@IntellectuallyHonestRhino Sorry to steal Redcoat's thunder, but I made a wikibox for the Senate election, if you'd like to use it.
The Iron Eagle: An Adolf Hitler Presidency
- Thread starter IntellectuallyHonestRhino
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Nihon, the Sunrise Land, shone its bright rays once again. Ever since Emperor Meiji and the Imperial faction overthrew the Shogun in the Boshin War, Japan became the Asia's new Dragon, leaping over the decades decadent Qing state, whose demise surmised the decline of the Greatest civilization since the fall of Rome.
However, serious problems awaited Japan. Due to the inflationary spiral caused from the war, rice prices increased, only skyrocketing due to the Siberian intervention, in which Japanese troops, now stationed in Siberia against the Red army, were supported by the government through purchases of existing rice stock, intensifying inflation and thus increasing the price of rice even more.
Increased rice prices struck at the very heart of the Japanese farmer; his prime staple was rice. Thus, in July of 1918, the infamous "rice riots" began".
(Aftermath of the rice riots in Kobe, August 11, 1918.)
The riots were so devastating that it forced Prime Minister Terauchi Masatake to resign from his post in September of that year. His successor was the first commoner and Christian to be elected Prime Minister, Hara Takashi.
(Prime Minister Masatake Terauchi, a conservative Southern military establishment figure who represented everything Hara despised.)
Unlike the previous prime ministers, Takashi was exact opposite. Not only did he differ in class and creed, he also came from Northern Japan, the heartland of Shogunate support during the Boshin War. Throughout his political career, he was isolated from the centers of power which were dominated by military men from Yamaguchi and Kagoshima provinces, the leaders of the Imperial side. Thus, he always mistrusted the military and its further growing power in Tokyo politics.
Another key aspect of Hara's personality was his initial cautious approach. His refusal to force universal suffrage legislation caused liberals and socialists alike to disapprove of his premiership. And he never had the support of conservatives, whether in the military and the bureaucracy, and in general was hated by Japan's ultranationalists. He would be despised further by them with his moderate approach to the worsening Korea situation.
However, serious problems awaited Japan. Due to the inflationary spiral caused from the war, rice prices increased, only skyrocketing due to the Siberian intervention, in which Japanese troops, now stationed in Siberia against the Red army, were supported by the government through purchases of existing rice stock, intensifying inflation and thus increasing the price of rice even more.
Increased rice prices struck at the very heart of the Japanese farmer; his prime staple was rice. Thus, in July of 1918, the infamous "rice riots" began".
(Aftermath of the rice riots in Kobe, August 11, 1918.)
The riots were so devastating that it forced Prime Minister Terauchi Masatake to resign from his post in September of that year. His successor was the first commoner and Christian to be elected Prime Minister, Hara Takashi.
(Prime Minister Masatake Terauchi, a conservative Southern military establishment figure who represented everything Hara despised.)
Unlike the previous prime ministers, Takashi was exact opposite. Not only did he differ in class and creed, he also came from Northern Japan, the heartland of Shogunate support during the Boshin War. Throughout his political career, he was isolated from the centers of power which were dominated by military men from Yamaguchi and Kagoshima provinces, the leaders of the Imperial side. Thus, he always mistrusted the military and its further growing power in Tokyo politics.
Another key aspect of Hara's personality was his initial cautious approach. His refusal to force universal suffrage legislation caused liberals and socialists alike to disapprove of his premiership. And he never had the support of conservatives, whether in the military and the bureaucracy, and in general was hated by Japan's ultranationalists. He would be despised further by them with his moderate approach to the worsening Korea situation.
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The aftermath of Takashi's response to the Korean nationalist Samil uprising of 1919 was of political malaise. Takashi's moderate approach on most accounts earned him not praise but anger and frustration. His decision to follow a conciliatory approach following the military crackdown during the Samil uprising further angered the already apathetic military establishment earned the first Christian Prime Minister their upmost ire.
"Such resentment from nationalistic and militarist circles lead to an event that changed Japanese history as we know it" - Japan's Christian Visionary, by Francis Fukuyama.
Prime Minister Hara, a man notable for his modest sensibilities, received some of the most illustrious threats imaginable. Letters poured into the Prime Ministers office from anonymous sources demanding his head be severed from his shoulders, he be set on fire and one even suggested drowning him while chocking him with octopus tentacles. He repeatedly complained to his staff and the national bureaucracy about the gory letters, with each day his anger bubbling more and more till it erupted finally in his office.
"Why won't the goddamn bureaucrats do a damn thing about this whole situation!"
One bureaucrat who overhead it snickered "which God is he talking about".
