship belonging to Ferdinand Magellan's second expedition, the same that asserted Madrid's control over the Carolines and the Moluccas (and made contact with the Tawantinsuyu before all that (5)), was separated from the rest of its fleet by a storm and wrecked near the mouth of the Atoyac River (6). Those of the crew who survived, some 40 men in total, were found and promptly pounced upon by a detachment of Purépecha troops, but although they were eventually captured they still killed or wounded dozens of their opponents before finally laying down their arms and surrendering. Their vessel was stripped of what remained of its cargo, which among other things included gunpowder, firearms, swords and steel armor and trade goods like various fabrics, sugar and a small amount of gold and silver from the Andes. The Spaniards were then taken to Tzintzuntzan to be interrogated, and the information they possessed confirmed shook the Purépecha court to its core: every single word of Cristóbal de Olid's testimony was true, and it was only a matter of time before the Triple Alliance unleashed its new weapons upon them.

    Though the exact circumstances of what happened are still a mystery (and extremely romanticized), what is known is that Olid was freed from his house arrest and quickly became one of Tangaxuan II's closest advisors. He had no problem sharing everything he knew, from how to ride a horse to wielding a sword to wearing a suit of armor, as well as how to counter the weapons and tactics the Mexica now possessed. Though it took some time, many of the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani's famous blacksmiths gradually specialized themselves in smelting bronze exclusively, bronze with which they crafted an ever growing number of swords, spears, shields and armor. Their fortresses, meanwhile, were reinforced with ramparts and ditches that would make a frontal assault much more difficult, and their garrisons regularly practiced how to sally forth from them in the dead of night. While Cuauhtémoc entangled himself with the Maya in the distant jungles of Chiapan and Guatemala, the Purépecha prepared for war.

    And Cristóbal de Olid would have his revenge, no matter the cost.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) For those who may not remember, Olid's escape is briefly mentioned in Part 4.

    (2) And didn't rebel against their overlords.

    (3) Fun fact, Tzintzuntzan means "place of hummingbirds" in the Purépecha language. Which is why I gave this chapter the name it has.

    (4) This is why the Purépecha Empire looks the way it does in the map I made.

    (5) That will be addressed in a future chapter, I promise.

    (6) OTL's Balsas River, which makes up much of the border of the Mexican states of Guerrero and Michoacán.
     
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    Part 12: Shakeup
  • ------------------
    Part 12: Shakeup


    For eleven long years, the fortunes of Spanish America were closely tied with those of Pánfilo de Narváez, the man who went from being an obscure conquistador who was one slightly more accurate pike thrust away from becoming a historical footnote (1) to becoming governor of his king's wealthiest colony, which would grow wealthier still. Much like the island he ruled, Narváez's lifestyle changed dramatically: although records about his life prior to his ill-fated entanglement with Hernán Cortés and the Treaty of Tlatelolco are sparse at best (something that speaks volumes in of itself), his rise to prominence was accompanied by a newfound taste for the tropical and European luxuries which befitted a Spanish aristocrat who lived in the New World. Historians and (a handful of surviving) official records alike put great emphasis on how he ditched the uncomfortable, hot steel armor of a soldier for infinitely finer clothes woven from fabrics which came from either the Triple Alliance or his distant homeland, while his properties grew in both size and number, with dozens or perhaps even hundreds of heads of cattle and enslaved people working in each one of them.

    And his influence extended far beyond Cuba's shores. At the height of his power, during the late 1520s and early 1530s, Narváez ruled a "parallel empire" of sorts, one whose tendrils extended themselves all over the Caribbean, the Gulf of Mexico and even the southern parts of the Eastern Seaboard. One of the least blatant examples of this overreach of the attributions given to him by Madrid, far less scandalous than his very profitable friendship with the Mexica, were the circumstances surrounding the conquest of what would eventually become the Captaincy General of Florida. Said colony's first settlement, San Miguel de Gualdape, was founded on August 9, 1526 by Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón, a lawyer and landowner from Hispaniola, and ran into problems even before the settlers made landfall: their largest ship, which contained most of the future colonists' supplies, almost sank after hitting a sandbar, and on September they were struck by an outbreak of dysentery (2). The next month, Ayllón wrote a message to Santo Domingo asking for extra supplies the onset of winter, but his letter was - somehow - intercepted by Narváez's men, who delivered it to his headquarters in Santiago de Cuba.

    The governor, sparing no expenses in courting what could be a valuable new ally, outfitted three ships filled to the brim with several months' worth of food and water, as well as 60 soldiers to protect Gualdape from any outside threats, be they hostile natives or pirates. His gambit worked: not only did Ayllón (who either didn't know or that care his call for help wasn't answered by its intended receivers) send a letter thanking him for his support after the convoy delivered its cargo to Gualdape, saving it from what could've been a brutal winter, but he officially announced the settlement would be under Cuba's jurisdiction - not unlike Veracruz, Spain's other foothold in North America. Gualdape's population grew at a remarkably quick pace in the next few years, reaching over a thousand inhabitants (out of an initial group of 600 settlers) in 1531, thanks to a combination of local births and new arrivals who sought to escape the increasingly overcrowded Antilles (3). Soon the young colony's inhabitants began to look further afield for new land to cultivate in, increasing contact between them and the nearby Native Americans. Sadly and predictably, this spelled the beginning of the latter's doom.
    tierra de ayllon.jpg

    One of the first known maps of colonial Florida, shown here as "Tierra de Ayllón (Land of Ayllón)".

    The natives' experiences with Europeans preceded the founding of Gualdape by many years, and since said experiences came in the form of slave raids, they had no reason to expect anything better from these newcomers, who, no longer content with kidnapping their people, were now stealing lands which belonged to them for generations. Skirmishes ensued, and though they didn't always end in the invaders' favor, the steady stream of fresh colonists ensured the struggle could have only one result. But that wasn't what sealed the fate of Gualdape's original inhabitants (whose name was lost to history), or of the dozens of different peoples who inhabited the vast tracts of land which stretch from the Atlantic Ocean to the banks of the Mississippi. No, what truly did them in, in the long run, were the rumors that there were gold deposits just waiting to be found somewhere deep within their territory, something the Spanish conquistadors were very partial to.

    It didn't take long for these stories to reach Narváez's ears, and he was most interested in getting his hands on a pile of precious metals without any strings attached. Thus, he most of 1531 and the early months of 1532 contacting potential recruits for a trek into the heart of Southeastern Woodlands, and gathering the supplies necessary for them to succeed in the endeavor they were meant to achieve. The expedition borned from these investments, a force of 720 men led by Francisco Pizarro and Hernando de Soto, two veterans who served the Triple Alliance for years and took part in Cuauhtémoc's campaign in southern Mesoamerica, departed Gualdape in June 1532. In spite of some initial difficulties caused by the unfamiliar terrain, the Spaniards generally kept a steady march to the west, engaging in the kind of acts expected from conquistadors, Portuguese bandeirantes or French pèlerins (4): alliances with some native groups and horrific atrocities against many others, atrocities that were amply documented by those who witnessed them.

    After more than two years, during which they burned countless villages and towns in their relentless search for the gold they so craved, the conquistadors returned to Gualdape in November 1534, laden with all sorts of plunder, including at least 2.000 enslaved people (who would likely spend the rest of their lives toiling nonstop in sugar plantations) and, most importantly, several gold nuggets extracted from the area that would soon be baptized as Río de Oro (River of Gold (5)). Pizarro and de Soto were given a hero's welcome as a result, with several honors being laid upon them in Cuba and, eventually, Spain. Thousands of settlers from Europe and the Caribbean islands would flood the area in the next few decades, securing Spanish control over a vast swath of North America and opening up even more land for future settlement in the coming centuries.
    mabila.png

    The Spanish attack Mabila, one of the several towns that resisted them.
    The modern city of San Francisco de Mabila was founded over its ruins (6).

    But Narváez wouldn't reap the benefits of this development, because his ruthless pursuit of self-advancement finally caught up with him. He stepped on many, many toes during his governorship: fellow planters envied his enormous fortune, other politicians (including Ayllón) resented his influence in affairs which should've been dealt by them alone, Spanish traders were angered by his tolerance of Mesoamerican merchants (a group that became increasingly common in Cuba's ports as the years went by economic ties between the island and the Mexica deepened (6)), and the clergy was absolutely furious at the blind eye he turned at the Triple Alliance's practice of human sacrifice and, worse than that, the way he subtly collaborated with them in hampering the missionaries' efforts in converting the people who lived in the tlatoani's vast dominions. It was this last group who finally brought him down, for they had a powerful ally in Madrid, one who had direct access to the king's ear: Bartolomé de las Casas.

    Narváez and Las Casas had a long history together: both men participated in the conquest of Cuba in 1513, the former as a soldier and the latter as a chaplain, but while Narváez established himself as an encomendero (landowner) and continue with his career choice, Las Casas, who until that campaign owned an encomienda in Hispaniola, was horrified by the massacres he saw and returned to Spain (but not before supposedly telling the conquistador he and his men would go to hell), where he entered the Dominican Order and became one of Charles I's most trusted advisors. After Narváez's appointment as governor of Cuba, Las Casas spent years working with the many figures he began to alienate during the administration, slowly piling up the evidence necessary to convince his sovereign to dismiss him. The atrocities in Florida, the Cuban authorities' attempt to cover up as many of them as possible and the chance of the gold there ending up in Narváez's hands gave his adversaries the critical mass they needed to formally ask the king to replace him, which they did in September 1535. The document Las Casas wrote in support of their case, titled Relato de las atrocidades en Florida y otros hechos espurios ("Report on the atrocities in Florida and other spurious deeds" (7)), one of his less famous surviving works, accused Narváez of treason (because of his close and well-known links to the Mexica), apostasy (for turning a blind eye to his allies' human sacrifices) and corruption (for enriching himself far beyond what his gubernatorial salary allowed).
    bartolomé de las casas.jpg

    Bartolomé de las Casas, Protector of the Indians, bishop of Santiago de Cuba and (arguably) an early defender of human rights (8).
    To his credit, Narváez didn't attempt to resist, but instead handed his post to Blasco Núñez Vela (the man Charles appointed to replace him (9)) without incident and retired to Jamaica, where he spent his last years and died in 1538. Vela, a bold, honest but also hot-tempered individual, organized an inquiry on his predecessor's activities as soon as he took office, and demanded all Mexica traders in Havana and Santiago to convert to Catholicism or face expulsion. These drastic actions, though really made under orders from Madrid itself, endeared him to the Cuban clergy and business community, who were glad to finally have a governor who defended their interests. Finally, he began to slowly recruit an army that would be willing and capable of marching straight into the heart of Mesoamerica if it ever became necessary, in the name of God, King and Gold.

    It didn't take long for word of the Spaniards' sudden change of attitude to reach Tenochtitlan.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) Narváez was hit in the eye by a pike during his battle with Cortés IOTL and ITTL.

    (2) That ship sank IOTL, taking most of the colonists' supplies with it. They later relocated to somewhere in modern Georgia, but were decimated by dysentery, cold weather and infighting after Ayllón himself died. Only 150 people made it back to Hispaniola.

    (3) Many of the islands' colonists moved to Peru and New Spain after those places were conquered, and given their perpetual hunger for land, gold and slaves, I don't think it's implausible for this migration to happen ITTL in a smaller scale, once a lasting foothold is established in the American continent.

    (4) The French word for pilgrims. We'll take a look at how they're doing in the next chapter.

    (5) You can see its location in the map I made showing Spanish America.

    (6) Ditto.

    (7) A fictional work, written because of butterflies caused by the POD.

    (8) All OTL, except the bit about Santiago de Cuba - he served in Chiapas IOTL.

    (9) IOTL he was Peru's first viceroy, and got killed by the conquistadors for trying to enforce the New Laws there. No good deed goes unpunished and all that.
     
    Part 13: Atlantic Hijinks
  • ------------------
    Part 13: Atlantic Hijinks

    Port of Marseille
    September 1532

    Marseille had always been a busy place. Since its foundation by a group of ancient Greek colonists from western Anatolia, more than two thousand years ago, its shores were visited by ships of countless nationalities, no matter who ruled it: Greeks, Romans, Visigoths, Franks, Arabs (briefly), the counts of Provence, you name it. Now it was governed by the kingdom of France, and reaching a new level of prosperity following Francis I's great victory in the latest round of the Italian Wars by becoming a naval base of critical importance, one which linked Paris to its new conquests and allies in Italy. The inevitable result of this development was that Marseille's port had become busier than ever, with hundreds of vessels entering and departing it every day, carrying a patchwork of commercial and military goods with the purpose to sate their intended receivers' demand for this or that product.

    But there was, in that one day in late September that was perfectly normal for the thousands of people who lived and worked in Marseille, a single ship, hidden in the forest of masts that covered the harbor. Though this vessel, the Pélerine (Pilgrim, in French), was an ordinary-looking carrack on the outside, the cargo her crew worked so hard to conceal from France's enemies betrayed the true nature of her mission - more than just a pilgrim, she was a thief too. At least in the eyes of the people who tried, and failed, to stop her in her long journey.
    ------------------

    It's hard to overstate just how important the aftermath of the Peace of Toulouse was to the evolution of France's political, economic, religious and military characteristics in the tumultuous course of the 16th century. The accession of Charles V to the thrones of Spain and Germany (in 1516 and 1519 respectively) was an eventuality that could've brought about disastrous effects for the House of Valois: two of Europe's strongest countries were united under a single monarch, forming a superstate whose territories surrounded France in almost every direction, from the Netherlands to the Pyrenees. Not only did the result of the Italian War of 1521-1524 widen an already existing breach in this encirclement by consolidating French control over Milan and other lands in Padania, but the restoration of Neapolitan independence under Fernando d'Ávalos' and his new House of Pescara crippled communications between the two halves of the Habsburg empire to a serious degree, making any coordinated actions against Paris in a future conflict much more difficult than before.

    With his position in Europe safe for the moment, Francis I was free to focus his energy and capital on something which was becoming more and more coveted by kings like him as time went by: a lasting foothold in the Americas. At this point everyone and their mother knew of Triple Alliance's existence, and wild stories of lost cities and kingdoms of unimaginable wealth laying just beyond reach became a constant in European thought, impelling countless ambitious men into sailing towards the unknown, and many more into sponsoring their voyages.

    Bertrand d'Ornesan, an admiral as well as Baron of Saint-Blancard, was a prime example of the latter. Following the footsteps of Jean Ango, a wealthy merchant from Dieppe who funded the expeditions of Giovanni da Verrazzano and challenged Spain and Portugal's control of the Atlantic Ocean, receiving a letter of marque authorizing him to attack the latter's ships, he intended to shift France's activities in the Americas from intermittent smuggling and privateering to colonizing, which would ensure a permanent flow of goods from the New World to ports such as Saint-Malo, Bordeaux and Marseille. His target of choice was Brazil, a vast, mostly unexplored stretch of land in the South Atlantic that, despite supposedly being under Portuguese control due to the Treaty of Tordesillas, had no real Lusitanian presence other than some fortified trading posts (feitorias) scattered throughout the coast. Because of this, French ships became a common sight almost immediately after Pedro Álvares Cabral landed in 1500, "stealing" large quantities of brazilwood and other tropical products right under Lisbon's nose.
    Derrubada_do_Pau_Brasil.jpg

    Brazilian natives felling brazilwood trees.
    To accomplish this task, Ornesan outfitted one of his vessels, the Pélerine, with a crew of 120 men, 18 cannons, ammunition, goods to trade with the various peoples who lived in the Brazilian coast and the necessary materials to build a fort. The expedition, captained by Jean Duperet, left Normandy in December 1531, reaching the island of Itamaracá ("singing stone", in Tupi), on the coast of what is now Pernambuco, in March the next year. They were promptly attacked by the garrison of a nearby feitoria, comprised of six Portuguese men and several native allies, who were quickly defeating and forced to build a new fort, one over which the fleur-de-lis would fly over, rather than the Portuguese shield. This fortification, which the crew named Fort Saint-Blancard after their sponsor (1), became the Pélerine's stopping point for three months, while her men traded with the local natives and stuffed her with as much cargo as they could. When they finally chose to return to Europe, in June 1532, her cargo hold was laden with 300 tons of brazilwood, 1.8 tons of cotton, 3.000 jaguar skins, 600 parrots (many fluent in French) and various spices and medicinal oils, a haul worth an astonishing 62.000 ducats.

    By the time Duperet and his men left for Marseille (leaving behind 70 men to garrison their fort), however, the Portuguese got word of what had happened to their ill-fated feitoria and mobilized a response. A fleet led by Pero Lopes de Sousa destroyed Fort Saint-Blancard after a fight that lasted more than two weeks, hanging several of its defenders in the aftermath, while ships scoured the Atlantic under orders to find and seize the Pélerine before she returned to France. They almost succeeded in this endeavor in early September, when Duperet stopped at Málaga to rest and gather supplies for the final stretch of the journey and only barely avoided capture at the hands of a Portuguese squadron in the process (2). Still, he landed on French soil safely, much to his relief and the joy of Francis I and Ornesan, who, dazzled with the profitability of his endeavor, made preparations for a second, much larger voyage.


    Duperet stayed in his homeland for less than a year before being put in charge of this new expedition, a fleet of seven ships and 600 men (sailors and colonists alike) under orders to reinforce Fort Saint-Blancard (they were not yet aware of its destruction), clear the coast of as many Portuguese outposts as it could and found a permanent settlement. The armada departed in February 1533, reaching Itamaracá in May and finally learning of their countrymen's unfortunate fate, which they avenged by destroying the Portuguese base in Igarassu (on the mainland) a second time. With this accomplished, they searched for a place where they could establish the colony they were assigned to create - Itamaracá was decent, but perhaps there could be someplace better - eventually finding a spot near the mouth of the Capibaribe River ("capybara river" in Tupi) that provided easy access to the sea and the interior (3). It was there, on July 3 1533, that Saint-Thomas, birthplace of France Équinoxiale, was founded.
    frança equinocial.png

    A painting celebrating the first mass in Saint-Thomas.
    No longer incumbered by the colonists under his care, Duperet sailed down the Brazilian coast all the way to the River Plate, seizing several Portuguese ships and capturing or razing every feitoria in his path. Lisbon's slim but hard-earned presence in South America was obliterated in a single stroke, and despite the pleas of Pero Lopes and his younger brother, Martim Afonso de Sousa (4), the French offensive went unanswered, either militarily or diplomatically. The Portuguese Empire, which possessed territories in four continents and two oceans, was stretched to its limits: though the revenues they earned from the cod trade in Terra Nova grew every year, they weren't yet large enough to make up for the loss of their monopoly over Indian spices, ruined by Ferdinand Magellan's expedition to the Moluccas. To make matters worse, king John III sought to broker a marriage between his sister, the fabulously rich Maria of Viseu, and his French counterpart's heir, also named Francis, forging an alliance which would make Spain think twice before attacking its smaller neighbor (5).

    Brazil would remain a French possession, and the displaced Lusitanians had no choice but to set up shop elsewhere.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) I didn't find an OTL name for this short-lived fort, so I made one up.

    (2) IOTL the Pélerine was captured and her cargo confiscated, making Ornesan's attempt to create a Brazilian colony a complete failure.

    (3) Pretty much where Recife is located IOTL.

    (4) Who IOTL founded the first Portuguese settlement in Brazil, São Vicente.

    (5) This plan was ruined by Dauphin Francis' sudden death at the age of 18. His health is a bit stronger here, since his three years' imprisonment in Madrid (caused by the aftermath of the Battle of Pavia) is butterflied away.
     
    Part 14: Mexica Standoff
  • ------------------
    Part 14: Mexica Standoff


    The Triple Alliance's first reaction to Blasco Núñez Vela's actions in Cuba was, tellingly enough, one of bewilderment, not outrage. Twelve years had passed since the signing of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, and the state of affairs it generated created an idea among the Mexica upper class (one backed by more than a decade of economic development) that their Spanish partners could be trusted to bring the products they needed (especially modern weapons and sugar) for the right price indefinitely, while any difficulties caused by "troublesome elements" (missionaries) could be smoothed over with huge bribes of precious metals and other things the Europeans wanted. The slow speed with which information traveled at the time didn't help either - distortion, and with it wild rumors, were common. Thus, Cuauhtémoc saw no reason take the situation seriously from the outset, doing nothing except dispatch a group of envoys to Santiago to assess the situation in an accurate way and figure out what was the Cuban governor's price, in case the situation was as bad as the stories said.