Takashi had recently honed his ears during his stay in Tokyo, the result of hostility from both the conservative military and bureaucracy. Gulping, he realized that the problem would not go away due to enemies within.
(Prime Minister Hara Takashi contemplating his personal situation in his office, 1920.)
It was not the first not that the Prime Minister had restless sleep, but one night was especially discomposing; Hara received an omen, a heeding from the Christian Lord. "Takashi", the holy voice said with deliberance, "your life is in danger. Someone will try to murder you. Expect it on the most mundane of occasions."
Takashi screamed. ""My life is at stake!"
His midnight servant came rushing in the door. "Prime Minister, Prime Minister!". Opening the door, the servant asked, "is everything all right?". "Yes," the worrisome Prime Minister responded, wishing to deflect any suspicion of his knowledge of treacherous events in the near future with a simple "it was just a nightmare. A very unpleasant one." "Good to hear, Prime Minister," the servant responded. "Would you like any tea, Prime Minister?". "No thank you. I will just doze off now." Takashi knew that what he had received was not a nightmare but a vision from the Lord.
A few days later, Takashi bought himself a pistol. He had a master train him in the art of self-defense with the pint-sized firearm, not leaving his fate solely to destiny.
Prime Minister Hara went to the Tokyo Train Station for mundane political business. Nothing particularly awe-inspiring marked the day, and Takashi walked into the station's crowds as enthused as the salesmen three feet away from him. As Takashi walked ever closer to his train, ever closer to his destiny, on November 4th, 1921, as a crazed reactionary railroad switchman dashed towards him with a knife, Takashi quickly brought out his pistol and fired at the would-be assassin's heart. A brute lay dead at his feet, and with his physical collapse came the simultenously collapse of Takashi's opposition. For the first time in his political career, Takashi was a popular man. "Heroic Prime Minister sends crazed killer to the Underlined" headlined one Tokyo newspaper; "Our leader has avoided death with determination" headlined another.
(Tokyo Train Station, 1914. Just seven years later it would be the site of Japan's new beginning.)
The Japan of November 5h, 1921 had a strong, confident leader. "It was deliberate decisiveness that saved my life", Hara thought to himself. "But even more so, it was the Lord". Now, Nippon had on its hands a democratic progressive crusader, eager to challenge Tokyo's tentacles once and for all.
"Such resentment from nationalistic and militarist circles lead to an event that changed Japanese history as we know it" - Japan's Christian Visionary, by Francis Fukuyama.
Prime Minister Hara, a man notable for his modest sensibilities, received some of the most illustrious threats imaginable. Letters poured into the Prime Ministers office from anonymous sources demanding his head be severed from his shoulders, he be set on fire and one even suggested drowning him while chocking him with octopus tentacles. He repeatedly complained to his staff and the national bureaucracy about the gory letters, with each day his anger bubbling more and more till it erupted finally in his office.
"Why won't the goddamn bureaucrats do a damn thing about this whole situation!"
One bureaucrat who overhead it snickered "which God is he talking about".
Takashi had recently honed his ears during his stay in Tokyo, the result of hostility from both the conservative military and bureaucracy. Gulping, he realized that the problem would not go away due to enemies within.
(Prime Minister Hara Takashi contemplating his personal situation in his office, 1920.)
It was not the first not that the Prime Minister had restless sleep, but one night was especially discomposing; Hara received an omen, a heeding from the Christian Lord. "Takashi", the holy voice said with deliberance, "your life is in danger. Someone will try to murder you. Expect it on the most mundane of occasions."
Takashi screamed. ""My life is at stake!"
His midnight servant came rushing in the door. "Prime Minister, Prime Minister!". Opening the door, the servant asked, "is everything all right?". "Yes," the worrisome Prime Minister responded, wishing to deflect any suspicion of his knowledge of treacherous events in the near future with a simple "it was just a nightmare. A very unpleasant one." "Good to hear, Prime Minister," the servant responded. "Would you like any tea, Prime Minister?". "No thank you. I will just doze off now." Takashi knew that what he had received was not a nightmare but a vision from the Lord.
A few days later, Takashi bought himself a pistol. He had a master train him in the art of self-defense with the pint-sized firearm, not leaving his fate solely to destiny.
Prime Minister Hara went to the Tokyo Train Station for mundane political business. Nothing particularly awe-inspiring marked the day, and Takashi walked into the station's crowds as enthused as the salesmen three feet away from him. As Takashi walked ever closer to his train, ever closer to his destiny, on November 4th, 1921, as a crazed reactionary railroad switchman dashed towards him with a knife, Takashi quickly brought out his pistol and fired at the would-be assassin's heart. A brute lay dead at his feet, and with his physical collapse came the simultenously collapse of Takashi's opposition. For the first time in his political career, Takashi was a popular man. "Heroic Prime Minister sends crazed killer to the Underlined" headlined one Tokyo newspaper; "Our leader has avoided death with determination" headlined another.