    It was worse.

    The atmosphere the diplomats were greeted with upon entering the Cuban capital, from ordinary and prominent people alike, was one that could be best described as polite hostility, a hostility that was much more overt to Santiago's small (but until then prosperous) Nahua community: many had their shops and houses trashed by furious Spaniards in the riots that followed Núñez Vela's accession, and more still were packing up what they had, in the hopes of returning to Mesoamerica before things became even worse. When the envoys complained of this state of affairs to the governor, he and his men replied that they were under direct orders from Madrid to protect Spanish merchants from any competition; when they tried to bribe them, as was so common during Narváez's tenure, Núñez Vela flew into a rage (1). In the end, the team was forced to leave Cuba within a day, under threat of arrest, while Vela sent a report detailing what they attempted to do to king Charles I (and V). The envoys did the same, as is to be expected, and their words reached their overlord first - the distance from Cuba to Tenochtitlan was considerably smaller than that of the former to Madrid, after all.
    Nuñez_Vela1.jpg

    Blasco Núñez Vela.

    Cuauhtémoc was, predictably, furious. By 1536 he was master of nearly all of Mesoamerica, from the distant forests of Guatemala in the south to the arid borderlands of the Chichimecas and the Purépecha Empire to the north and west - and he intended to conquer the latter for good, a feat that, if successful, would seal Tenochtitlan's dominance over what is now central Anahuac and rid it of its last remaining rival. To accomplish this, he and the rest of the Mexica government spent most of the winter laboriously mustering an army that may have numbered as many as 120.000 men, a terrifying force made up mostly of battle-hardened veterans from the tlatoani's previous campaigns. But the events in Cuba derailed everything: Núñez Vela's treatment of his diplomats, to say nothing of what was happening to the Mesoamericans who lived in Cuba, was an unforgivable slight. And so, the mighty army was sent not against Michoacán, but Veracruz, reaching its outskirts in the middle of spring, sometime in April. Siege trenches were dug, artillery put in strategic positions, and all roads leading to the city blocked. No direct assault was made, however.

    Instead, the tlatoani sought to punish the Spaniards in a way that (hopefully) wouldn't alienate them permanently - though the Triple Alliance's craftsmen knew how to make crossbows and pikes by this point, their grasp on steelmaking still left much to be desired, as did their attempts to replicate gunpowder, since its ingredients were a closely guarded state secret. Thus, he ordered the arrest of thousands of Spanish merchants and missionaries on various charges, from lesser crimes to outright sedition and spying, an obvious imitation of what was happening in Cuba. He also forbade all trade between the Triple Alliance and the Spanish colonies until Madrid issued an apology for Núñez Vela's actions, hoping to strangle them economically without the human, financial and diplomatic costs of an open war, while the army on Veracruz's doorstep would serve as a sword of Damocles.

    But economic warfare was a double edged sword, as those who lived under Mexica authority soon found out. The twin blows that were the cessation of commerce and blockade of Veracruz were felt in cities such as Cholula, Xallapan and Tenochtitlan itself almost immediately, the feverish activity which characterized them since long before the Nepantla Period grinding to a near halt. All these places had sizable numbers of Spanish traders at this point, and their absence was sorely felt - as were their products. While the prices of critical foodstuffs stayed in a normal level (lessening the burden on the poor), the value of imported goods, sugar especially, skyrocketed, much to the elite's dismay. The export sector also suffered, since Cuba and other Spanish colonies in the Caribbean had become an important market for cotton, precious metals, fabrics and spices grown or manufactured in Mesoamerica.

    It didn't take long for smuggling to spread. The border between Spain and the Triple Alliance was much longer than it had been when the Treaty of Tlatelolco first came into effect, with both empires expanding into Central America and creating a new route through which trade could flow, even if at much smaller volumes than the main artery (Tenochtitlan to Veracruz and vice versa). Local notables and rulers in the south, Zaachila's Cocijopij chief among them, disobeyed the blockade in various degrees, and even those who were until then stalwart allies of the central government had no choice but to disregard its command as well, lest the communities they ruled turn on them. The Spanish mercenary captains were another group deeply affected by the confrontation, since many of them had families on the other side and were thus seen with suspicious eyes by their superiors. Even those who were fully settled and spoke more Nahuatl than Spanish in their daily lives were distrusted to a certain degree, in no small part due to friction between them and their equals among the Mexica, since they, among other things, had no qualms about killing their enemies in battle - a great offense in a military who sought to capture live prisoners for sacrifice, and even shaped its promotions around it (2).
    Codex_Mendoza_folio_64r.jpg

    A codex depicting various ranks in the old Mexica military, each depending on how many prisoners the warrior captured during his career.
    As time went by and the crisis continued, the empire fell under a growing amount of stress. Prominent aristocrats were displeased by the disruption in the flow of European luxury goods, governors reported discontent among various social classes as those who made fortunes trading with the Caribbean floundered one by one and took other sectors of the economy along with them. Some in the army, tired of the standoff, called for an all out-attack against Veracruz, arguing that holding the port hostage would be better than merely threatening it, but their requests were denied: not only would it cost a great deal of gunpowder (always in short supply) to reduce its formidable fortifications, but the Triple Alliance's lack of an oceangoing navy allowed the Spanish to reinforce the city's garrison by sea without any difficulty.

    But they weren't the only ones suffering, far from it. Cuba's position as an entrepot, carefully sponsored and improved during Narváez's long administration, was the bedrock of its prosperity, with goods from both Europe and the Americas traveling through its ports. Though Magellan's contact with the Tawantinsuyu in 1526 gave the island and its fellow colonies in the Antilles an alternate market for their products, their economy was still joined at the hip to Mesoamerica's, since its shores (and thus its markets) were much more accessible than those of the Andes, whose denizens and rulers in general were still skeptical of the Europeans and their motives. Núñez Vela, whose actions had caused the crisis in the first place, was pressured by people from within and outside Cuba, such as the governors of Santo Domingo and Jamaica, to open negotiations before Madrid got involved. He finally relented in June, sending an embassy to Tenochtitlan that, after weeks of talks, reopened commercial and diplomatic relations without the embarrassment that an official apology would be, since the Mexica were willing to drop that demand by this point.

    It seemed as if Cuauhtémoc had won yet again, and this time without firing a single shot - at least officially. But the (mostly) friendly cooperation that existed between Spain and the Triple Alliance during the early phase of the Nepantla Period ceased to exist, never to return, and he would learn that the hard way after he redirected his attention back to the Purépecha.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) IOTL Núñez Vela straight up murdered a conquistador after a discussion (kickstarting the crisis that led to his death), so this I'd say this behavior is in character for him.

    (2) This is OTL,
    here's a video about it.
     
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    Part 15: Snow, Spices and Silver
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    Part 15: Snow, Spices and Silver

    Palace of Quispiguanca
    September 19, 1526

    Of all the places with unusual or bombastic names, the Sacred Valley was among those who deserve it the most. An island of (relative) warmth and fertile soil located in the heart of one of the world's tallest mountain ranges, it served as a home to countless peoples who came and went with the passage of millennia. Now it was under the control of the Tawantinsuyu, whose sovereigns, powerful in a degree unknown to the rest of the Americas, made it the breadbasket of their capital, Cusco, a city home to at least 100.000 souls located just a few dozen kilometers away. But it seemed not even Cusco's proximity and influence could alter the valley's idyllic character, reinforced by the presence of several country estates scattered all over it, each built under the order of Incas who wanted to take a break from the nonstop hubhub of the city whose name meant "the navel of the world" in Quechua.

    But that was all a façade. The wheels of the world kept turning, no matter what the current son of Inti, an exhausted man who looked much older than he actually was - a sign of how much the past few years wore him down - wanted. For a chasqui (runner) hurriedly entered his estate in the middle of the day, carrying news that would upend the empire forever: a group of white men, clad in armor made of metal, made landfall in the outskirts of Pachacamac, carried by a fleet of ships larger than any the Andes had seen until then. While the strangers themselves weren't much of a shock, their sudden appearance on the gateway to the central Andes was - until that day, the only proof of their existence were murky rumors from beyond the northern frontier.

    Something had to be done, and now.
    -----------------

    Among the regions that spawned great civilizations (the "cradles", so to speak) the Andes stuck out like a sore thumb in a very literal way. While the terrain of its counterparts in, say, Egypt and Mesoamerica was dominated by floodplains or plateaus respectively, the Andes were the second highest mountain chain in the world, second only to the Himalayas. The Tawantinsuyu of the 16th century were, in a way, the logical endpoint to the countless civilizations which came before them, from the Moche to the Wari and Tiwanaku: an almost unimaginably powerful empire that brought most of the mountains these peoples once called home under its dominion, and kept an iron grip over them with an efficient bureaucracy, military and communications, all without wheels, mortar or even a written alphabet - though the quipu was a worthy substitute for the latter in the pre-Columbian era.

    The Sapa Inca at the beginning of contact with the Spanish, Huayna Capac, inherited a strong foundation from his father, Topa Inca Yupanqui (who, in turn, inherited it from Pachacuti), and brought it to the pinnacle of its strength, consolidating a state that, by the 1520s, stretched from Quito in the north to the Maule River in the south, a patchwork of different ethnicities living under its authority. But managing such a colossus was an arduous task, even at the best of times: many of the subject peoples still had memories of a time when they were independent, a consequence of the Tawantinsuyu's rapid expansion from the central Andes to most of the west coast of South America in a few decades. The sheer amount of normal work involved was also daunting, with reports concerning the affairs of areas thousands of kilometers away pouring into Cusco every day.
    inca map.jpg

    A map of the Tawantinsuyu's territory in the 1520s.

    And then word of a strange, alarming phenomenon began to spread from the north, beyond the empire's most distant territories: white-skinned men who wore armor stronger than anything known to the Andean peoples, wielded weapons which breathed fire and sounded like thunder, and rode monstrous beasts larger than any llama. Worst of all, however, were the sicknesses they brought with them - one covered the skin of those who were infected in pustules and made them bleed from their noses and mouths, leaving the few who survived with scarred faces (smallpox), another caused nonstop coughing and fever (influenza), a third one still a rash and red eyes (measles), and so on. The final stage was almost always the same, no matter the malady: days of agony, followed by death.

    The urgent need to stem the diesases' advance with any means within reach (the Tawantinsuyu were, to their credit, far better equipped to deal with it than their Mesoamerican counterparts, and their mountainous territory made it easier to impose a quarantine) put the administrative apparatus under even greater strain than before, and it didn't take long for it to start to buckle. A disturbance of some kind - whether it was a revolt, an incursion by foreign peoples or even a war of conquest is unknown to this day - was reported north of Quito sometime in 1524, and it was severe enough for its crackdown to require the Sapa Inca's personal oversight. Though Huayna Capac took every possible step to isolate himself during the campaign, blisters began to appear on his skin during his stay in Quito. His condition declined dramatically within a few days, and for most of his entourage it seemed clear he was about to follow his eldest son, Ninan Cuyochi, into the afterlife.

    But he didn't. The old monarch was lucky, and the empire he governed even more so - with the most obvious successor dead, the Sapa Inca's enormous progeny (it is believed he had at least fifty sons) would likely have torn the country apart in their inevitable struggle for the throne (1). Scarred and exhausted, Huayna Capac spent the years which followed gradually withdrawing from state affairs (leaving those under the care of a new heir, Huáscar) and spending more time in his estate in Quispiguanca. It was during one of these "vacations" that he learned of Ferdinand Magellan's landing in Pachacamac, in September 1526. Panic gave way to relief once it became clear the European and his men were merely passing visitors rather than conquerors, and so the son of Inti traveled to meet them at the head of a procession which numbered in the thousands, each attendant and guard more richly dressed than the other.
    inca procession.jpg

    Huayna Capac and his entourage.

    The talks between Huayna Capac and Magellan were brief when compared to the lengthy negotiations that led to the Treaty of Tlatelolco, but its consequences were just as far-reaching. Though the latter's writings make it clear his main target never ceased to be the East Indies, he made sure to spread the word of the riches within reach of the merchants of Panama City, turning the young settlement into one of the Spanish Empire's most important seaports within a few years. For the Tawantinsuyu, the steady establishment of permanent communities of European traders in ports like Pachacamac and Tumbes (and eventually further inland) gave them a chance to extract more and more knowledge from these new arrivals.

    Unlike Cuauhtémoc much further north, Huayna Capac wouldn't see the transformations brought about by the exchange of goods and technologies reach their completion, for he died in 1528 at the ripe old age of sixty. That task was left to the 25 year old Huáscar, who would have to balance traditions passed down for millennia on end with the painful reality that things would never be the same.

    Whether he would succeed or not was a different story.
    -----------------

    For Ferdinand Magellan, his discovery of the Tawantinsuyu (brought about by the chance sighting of a group of native fishing vessels) was both a blessing and an annoyance. His real target in that stage of his second voyage to the East Indies was Panama City, where the expedition he led (made up of 13 vessels, compared to the first one's 5) would stock up supplies before setting off for the Carolines and eventually the Spice Islands. Thus, while his stay in Pachacamac confirmed the fabulous riches of the land known as Peru, along with the existence of an empire comparable to China, it also delayed his true objective at a time he had to reach Cebu as soon as possible - as far as he knew, Humabon could've been replaced with someone less pliable to Spanish interests while he was away. He was, as a result, forced to leave before formal diplomations could be established between Cusco and Madrid.

    The jubilance with which Panama received him more than made up for the lost time, however, and the expedition went on its journey without any issue, the sole exception being the loss of a single ship near the mouth of the Atoyac River, in the western coast of Mesoamerica, because of a storm (2). After a two month long crossing of the Pacific, during which they discovered Hawaii (3), the Europeans reached Cebu in January 1527. They established a fort nearby in a matter of weeks, a sign they wouldn't leave so soon, and opened talks with Tupas, Humabon's successor as raja, who confirmed his kingdom's formal submission to Spain. This marked the birth of the Spanish East Indies, a vast, de facto independent colony whose territories would eventually stretch from Taiwan to northern Borneo and the Moluccas. Cebu's aristocrats would prosper like never before in the coming decades, as their city evolved from a small kingdom to the capital of a vast informal empire.

    The first governor of this new colony, Magellan would never return to Europe, dying in office in 1542. His main achievement during his tenure, other than the establishment of a convoy system that delivered spices, porcelain, ivory, jade, amber and other products to Europe every year, was the conquest of the newly established Maguindanao Sultanate in the early 1530s (4). Had it been allowed to grow, it could've become a serious threat to Spain's perpetually loose control of the Carolines, or at least an ally to one of Madrid's many enemies.


    It didn't take long for Spanish merchants - and soldiers - to become an increasingly common sight in the busy seaports scattered throughout Southeast Asia, China and Japan.
    1920px-Nanban-Screens-by-Kano-Naizen-c1600.png

    A Spanish ship landing in Nagasaki.

    -----------------
    Notes:

    (1) Which is exactly what happened after he died IOTL.

    (2) That's the ship whose crew was captured by the Purépecha.

    (3) It's genuinely amazing that the Spanish didn't find or, if they did, try to settle Hawaii IOTL, considering it was right in the middle of the Manila - Acapulco route.

    (4) Founded in the 1510s, Maguindanao was a huge headache to Spanish colonial authorities once they established themselves in the Philippines IOTL. Since they show up in force four decades earlier ITTL, they manage to destroy it before it consolidates.
     
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    Part 16: Dusk
  • ------------------
    Part 16: Dusk


    With the Spanish impasse was finally take care of, Cuauhtémoc was free to order his 120.000 men to march in the direction of the Triple Alliance's eastern borders once more, so that they could at last launch their long overdue campaign against the Purépecha. The tlatoani spent three vital months (including all of spring) blockading Veracruz, and though the steady adoption of pack animals by the military eased the logistical burden of supplying such a gargantuan army significantly, moving so many warriors from one end of the empire to the other was still a difficult task, especially in the Mesoamerican summer's sweltering temperatures, violent tropical storms and hurricanes. As a result it wasn't until late July that the Mexica were ready to launch the invasion, but despite these hurdles morale was still high: most of the troops were veterans of the great campaign their sovereign embarked upon back in 1528, and they remembered how their enemies scattered before their unstoppable advance.

    The first target of the offensive was Taximaroa, a frontier outpost that prospered as an area where Mexica and Purépecha merchants could trade under strict control. It was also the site where the Triple Alliance's first attempt to conquer the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani was crushingly defeated (1), so its capture would be a significant ego boost for an army which already considered itself to be the best to exist in its corner of the world. On July 28 1536, the Mexica army surrounded Taximaroa and attacked its defenses from all sides, overrunning the hopelessly outnumbered garrison in a few hours. It seemed like yet another victory, but the officers who got into the thick of the action sent ominous reports to their superiors: some of the Purépecha warriors were clad in armor and shields distressingly similar to their own, the main difference being that theirs was made of bronze instead of steel. They were dismissed as a curiosity.

    With Taximaroa secured, it was decided by Cuauhtémoc and his commanders to divide the army so as to put less strain on their logistics. While a force of 30.000 men and 12 cannons, led by Matlatzincatzin (2), would be sent north with orders to take the fortress of Acámbaro (map for reference) and thus secore the invaders' northern flank, the remaining 90.000 would march in the direction of Tzintzuntzan itself, in the hopes of either taking the Purépecha capital or drawing them into a decisive battle, where they would be crushed by their superior technology and firepower. Little did they know they were playing right into their enemy's hands: Tangaxuan had been receiving reports of Mexica troops massing in large numbers on his empire's eastern borders since early in the year, and when the Triple Alliance got stuck in its unexpected crisis with Spain, he began to assembly his own invasion force at Cutzamala, where it could advance against either Acapolco, Tollocan or Zacatollan. Though he was too far away to aid Taximaroa in time, the irecha now had a chance to defeat the Mexica in detail.
    345px-Batalla_en_la_cual_murieron_53_o_66_espa%C3%B1oles%2C_en_el_folio_67r_del_libro_XII.png

    Some scenes of the invasion of Michoacán, as depicted in a codex.
    The siege of Acámbaro began on August 8 1536, and it didn't take long for Matlatzincatzin to notice its defenses were far more formidable than the ones of the various cities the Triple Alliance conquered in its previous campaigns. The fortress was surrounded by a wooden palisade, a rampart behind it, along with caltrops and spikes that made a cavalry charge suicide. The garrison was much larger than Taximaroa's, too, and they had ample supplies and experience from fending off the frequent raids made by Chichimeca nomads. After making camp north of the fortress so as to have easy access to the waters of the Lerma River, Matlatzincatzin ordered a small probing attack to be made, one whose purpose was to gather intelligence on any weak spots in the Purépecha fortifications. Though the force he sent was easily repulsed, the information the Mexica general received was enough for his artillerymen to prepare their guns.

    The bombardment they unleashed lasted for half an hour, the roars let out by the Mexica cannons echoing throughout the battlefield, drowning out everything else, and covering it in clouds of dust and gunpowder. After a few minutes of tense, deafening silence, the infantry rushed forward like wraiths from the smoke, their cries almost rivaling the noises made by their artillery. The Mexica warriors poured through the breaches in the palisade opened by the bombardment and began to climb up the rampart, only to be met by a rain of arrows and crossbow bolts, the best shooters among the Purépecha aiming at their enemies' legs, the least protected areas in their bodies. A frenzied melee ensued, the attackers trying to climb and the defenders pushing them back down, all the while swords, shields, spears, macuahuitls and quauholollis were swung about loudly, earning blood-curdling screams from those who they hit.

    The carnage went on for at least two hours, before the unthinkable happened: the exhausted Mexica warriors were ordered to pull back and regroup. For the first time in more than a decade, they had suffered a defeat, even if a temporary one. Still, while popular wisdom is that Matlatzincatzin didn't order a second assault later in the day because of the shock of the Triple Alliance's until then invincible troops being forced to retreat, it is more likely that he judged it wiser to let his bloodied men recuperate and soften up the defenders with another bombardment the next day. The Purépecha preempted him, however, by launching a sortie in the middle of the night in which they caught the besiegers completely by surprise and destroyed four cannons, decreasing their firepower by a third and shaking their morale even further. But there was only so much the defenders could do without help from the outside, and the summer heat meant their water ran out in a few days.