(Tokyo Train Station, 1914. Just seven years later it would be the site of Japan's new beginning.)
The Japan of November 5h, 1921 had a strong, confident leader. "It was deliberate decisiveness that saved my life", Hara thought to himself. "But even more so, it was the Lord". Now, Nippon had on its hands a democratic progressive crusader, eager to challenge Tokyo's tentacles once and for all.
President Harding's death shook the nation. Even as the scandals unraveled, the Ohioan was still popular with majority of Americans. They still saw him and the ruling GOP as the party of peace, prosperity and stability.
Manifold men of the highest rank attended the funeral, including famous inventor and businessman Thomas Edison, Automobile Industrialist Henry Ford, Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon and Harding's successor Calvin Coolidge. At the end of the Baptist ceremony, with the voice of the Minister performing the sacred last rites in discordant harmony with the sobbing of Harding' wife and blood kin, the austere atmosphere matched the stone-cold face of Coolidge. The Vermont Yank, while not close to Harding like Hobart was to McKinley, still had a warm relationship with his fellow white house Republican. However, the age old truth continued; even as man dies, society goes on.
(President Calvin Coolidge exits the funeral with his wife Grace Coolidge, 1923.)
Leaving the funeral hall, Coolidge ran into Mellon and Edison just next to the steps, already beginning a discussion of their own.
"Salutations, Mr. President."
"Now is a little early for that Edison."
"Well, our eccentric inventor friend over here speaks the truth, just lacking a little tact."
Edison chuckled, but then was struck by somber. "Harding was a good man."
"Shame that Kraut snake came to visit." muttered Mellon. "If only we had a Negro minister. It would have sent the Frank back home harder than a German soldier in Verdun!"
Even Coolidge let out a little smile, but quickly more serious thoughts caught his attention.
"That rascal did more than anyone put together to ruin the reputation of our dear deceased friend. He is dangerous, and if we let him out of our sight for just a mere moment, he will strike harder than any of us can imagine. I see brutality, egomania and lust in those eyes. We must band together as friends to crush him while we can."
"Here here" Mellon responded, enthused that a fellow compatriot shared the same vitriol he felt towards the Texan.
"Forgive my eyes for drifting, however I noticed that our fellow friend from Detroit has been conducting a seemingly jovial discussion with the San Antonio Kraut." Edison remarked.
"Well, he's been a member of the party of Jackson for the past few years now. I'm sure he is merely conversing for the sake of expanding his footprint in the Lone Star state."
"That might be true, but I think we should keep an eye as well on our supposedly fellow ally".
"I agree" Mellon said, followed by an affirmative nod from Edison.
"Well, I must be heading back home gentlemen. I hope to see you all shortly." Coolidge stated just before boarding the carriage. A cabal was in the midst of creation. Hitler's work during the Harding years had not gone unnoticed, and would face great opposition in the Coolidge era.
Manifold men of the highest rank attended the funeral, including famous inventor and businessman Thomas Edison, Automobile Industrialist Henry Ford, Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon and Harding's successor Calvin Coolidge. At the end of the Baptist ceremony, with the voice of the Minister performing the sacred last rites in discordant harmony with the sobbing of Harding' wife and blood kin, the austere atmosphere matched the stone-cold face of Coolidge. The Vermont Yank, while not close to Harding like Hobart was to McKinley, still had a warm relationship with his fellow white house Republican. However, the age old truth continued; even as man dies, society goes on.
(President Calvin Coolidge exits the funeral with his wife Grace Coolidge, 1923.)
Leaving the funeral hall, Coolidge ran into Mellon and Edison just next to the steps, already beginning a discussion of their own.
"Salutations, Mr. President."
"Now is a little early for that Edison."
"Well, our eccentric inventor friend over here speaks the truth, just lacking a little tact."
Edison chuckled, but then was struck by somber. "Harding was a good man."
"Shame that Kraut snake came to visit." muttered Mellon. "If only we had a Negro minister. It would have sent the Frank back home harder than a German soldier in Verdun!"
Even Coolidge let out a little smile, but quickly more serious thoughts caught his attention.
"That rascal did more than anyone put together to ruin the reputation of our dear deceased friend. He is dangerous, and if we let him out of our sight for just a mere moment, he will strike harder than any of us can imagine. I see brutality, egomania and lust in those eyes. We must band together as friends to crush him while we can."