    Acámbaro was stormed on August 13, after five days of cannonades, assaults and sorties. Though the Mexica won in the end, and sent what remained of the enemy garrison to Tenochtitlan to be sacrificed, their gunpowder reserves were dangerously low and it would take at least another day of rest for them to march in support of the main army's advance against Tzintzuntzan. Both forces were at least dozens of kilometers away from each other, and though the Iréchikwa didn't have enough horses to train possess an organized cavalry arm like the Triple Alliance did, it had more than enough to serve as scouts and messengers who informed its own armies of their enemy's plight.

    Speaking of plight, Cuauhtémoc's situation became increasingly dire the further he marched to the west: the landscape became more and more arid, which, combined with the soaring temperatures and adoption of a scorched earth policy by the Purépecha, led to the death of scores of pack animals from hunger, thirst and heatstroke every day (3). His troops were strung out as a result of the ensuing logistical difficulties, and worst of all, the garrisons left behind to protect their line of communication were picked off one by one by Tangaxuan's approaching army, so they didn't even know if Acámbaro was captured or not. At long last his vanguard came in contact with an enemy force of some 20.000 men entrenched at Guayangareo on August 20, but the tlatoani, believing this to be the vanguard of the main Purépecha army instead of what it really was (a small detachment whose purpose was to hold the invaders in place long enough for Tangaxuan to catch up), held off on attacking until the next day, so as to give enough time for his scattered army to concentrate.

    Once again Cuauhtémoc unwittingly played into the enemy's hands, and one can only imagine the horror he and his generals must've felt at the dawn of August 21, when they saw Tangaxuan's army of roughly 80.000 men on the horizon, moving ever closer to their rear with each passing minute. They had only a few hours to scatter the Purépecha troops in front of them before the trap closed, and with the most direct path littered with caltrops and a ditch behind them, a frontal attack by the horsemen was suicide.
    Colonial-native-Mexican-artist-Artist-A-the-first-battle-of-the-Aztec-civil-war-From.png

    The Battle of Guayangareo, as shown in a codex.
    The Battle of Guayangareo began with a flanking march by the cavalry, so as to get in a position where they could actually charge at their opponents, while the infantry closed in from the front and cleared as many obstacles as they could before they too attacked. The cannons were pointed away, towards the incoming enemy army, with orders to unleash hell as soon as they got in range - the Mexica commanders hoped the smaller Purépecha force would be scattered by then, which would allow the bulk of their troops to assist them and snatch what would without a doubt be their toughest victory yet. But no plan survives contact with the enemy, and this one was no exception, for the 85.000 or so strong Mexica army was paralyzed with delays brought about by exhaustion and unfamiliar terrain. To make matters worse, several cavalry units charged too soon, either because of inaccurate orders or out of fear that the Spanish mercenaries (who still an important presence in the military, despite the fiasco earlier in the year) would deprive them of potential sacrifices. Whatever the reason, the result was the same: without support from the infantry, most of the Mexica horsemen involved in the attack were torn to pieces.

    With his cavalry neutralized, Cuauhtémoc had no choice but to order an all out frontal attack straight into the heart of the Purépecha field fortifications, in the hopes that his troops' vastly superior numbers would overrun their positions in time to turn around and face the main enemy force. Though they were gradually pushed back, the outnumbered Purépecha fought hard for every inch of ground, their bronze shields and cuirasses allowing them to resist blows that would've cut through their old armor with ease, to their foes' astonishment and terror. The screams and cries of both sides' desperate struggle were drowned out by the thunderous sound of cannon fire, signaling that Tangaxuan was ready to engage at last. Panic spread through the Mexica ranks as they realized the trap was closed, and the battle promptly devolved into a massacre. Only 20.000 Mexica warriors escaped death or captivity, thanks in no small part to the havoc their artillery wrought in the Purépecha ranks, tearing large holes in their lines.

    Having only barely avoided capture himself, Cuauhtémoc ordered a general retreat back to friendly territory, abandoning all the lands the Triple Alliance had conquered in the campaign. During this retreat he met with Matlatzincatzin and the force that captured Acámbaro, and the shock with which they reportedly reacted to their comrades' state has since been immortalized by far too many books, films and television series out there. The Purépecha followed their steps closely, their lack of cavalry preventing them from doing anything more to obstruct or harrass their enemies' retreat. When Cuauhtémoc entered Tollocan, a major city roughly halfway between Tenochtitlan and the western border, on September 5, the people greeted his downtrodden men with stunned silence, then surrendered to the Purépecha when they arrived a few days later. Panic gripped the streets of the capital when its inhabitants learned of this news, and the tlatoani's arrival did little to assuage their fears. Nor did the sighting of Purépecha troops in the outskirts of Tlacopan, on the eastern shore of Lake Texcoco, on September 13 - the enemy was within the very heart of the Valley of Anahuac.

    Even so, the atmosphere over Texcoco's streets couldn't be more different. The birthplace of the famous philosopher-king Nezahualcoyotl, whose contributions (such as the dike named after him and the reconstruction of the Chapultepec aqueduct) were critical to the growth of the Triple Alliance in its formative years, its status as an equal to Tenochtitlan had been undermined for decades, a process that culminated with the election of Cacamatzin as tlatoani in 1515, after much pressure from Moctezuma II. This loss of autonomy was deeply resented by the city's notables, and with their overlord in mortal peril, they wasted no time launching a revolt which ended with Cacamatzin's assassination, his replacement by Ixtlilxochitl II (4) and the expulsion of all Mexica troops from Texcoco's vicinity. They promptly made overtures to Tangaxuan, who accepted their aid without hesitation.

    The Triple Alliance was no more, and from that moment on Tenochtitlan was under siege.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) Only one source I found in my research says this is where the battle took place, so this is a bit of a shot in the dark.

    (2) The guy who led the Mexica in the Battle of Otumba IOTL. To be honest, I picked him because I don't know the names of any other prominent people in the Aztec military in real life, and for me it's still too soon to create original characters just yet.

    (3) I used
    this map as a reference for climates in Mexico, and it seems to me that Michoacán is noticeably drier than the area around Mexico City and so on. if not necessarily arid.

    (4) He helped Cortés in the OTL siege of Tenochtitlan, and was later baptized.
     
    Important Characters - 1536
  • ------------------
    Important Characters - 1536

    Tenochtitlan and Allies
    480px-Tenochtitlan.png

    Cuauhtémoc (1497-): Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan (and the Triple Alliance) since Moctezuma II's death in 1524. His reign was marked by vigorous technological advancement and expansionism, the latter of which is now beginning to pay its price.

    Tlacotzin (unknown date of birth-): A powerful aristocrat who holds the title of cihuacoatl (an "esteemed advisor" who is effectively a prime minister) since 1520. Does most of the day to day ruling when Cuauhtémoc is away campaigning.

    Matlatzincatzin (unknown date of birth-): The general whose troops captured the fortress of Acámbaro during the offensive against the Purépecha. He then marched to Cuauhtémoc's aid, but was too late to intervene in the Battle of Guayangareo.

    Martín López (unknown date of birth-): A Spaniard who accompanied Hernán Cortés' expedition and became one of the Lucky Sixty. He endeared himself to his new rulers by designing ships much larger than the canoes the Mexica were used to operate, and is now a respected member of Tenochtitlan's upper class.

    Tetlepanquetzal (unknown date of birth-): The tlatoani of Tlacopan, one of the original members of the Triple Alliance, since 1519. Once a peripheral ruler whose voice meant little outside his city, he will play a critical part in the incoming siege of Tenochtitlan - Tlacopan guards one of the main causeways into the metropolis.
    Purépecha and Allies
    376px-Glifo_Michhuahc%C4%81n.png

    Tangaxuan II (unknown date of birth-): Irecha of the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani since 1520. Having adopted a mostly defensive foreign policy throughout his reign, the exceptions being the conquest of Colima and Xalisco, he is now on the verge of usurping the now defunct Triple Alliance's place as Mesoamerica's dominant power.

    Ixtlilxochitl II (c. 1500-): One of the many sons of Nezahualpilli, the last tlatoani of Texcoco to have full control over the city's affairs, Ixtlilxochitl was sidelined in the dispute for the succession in favor of Cacamatzin thanks to Tenochtitlan's interference. He thus associated himself with elements opposed to the loss of Texcoco's autonomy, and was acclaimed as its new ruler after Cacamatzin's assassination.

    Cristóbal de Olid (1487-): The quartermaster of Cortés' ill-fated attempt to conquer the Triple Alliance, Olid was one of the sixty Spaniards allowed to live. He fled at the first opportunity, however, and after days of wandering in the wilderness he was found by Purépecha soldiers near Taximaroa. Now one of Tangaxuan's closest advisors, his knowledge of most of the Mexica's strengths and weaknesses is valuable, if out of date.
    The Bystanders
    Blasco Núñez Vela (c. 1490-): The governor of Spanish Cuba, having taken office in early 1536. His "rectification" of Narváez's friendly policies towards the Mexica earned him praise from the clergy and Cuba's merchants, but also caused a major diplomatic crisis, one whose peaceful resolution allowed him to consolidate his power.

    Xicotencatl II (unknown date of birth-): The de facto ruler of Tlaxcala since its subjugation by the Triple Alliance in 1520, he was the only one of its original dynasts to be allowed to keep his post. With Tlaxcala growing in wealth since the Treaty of Tlatelolco thanks to its position in the trade route linking Tenochtitlan to Veracruz, Xicotencatl stands poised to turn it into a major player in Mesoamerican politics once more.

    Cocijopij (1502-): Ruler of Zaachila, one of the main cities of the lands inhabited by the Zapotec people, and Cuauhtémoc's nephew. He is now ready to rebel against his uncle's authority, after years of preparation and building up a large enough stockpile of European weapons and armor.
    Honourable Mentions
    Moctezuma II (c. 1466-1524): Tlatoani of the Triple Alliance from 1502 until his death. His reign was marked by the conquest of the Zapotec lands and the first contact with the Spanish.

    Malintzin (c. 1500-): An enslaved Nahua woman who became Cortés' translator. Her knowledge of Spanish and Nahuatl was critical in the learning of the Europeans' secrets, as well as the training of a new diplomatic corps. While still a respected figure in (most of) the upper circles of Mexica society, Malintzin is no longer as prominent as she was in the 1520s - most nobles know some Spanish now.

    Cuitláhuac (c. 1476-1524): A younger brother of Moctezuma who led the Triple Alliance's army in the battles of Amaquemecan and Ocotelolco. He was the most likely candidate to succeed him, but died of smallpox a few months prior to Moctezuma's own death.

    Pánfilo de Narváez (c. 1470s-1538): The Spanish conquistador who was sent to arrest Cortés on the orders of the then governor of Cuba, Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar. His second march into Mesoamerica led to the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1524, and he was rewarded with the governorship of Cuba after his patron's death. A strong ally of the Mexica, he stayed in office until his dismissal in early 1536, under charges of corruption and heresy.​
     
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    Part 17: Night
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    Part 17: Night

    Palace of Moctezuma II
    Midnight of September 14, 1536
    Not for the first time in this long, starless night, Cuauhtémoc found himself in his studies rather than his bedroom, poring over documents and reports he had already read several times before, then putting both hands on his head in silent despair. He just couldn't have even a light, uneasy sleep like the one most people in Tenochtitlan (and inside the very palace he was in) were having right now, not when the responsibility for the chaos engulfing the entire Valley of Anahuac rested almost completely on his head. This was no time to blame himself or anyone else for the current conundrum - he had done plenty of that during the retreat from Guayangareo (why did it take Matlatzincatzin so damn long to show up?) - no, he had to continue to plan on how to repel the Purépecha, no matter how many times he and Tlacotzin discussed with the generals before the sun set. The 39 year old monarch and his allies already had a strategy in mind: while the invaders' army was mighty, cutting off Tenochtitlan from the rest of the world would still be a massive undertaking of logistics and organization, one so complicated they would have no choice but to focus their efforts in a single area.

    That area, the Mexica high command concluded, couldn't be any other than Chapultepec, whose springs provided most of the fresh water the Tenochca people depended on, and so a large contingent of warriors would be sent there to strengthen its already considerable defenses tomorrow. Still, there were dozens of other variables to consider, namely how the other cities in the valley would behave in the next few weeks or months, and given how Texcoco opened its gates to the enemy at the first opportunity, the prospects of all other altepeme staying loyal weren't good. Something needed to be done to keep them from slipping away, and fast. The growing weight of fatigue was replaced by a sudden tide of ideas in his head, and so Cuauhtémoc got up from his chair, grabbed the nearest blank sheet of paper he could find, and began to write everything down as best as he could under the dim candlelight. He hoped Coyolxauhqui and her brothers (1) weren't poisoning his mind, because some of the thoughts he put into the paper were against everything the Triple Alliance once stood for. Not that that mattered anymore, since said alliance had just ceased to exist yesterday.

    When an aide found him, hours later, he was sleeping on his desk, his hand still holding a quill, face planted on the document he spent the whole night writing or, more accurately, scribbling. Hopefully he didn't drool all over it, the aide thought before extending his arm to stir the tlatoani awake.
    ------------------
    Far from an ordinary siege, the sequence of military actions made in the Valley of Anahuac from mid September 1536 onward would be best described as an all out campaign, dominated by pitched battles fought all over the shores of lakes Texcoco, Xochimilco and Chalco, with the offensive against Tenochtitlan itself being only the final stage. The city in question was both blessed and cursed by its geography: as an island in the middle of a lake, Tenochtitlan could only be attacked through the causeways that linked it to the mainland, allowing the defenders to set up strongpoints and kill zones. They also had a powerful lacustrine fleet of 50 brigantines (all following the design made by Martín López in 1523) and hundreds of war canoes, which meant they could send troops anywhere along the shore, be it for sorties or to reinforce strategic positions. Many (but not all) of the brigantines also had cannons, the very weapons that saved the Mexica from annihilation at the Battle of Guayangareo. The Purépecha had no means to take control of the lakes from this wall of wood, making their objective far more difficult to achieve.

    However, Tenochtitlan had two Achilles' heels: its population was so large its food supply depended not only on the many chinampas around it, but also the fertile farmlands in lakes Xochimilco and Chalco, which were controlled by altepeme that could easily defect, just like Texcoco did. Worse still, nearly all its fresh water came from the mainland, transported from Chapultepec by the homonymous aqueduct - if it were cut, thousands of people would die of thirst within days.

    810px-Basin_of_Mexico_1519_map-en.svg.png

    The Valley of Anahuac in the mid 16th century. The Mexica headquarters were located at Tenochtitlan (obviously) and the Purépecha at Texcoco.

    Unsurprisingly, Chapultepec became the site of the siege's first major clash, on September 15. Unfortunately for the attackers, the Mexica authorities recognized the hill's importance for decades, and after the arrival of the first Europeans, they built a large fortress there with the assistance of Spanish engineers, one whose defenses were continually strengthened since the 1520s. This fortress, the first version of the Castle of Chapultepec, was a mighty obstacle to any attacker, and its garrison had just been reinforced the day prior. With no means to bring down its walls, the Purépecha tried to scale them with ladders instead, and were repulsed with ease. But while the Mexica drew first blood, they had only so many troops to spare (around 65.000 men, when the Tenochca garrison, Matlatzincatzin's army and the survivors of Guayangareo are all added together). Because of this, they couldn't strengthen their defenses in one spot without neglecting them elsewhere.

    One such place was the city of Chalco, which was extremely vulnerable to an attack given its relative proximity to Texcoco, which the Purépecha chose as their headquarters. But rather than use brute force and thus risk alienating other cities in the Valley of Anahuac, the besiegers turned to subterfuge, making moves that indicated they were preparing to launch a second attack against Chapultepec. The soldiers sent in this deception carried many more torches than they needed, and thus, when they made camp near the castle and lit them during the night, it seemed the bulk of the Purépecha army was about to make a major assault. When they suddenly marched against Chalco on September 19, it was too late for Tenochtitlan to help its garrison, which was so outnumbered they chose to evacuate without a fight, but not before looting or destroying as many food depots as they could to keep them from falling on enemy hands. Although this was a sound move from a military perspective, it outraged the Chalcoans and gave Tangaxuan and Ixtlilxochitl yet another event with which they could frame themselves as liberators.

    But more than a propaganda coup, the fall of Chalco strengthened the besiegers' southern flank, and gave them a shot at marching into the Iztapalapa Peninsula (one of the main entryways into Tenochtitlan) without the risk of being cut off from their headquarters. A detachment led by Cristóbal de Olid did exactly that, capturing Ixtapaluca on September 22, but they were met and checked by a Mexica force of roughly equal size and forced to fall back before their advance could acquire any more momentum. Even so, Ixtlilxochitl convinced the nobles of Chimalhuacan, just to the north of Olid's position, to switch sides, leaving the peninsula wide open for attack.

    Despite this, Tangaxuan didn't order the Purépecha army to press on its advantage there, but instead commanded it to prepare another attack against Chapultepec, and this time for real. Thousands of warriors were sent against its walls in an all out assault (a far larger effort than the one made when the siege began), scaling them with ladders and engaging in brutal hand to hand combat with the garrison. The result, however, wasn't just a defeat for the besiegers, but a disaster: the Mexica defenders were well rested and ready, their ranks constantly refreshed and cycled with new arrivals from Tenochtitlan, and many of the Purépecha troops were blasted away by cannon fire from nearby brigantines before they could even climb their ladders. The scale of their loss was such that the garrison, together with the crews of many lacustrine vessels, launched a sortie that drove their enemies from the castle's surroundings.
    556px-Brigantines_in_the_Siege_of_Tenochtitlan.jpg

    A codex showing the crucial role Mexica cannons played in defeating the second attack against Chapultepec.

    Still, even a defeat as calamitous as this was, ultimately, of great use to the besiegers: it showed them that attacking Chapultepec was not worth it, because even if they took it their forces would suffer so many casualties it would likely be impossible for them to deliver the coup de grâce needed to bring Tenochtitlan to its knees. Meanwhile, Cuauhtémoc and his commanders were hesitant to leave the protection of their fortresses and risk their last remaining troops in a field battle - had they done so and won, the siege would've ended right then and there. As it was, both sides stayed put as September gave way to October, the Purépecha waiting for reinforcements from their homeland and the various cities that now pledged allegiance to them, and the Mexica entrenched themselves as much as they could in the areas of the Iztapalapa Peninsula still under their control, especially the Star's Hill, where the New Fire Ceremony was performed every 52 years, granting it enormous religious significance.

    During this lull, banners bearing the symbols of the Triple Alliance began to appear in growing numbers in the southern part of the valley, slowly approaching Tenochtitlan (2). The streets of the metropolis burst into celebration at this news, which was only strengthened by reports that the Purépecha did not try to intercept the new arrivals, a sign they were surely the vanguard of a mighty relief army. Cuauhtémoc received the warriors personally in Tlacopan, and it was only then that he and the rest of the Tenochcas realized how wrong they were: these men weren't part of a relief force, but the shattered, exhausted remnants of various garrisons whose cities rose up against Mexica authority throughout the entire empire.

    Most of them came from the far south, as Cocijopij took advantage of his overlord's troubles to launch his long awaited rebellion and take over most of the Huaxyacac Valley in a matter of weeks. Others brought ominous reports of Spanish activity in the east coast, no doubt Núñez Vela mustering his forces to avenge his diplomatic defeat months earlier, and thus even cities like Cholula, whose population didn't rebel (probably out of gratitude for their homeland's reconstruction in the previous decade), couldn't afford to send anything more than symbolic gestures of support. Far from a morale boost, the new warriors were little more than extra mouths to feed, and the exact reason why Tangaxuan and his allies did not try to stop them from reaching Tenochtitlan is still a mystery - they were most likely aware they weren't worth the effort.