"Here here" Mellon responded, enthused that a fellow compatriot shared the same vitriol he felt towards the Texan.
"Forgive my eyes for drifting, however I noticed that our fellow friend from Detroit has been conducting a seemingly jovial discussion with the San Antonio Kraut." Edison remarked.
"Well, he's been a member of the party of Jackson for the past few years now. I'm sure he is merely conversing for the sake of expanding his footprint in the Lone Star state."
"That might be true, but I think we should keep an eye as well on our supposedly fellow ally".
"I agree" Mellon said, followed by an affirmative nod from Edison.
"Well, I must be heading back home gentlemen. I hope to see you all shortly." Coolidge stated just before boarding the carriage. A cabal was in the midst of creation. Hitler's work during the Harding years had not gone unnoticed, and would face great opposition in the Coolidge era.
The Cornhusker state was the epicenter of America in its purest form, both physically and metaphysically. Within it's majestic plains it sang the soul of America: with its bountiful homesteads a reminder of both the settler culture and immigrant story, its manifold farms a testimony to both the Jeffersonian farming spirit and the state's vitality in modern commerce, and its diverse churches illuminating both Columbia's piety and plurality; Nebraska was the kernel of America.
The state's motto, "Equality before the law", was best exemplified through Prairie statesman William Jennings Bryan. The Silver Platte Orator, still maintaining his soulful vigor, nonetheless was past his prime. Now 63, Bryan was only able to muster half the energy he had exhibited in the Chicago convention 27 years ago. Half his duty as the common man's champion was to ensure that the new generation of genuine American populists were ready to tackle the upcoming generation's social and political ills. A promising successor had been found, whose name was -
"Adolph. Adolph Hitler, Mr. Secretary."
"Welcome to my humble abode, Senator Hitler."
"Why thank you sir."
"No need to thank me. Young whippersnappers like you are blessings."
"Hitler was taken aback by the generous words of America's forefront populist. Little did he know that former Secretary Bryan's quick personal amiability was not on the basis of the Texan's personal charm and allure but based upon the Great Commoner's latest mission." - David McCullough
"I am glad you could find the time, Mr. Hitler."
"But of course sir."
"Be honest, Mr. Hitler, what is the first thing that pops up in your mind when you hear of me?"
"I envision a courageous man who fought tooth and nail for what he knew was right."
"Exactly. Not a success."
"But sir, I did not imply you were a failu-"
"No, there was nothing wrong in your original response. It was … accurate."
Hitler froze. He sensed a developing change in the conversation.
"I'm an old man now, Hitler. And as an old man, I have reflected about my life time and time again. I understand my mistakes, my past mishaps, and for that I am tenfold wiser."
Hitler cautiously approved, holding back a gulp. He did not wish to disturb or insult the great man in front of his eyes.
"I was cocky, I was arrogant. I thought I, a 36 lawyer from the backends of Nebraska could take on the whole Republican machine with only my rhetoric and integrity. How foolish I was."
Now, Adolph's eyes grew, pulling him in with his eager ears. Knowledge was dripping in gallons; he did not know if he would ever have such a marvelous opportunity again.
"I let my vanity and eagerness get in the way of achieving great things. Yes yes, you may ponder this, wondering why I shrug off legislative achievements in women's suffrage, on worker's rights, and on the drink."
Embarrassingly enough, Hitler hadn't. But he did not correct the Nebraskan sage.
"Well, I am truly proud of these milestones, and am pleased that I could do my part in advancing these righteous causes. But I could not fundamentally change the system. The men who so viciously beat me down with their money power and political extravagance are the same men who still ensnare this nation with their iron claws: the same men who you have courageously fought in the Congressional halls."
Adolph blushed. "Am I being called brave by the man who took on the whole Democratic establishment twenty-seven years ago?" he thought. His face brightly illuminated the strong emotional response to the mass leader's praise.
"Your shock and slight amusement is strongly apparent, Adolph."
"I so appreciate your kind words, sir."
"Oh no, you deserve them. I see great potential in you Adolph. I was a man who could have changed everything, but my personal fall backs prevented me from upending the status quo. You are someone who can turn this wicked, anti-people system on its head. And, I say this with great clarity and brevity, you are the champion I have been looking for since I resigned from office and the one this nation needs. I feel you have great potential, Adolph."
"I promise I will not let you down, sir. I might be saying this with impulse or clarity, but I certainly say this with heart and commitment."
The Nebraskanite smiled, a smirk brought out both by nostalgia and hope. After a brief yet hearty chuckle, he responded with:
"Well then, let's get started."