    The lull ended on October 8. That day, the Purépecha tried to pull the same gambit that gave them control of Chalco, a feint in one direction followed by a real push elsewhere. They made some threatening moves near the Star's Hill a few days prior, while deploying the bulk of their forces against Xochimilco in a move whose objective was to deny the Mexica any access to the southern farmlands, forcing them to either fight a decisive battle or slowly starve. But the besiegers sent, a day prior to their assault, a message urging the altepetl's notables to rebel as soon as they attacked, lest the local garrison loot or destroy their food supply like what happened at Chalco. The letter was intercepted by either a member of that same garrison or a local noble, who promptly sent it to Tenochtitlan. Thus, the Purépecha were met by the brigantines whose cannons had become the bane of their existence by this point, and their attack was repulsed with heavy casualties.

    But unlike the aftermath of what became known as the Battle of Chapultepec, this time Cuauhtémoc was not satisfied with sitting inside his capital's defenses while the enemy licked their wounds - he wanted to follow this latest victory up with a decisive battle. Keeping tens of thousands of warriors and hundreds of thousands of civilians in the capital and the surrounding area safe from hunger and thirst had become a nigh impossible task, and the close quarters in which they were forced to live were fertile ground for epidemics.

    Worst of all was the fact the Mexica forces' gunpowder reserves dwindled with every engagement, so their vaunted cannons would become useless if he didn't attack soon. The day after the clash at Xochimilco, he rallied all the men he could muster without emptying the various garrisons scattered throughout the valley (around 50.000 troops) and marched down the Iztapalapa Peninsula in a beeline towards the Purépecha headquarters at Texcoco. The besiegers panicked, since most of their forces were still in the south - even if they did catch up, there was a good chance Texcoco would already be a pile of rubble by then. But the renegade city' garrison revealed a new weapon, one the Mexica had never seen before despite everything they went through in the last decade and half.

    Trebuchets.
    Trebuchet.jpg

    The trebuchets used in the Siege of Tenochtitlan were probably similar to this French replica.
    Long outdated by European standards, these massive wooden beasts were built on the initiative of Cristóbal de Olid in an attempt to compensate for the Purépecha army's lack of artillery, which was sorely felt since the siege began. However, he and the other few dozen Spaniards in Tangaxuan's service (all survivors of the shipwreck that made him and his court aware of the power of steel armor and firearms) had about as much experience in engineering as Martín López had in shipbuilding when he designed the first Mexica brigantines, and as a result there was no guarantee they would work (3). They did, much to the besiegers' relief, and Cuauhtémoc's army was met with a hail of giant stones (some weighing as much as 300 kilograms) once they got within range. Some stones were even covered with wood or a flammable fluid and set alight, making them look like meteors that crushed and scorched several hundred men. The sight was so terrifying the tlatoani ordered his forces to halt and better assess the situation, before they broke and ran.

    By the time the Mexica scouts reported Texcoco was almost defenseless, the main Purépecha army under Tangaxuan was in its way to relieve it, and Cuauhtémoc, outnumbered, was in no mood to risk a second Guayangareo by trapping himself between them and the trebuchets. He ordered a retreat, but by then it was too late to avoid a pitched battle, and even though his force made it out in one piece, which was especially impressive given the odds were against them, morale among the Mexica plummeted once they returned to Tenochtitlan, their great attack over with a bloody draw. Worse still, they were almost out of gunpowder, having spent it to fight their way back to the capital.

    With their enemy at their weakest point so far, the Purépecha marched against Xochimilco once more on October 12, and this time the city struck its colors without a fight. Tenochtitlan was now deprived of the majority of its food supply, and the besiegers pressed their advantage by attacking the Star's Hill two days later - but even despite their growing numerical advantage and their new siege engines, it took them a full day of fighting comparable to the Battle of Chapultepec for them to capture it. Still, they accomplished their objective, and the path into the heart of the Venice of the New World was now open. But rather than attack immediately, and thus allow the Mexica to concentrate their resources to fight against a single thrust, the Purépecha set up their trebuchets on top of the hill and began a lengthy bombardment of the great city below.

    They sought another way in, to launch a two or perhaps even three-pronged assault. While Tlacopan, governed by Tetlepanquetzal and entrypoint to another causeway, resisted the Purépecha advance so fanatically they were forced to withdraw for the time being, Tepeyacac, located just a few kilometers to the north, did not, capitulating on October 19. The time for the final blow had come.
    371px-Desembarcaci%C3%B3n_de_los_espa%C3%B1oles_para_la_batalla_donde_murieron_53_o_66_de_ellos%2C_en_el_folio_66r_del_libro_XII.png

    Various scenes of the siege, the last of which is the attack into Tenochtitlan itself.
    On October 25, 1536, the Purépecha and their various allies launched their two-pronged assault against Tenochtitlan, marching over the Iztapalapa and Tepeyacac causeways. Outnumbering their opposition by almost two to one at this point, their plan was to overwhelm the Mexica by forcing them to fight on two fronts, storm the city and wrap up their victory by looting it to their heart's content. The northern force was led by Tangaxuan, while the southern one (which was expected to face tougher resistance and so was slightly larger) was led by Cristóbal de Olid and Ixtlilxochitl II. Hours before the attack began, Cuauhtémoc ordered the metropolis' arsenal to be opened up to the civilian population in a desperate final measure to bolster the hungry, tired and despondent forces he had available.

    Every street and building was contested, the fighting becoming so desperate and brutal most Mexica warriors killed most of their opponents instead of worrying about capturing them for future sacrifices - the streets were so slick with blood the gods probably wouldn't need them for years to come. Those too old, young or infirm to fight built barricades from whatever materials they could find, and those who could but had no weapons used pots, kitchen utensils and other random objects they could get their hands on to fight the invaders with suicidal bravery, boosted by apocalyptic despair. Every inch of ground cost a liter of blood and sweat, but even so the Purépecha expanded their zone of control ever further into Tenochtitlan, street by street, building by building.

    Finally, late in the afternoon, Tangaxuan's men made a major breakthrough in the northern sector: they reached the Great Market of Tlatelolco, and went into a frenzy upon noticing the plaza was full of valuable goods left behind by the merchants who set up shop there in normal circumstances. Thousands more poured in despite the irecha's attempts to maintain order, looting everything not nailed down. It was at this moment, when the thousands of well trained Purépecha warriors were little more than a well armed mob, that the Mexica struck. Cannons hidden in strategic positions opened fire on the plaza, tearing the compact mass of men to shreds at the cost of their last remaining reserves of gunpowder. The infantry moved in right after, and the panic that engulfed the Purépecha was so complete that their desperate attempt to fall back devolved into a stampede.

    Tangaxuan had no choice but to order a retreat back to the mainland, just as Olid's forces were about to break into the Sacred Precinct, the walled complex housing the Great Temple. With the northern districts safe for now, Cuauhtémoc ordered all forces to mobilize to its defense, and they were just barely able to push them back before the sun set. The Mexica could not, however, kick them out of the city entirely - as both sides put down their weapons and got what little sleep they could during the night, many of the southern districts were still under the invaders' control.

    When the sun rose on October 26, everyone in Tenochtitlan, warriors and civilians alike, knew the fighting wouldn't last a day longer. An oppressive silence reigned in the air, even as the fires that broke out the previous day continued to fester and devour more and more buildings with each passing minute. Olid and Ixtlilxochitl prepared to attack the Sacred Precinct a second time, while Tangaxuan's men rallied after the bloodbath at Tlatelolco and were now massing at Tepeyacac, ready to cross its causeway once more. Cuauhtémoc and the rest of the Mexica high command had a plan, on paper: kick the enemies in front of them out of the city, then turn north and hope for the best. In truth, they all knew this would be their final stand, one last hurrah before they and their home joined the ashes of history.

    Finally, after what felt like an eternity, they charged. The Purépecha met them in kind, and the silence was replaced by a crescendo of weapons, shields and armor clashing against one another, their sickening song broken only by the screams of the wounded and the dying. And yet, despite everything, neither side budged - they were all too tired to push the front line more than a few meters here and there. An outside intervention was required, and everyone knew where it would come from. And yet it never came, because Tangaxuan's forces, far from crossing the Tepeyacac causeway, were instead marching westward, back to their homeland - they were retreating. As they did so, the reason for their decision revealed itself: thousands, no, tens of thousands of warriors approaching Tenochtitlan from the east, their flags bearing the symbols of the Triple Alliance and Tlaxcala.

    Relief had finally arrived, and from a nation that, while now a part of their empire, had still been one of their most bitter enemies for generations. The Purépecha panicked and raced for the Iztapalapa causeway before they were trapped, and while many made it out - the Tenochcas were too tired to pursue - Olid and Ixtlilxochitl were not among them. The latter's fate is unknown, the most famous version of it stating he was hit on the head by a brick thrown by a nearby civilian, then trampled to death by his men. Olid's demise, meanwhile, is unanimous among all sources, the only divergences being minor details: he was captured by the Tlaxcaltecs, led by Xicotencatl II, and brought before Cuauhtémoc, who, rather than order the Spaniard to be sacrificed with the other prisoners (as was custom), grabbed a macuahuitl and beheaded him on the spot.
    320px-Museo_de_Am%C3%A9rica_Conquest_of_Mexico_04.jpg

    The capture of Cristóbal de Olid. He probably looked a fair bit older in real life.

    This act shocked Xicotencatl at first, but once he became fully aware of the amount of blood spilled not only in Tenochtitlan's streets, but the entire Valley of Anahuac, he and his overlord agreed that no ceremony, however grand or extravagant, could come close to the sacrifices made here. After forty-four days and at least sixty thousand deaths (most from starvation and disease), the Siege of Tenochtitlan finally came to an end. And yet, the scale of the carnage and suffering would not only be matched, but surpassed by the changes to come.

    The Nepantla period was about to enter its most dramatic phase.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) The Moon and the stars, who are the main antagonists of Aztec/Mexica mythology. They want to destroy the world, and only Huitzilopochtli (with the help of lots and lots of human blood) can stop them... which is a very convenient excuse to wage war almost nonstop, so as to get new prisoners to sacrifice.

    (2) Remember that Texcoco has just defected, so it'll take a while for the various flags and other symbols associated with the empire (which feature its glyph) to change.

    (3) Fun fact, according to what I found Cortés and his men built a trebuchet when they besieged Tenochtitlan IOTL. It fired only a single stone, because said stone went straight up and destroyed it when it came back down.​
     
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    Part 18: Dawn
  • ------------------
    Part 18: Dawn

    Pyramid of the Sun, Teotihuacan
    July 27, 1538

    Out of all the asssignments Juan Pizarro did in his still young life, this was nowhere near the most intense or dramatic, but it was probably among the most bizarre. Unlike most of the few remaining Spanish mercenaries still in Mexica service, he was less a soldier of fortune and more a refugee: the discovery of gold in Florida by his elder half brother Francisco led to a massive struggle for power among the conquistadors there, one that left him as the only living member of the Pizarro brothers (1). He then enlisted to fight under the Triple Alliance's banner just in time to take part in the Siege of Tenochtitlan, in which he felt like the world was about to end - the scent of blood, powder and metal was still fresh in his nostrils, one and a half years later, as were all the explosions and screams in his ears.

    Compared to that, his current mission, to help guard the various priests, nobles and other representatives who had gathered in Teotihuacan to discuss how the empire would function from then on, was a walk in the park. It was the place chosen to hold such a massive and important assembly that puzzled him: Teotihuacan was a dead city, had been for almost a thousand years, its various temples and pyramids visited only by the occasional pilgrims, squatters and looters. So why in the world did Cuauhtémoc and his court decide to spend so much money to prepare it for this occasion, clearing streets, revitalizing relevant buildings and setting up luxurious tents, rather than just choose Tenochtitlan or Cholula as the place to hold it instead? Surely it would make more sense.

    Whatever. It wasn't his place to think about such things, at least not yet - perhaps in the future, if he was lucky enough to earn the favor of one of his superiors or a noble.
    ------------------

    As cataclysmic as it was, the aftermath of the Siege of Tenochtitlan ensured that the latest war between the Mexica and the Purépecha would end not with a clear victory for either side, but a stalemate that, together with the cocoliztli epidemics that would ravage Mesoamerica in the years to come, left both empires so exhausted neither would be able to launch military operations on a similar scale for the rest of the 16th century. Tens if not hundreds of thousands were dead, from combat, starvation or being in the wrong place at the wrong time, like the peasants in the valleys of Anahuac and Tollocan, who were unfortunate enough to live in the middle of the path the armies marched on and were thus at risk of having their homes and farms plundered by the troops of both sides.

    The only people who gained anything were those who either threw their hat on the ring at the last minute, like Xicotencatl II, or did not participate in the fighting directly but still took advantage of it, like Cocijopij and espeically Blasco Núñez Vela. The former took advantage of his overlord's dire straits to finally rebel against his authority, laying siege to the Mexica garrison in Zaachila and eventually slaughtering it down to the last man. These events inspired other cities in the Zapotec highlands to revolt as well, and by the end of 1536 the last Mexica holdout at Guiengola (or Tehuantepec in Nahuatl) was conquered. Cocijopij had gone from a vassal to an independent king, one whose voice was heard not only in his home city but in practically all lands inhabited by the Zapotecs.

    But it would take time for him to fully cement his authority, since the Zapotecs were politically fragmented for most of their history, and during this time his new state would be vulnerable to the machinations of enemies from within and without. Cuauhtémoc would surely make an example of his rebellious nephew when the first opportunity revealed itself, and the Spanish were all too aware of the riches Zaachila possessed. Thankfully, his years of scheming earned him many allies in Cuba and Veracruz, allies who would spring into action as soon one fateful decision: renege on his old religion, and be baptised as a Christian.

    Which he did on November 4 1536, taking on the name of José from that day onward. While Christian missionaries were tolerated by various local lords for many reasons, none had ever taken the extra step - Cocijopij was the first to do so. It was, above all else, a decision born out of political calculations, since joining Christianity was, at the time, synonymous with becoming a vassal of Spain, a far more distant overlord than Tenochtitlan. Still, he'd need to be careful to not be overthrown by an overambitious group of Spaniards (2), a noble who could earn their favor or even someone who stayed faithful to the old ways, of which there were many.

    The Catholic Church had made its first major inroad into Mesoamerica, and it wouldn't be the last.
    711px-Bautizo_de_Ixtlix%C3%B3chitl.jpg

    An 18th century depiction of Cocijopij's baptism.
    The Spanish themselves were hardly idle either. Cuban governor Blasco Núñez Vela, still simmering from the aftermath of his diplomatic dispute with the still existing Triple Alliance just before its invasion of the Iréchikwa Tzintzuntzani, promptly began to assemble an army as soon as he heard of the Battle of Guayangareo. With 4.000 men led by Núñez Vela in person, this was by far the largest force sent by the Spanish colonial authorities into the American continent until that moment, and it left Veracruz in late October 1536, right when Xicotencatl's troops left Tlaxcala to relieve Tenochtitlan, leaving the western border of the Mexica empire almost defenseless.

    The Spanish marched north, taking Cempoala (now a shell of its former self) before turning west and capturing Xallapan without difficulty. The path to the Plateau of Anahuac was open, and the Tlaxcaltecs were too busy chasing the Purépecha out of Tollocan to counter the Europeans' advance. With his own army exhausted, Cuauhtémoc had no choice but to discuss terms before Núñez Vela invaded Tlaxcala or worse. The negotiations that ensued led to the Treaty of Xallapan, in which the Mexica not only handed over of not only the city in question, but the entire coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and were forced to pay an indemnity in gold and silver for five years as compensation for their treatment of Spanish merchants in the diplomatic crisis. Now it was Núñez Vela's turn to score a victory without a single battle, one that ensured Spanish dominance over Mesoamerica for decades to come.

    As the fateful year of 1536 came to an end, it was clear to Cuauhtémoc that, while he kept his throne and life, the great empire he once governed had ceased to exist. Tenochtitlan itself took a big hit in the siege, weakening its hold ove its neighboring cities, and drastic reforms were needed before its decline became terminal. The first such reform, the abolition of all privileges (and any form of autonomy) Texcoco once held as a member of the Triple Alliance, was made almost immediately after the siege was relieved, for obvious reasons. Most of its temples and palaces were torn down, the stone and wood used to build them being sent to Tenochtitlan and other cities in the Valley of Anahuac to help with their reconstruction. It wouldn't be until the 17th century that the home of Nezahualcoyotl would recover some of its former greatness.

    But although it was easy to destroy Texcoco in all levels other than physical, it would be far more difficult to rebuild the Mexica state with the meager resources available. Xicotencatl and the Tlaxcaltecs wanted a reward for the role they played in saving its capital, and the priesthood was terrified by Cocijopij's conversion, fearing that it could spark a wave of Christianization. Something had to be done to assuage their concerns, and that something consumed Cuauhtémoc and the court's agenda as soon as the Purépecha were driven back to their original border. The solution they came up with, a huge assembly of nobles, priests and anyone with a sliver of political relevance in the long dead city of Teotihuacan, is remembered today as both the birth of modern Anahuac and a huge waste of money at a time it was needed more than ever.
    teotihuacan-png.815449

    What Teotihuacan might've looked like in its heyday.
    Here's the source of this particular painting.
    In spite of the massive costs it incurred thanks to the need to restore the ruins back to something worth visiting and the time it took for preparations to be completed, the tlatoani and his allies had a good reason to host their assembly (which European sources would eventually compare to the Council of Trent, despite it not being purely religious in nature) there. According to the Nahua religion, Teotihuacan is the place where the gods who make up its current pantheon were born, and thus it was the perfect spot to mark the rebirth of the Triple Alliance in a political and religious level. Unfortunately, this also turned the city into an archaeologist's worst nightmare, since many old buildings were demolished, statues featuring gods no longer worshipped (3) discarded or used as building material, and paintings erased and replaced with new ones.

    The "Council" of Teotihuacan lasted from June 21 1538 to April 17 1541, and had dozens of sessions, each dedicated to the debate of matters ranging from taxation and what kind of clothes commoners were allowed to wear to the modification or perhaps even abolition of religious practices, human sacrifice chief among them. Finally, after what felt like an eternity of arguing so fierce that sometimes the opposing sides in whatever subject to almost come to blows (the only thing stopping them being the presence of armed guards in all their meetings), the Council elaborated a document that is sometimes labeled as the first written constitution, though whether it can be even classified as such is, predictably, still a subject of fierce academic debate.

    Whatever its true nature as a document, the completion of the Code of Teotihuacan was a watershed moment in the history of Mesoamerica, and perhaps the entire continent in general. It included, among hundreds of hundreds of other articles:
    1. The repeal of multiple sumptuary laws, allowing commoners to wear garments previously exclusive to the nobility;​
    2. The elevation of Tlaxcala (or, more accurately, Tizatlan) to the position once held by Texoco, recreating the Triple Alliance;​
    3. The replacement of Huitzilopochtli as patron god of the Mexica in favor of Quatzalcoatl, whose worship did not require human sacrifice (4);​
    4. The strict regulation in the number of sacrifices practiced in rituals dedicated to other gods, a step towards their abolition in the future;​
    5. A call for the eventual standardization of religious practices, as well as an unifed text for them, in a clear attempt to stem the advance of Catholicism among the Triple Alliance's subjects. Naturally, this would be the hardest measure to implement, given the variety of local cults and the rise of syncretism, putting a spanner in the high priesthood's plans to keep their religion "pure".​

    The old Triple Alliance was now dead and buried for good, since the Code repealed nearly all of the laws and principles established by Tlacaelel. In its place was a new entity, one who, despite being far less powerful than its predecessor for now, already had its mettle tested at the very moment of its birth. And it would continue to be tested in the coming decades, whether it liked it or not.

    ------------------
    Notes:

    (1) Pizarro had a violent death IOTL, so I might as well tie up a loose end.

    (2) This was what happened to Tangaxuan and the Purépecha empire IOTL: they became Spanish vassals but were conquered anyway.

    (3) Many of the gods who became iconic figures in the Mesoamerican pantheon, such as Quetzalcoatl and Tlaloc, were worshipped at Teotihuacan long before the Mexica and other peoples rose to prominence. Others, such as the
    Great Goddess, were forgotten.

    (4) Fun fact, Quetzalcoatl was mostly human in Aztec mythology, rather than the feathered serpent it is better known as today.
     

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