The state's motto, "Equality before the law", was best exemplified through Prairie statesman William Jennings Bryan. The Silver Platte Orator, still maintaining his soulful vigor, nonetheless was past his prime. Now 63, Bryan was only able to muster half the energy he had exhibited in the Chicago convention 27 years ago. Half his duty as the common man's champion was to ensure that the new generation of genuine American populists were ready to tackle the upcoming generation's social and political ills. A promising successor had been found, whose name was -
"Adolph. Adolph Hitler, Mr. Secretary."
"Welcome to my humble abode, Senator Hitler."
"Why thank you sir."
"No need to thank me. Young whippersnappers like you are blessings."
"Hitler was taken aback by the generous words of America's forefront populist. Little did he know that former Secretary Bryan's quick personal amiability was not on the basis of the Texan's personal charm and allure but based upon the Great Commoner's latest mission." - David McCullough
"I am glad you could find the time, Mr. Hitler."
"But of course sir."
"Be honest, Mr. Hitler, what is the first thing that pops up in your mind when you hear of me?"
"I envision a courageous man who fought tooth and nail for what he knew was right."
"Exactly. Not a success."
"But sir, I did not imply you were a failu-"
"No, there was nothing wrong in your original response. It was … accurate."
Hitler froze. He sensed a developing change in the conversation.
"I'm an old man now, Hitler. And as an old man, I have reflected about my life time and time again. I understand my mistakes, my past mishaps, and for that I am tenfold wiser."
Hitler cautiously approved, holding back a gulp. He did not wish to disturb or insult the great man in front of his eyes.
"I was cocky, I was arrogant. I thought I, a 36 lawyer from the backends of Nebraska could take on the whole Republican machine with only my rhetoric and integrity. How foolish I was."
Now, Adolph's eyes grew, pulling him in with his eager ears. Knowledge was dripping in gallons; he did not know if he would ever have such a marvelous opportunity again.
"I let my vanity and eagerness get in the way of achieving great things. Yes yes, you may ponder this, wondering why I shrug off legislative achievements in women's suffrage, on worker's rights, and on the drink."
Embarrassingly enough, Hitler hadn't. But he did not correct the Nebraskan sage.
"Well, I am truly proud of these milestones, and am pleased that I could do my part in advancing these righteous causes. But I could not fundamentally change the system. The men who so viciously beat me down with their money power and political extravagance are the same men who still ensnare this nation with their iron claws: the same men who you have courageously fought in the Congressional halls."
Adolph blushed. "Am I being called brave by the man who took on the whole Democratic establishment twenty-seven years ago?" he thought. His face brightly illuminated the strong emotional response to the mass leader's praise.
"Your shock and slight amusement is strongly apparent, Adolph."
"I so appreciate your kind words, sir."
"Oh no, you deserve them. I see great potential in you Adolph. I was a man who could have changed everything, but my personal fall backs prevented me from upending the status quo. You are someone who can turn this wicked, anti-people system on its head. And, I say this with great clarity and brevity, you are the champion I have been looking for since I resigned from office and the one this nation needs. I feel you have great potential, Adolph."
"I promise I will not let you down, sir. I might be saying this with impulse or clarity, but I certainly say this with heart and commitment."
The Nebraskanite smiled, a smirk brought out both by nostalgia and hope. After a brief yet hearty chuckle, he responded with:
"Well then, let's get started."
The historical 10 Downing Street was the nucleus of British political life. In was the dwelling of great statesmen, from William Pitt the Younger to David Lloyd George. Future statemen were as certain to reside in the historic location as they were to exist: indefinitely. Yet, to quote William Pitt the Younger, it was a "vast, awkward house". His commentary provides as much of a reflection of British aristocracy's distaste for the awkward and out-of-place as much as a description of the dwelling a few centuries ago. Unfortunately for the man from Oxfordshire, those cultural inclinations did not die off along with Pitt the Younger's generation.
"Woe is Winston Churchill! His career in politics be damned by a single cup of milk!" exclaimed semi-satirically British historian and biographer Lord Christopher Hitchens. While originally mocked for his work, the then thirty year old budding intellectual Hitchens' book The Rise and Fall of Traditional Toryism took great notice of a passage in Sir Stanley Baldwin's personal diary; the diary that accounted for the seemingly minutiae events of September 3rd, 1923:
"I have woken up to a rather perky morning. I have grown accustomed to my duties, and all runs smoothly today. Well, not quite. Winston Churchill, the former Secretary of State of the Colonies no less, came to my office for a meeting no less with a milk stain! Now, it is courteous to inform someone they enjoyed your hospitality, but not to gulp it down like a porker! For heavens sake, what kind of man is he to barge into my office with such hideous attire? His self-staining is one matter. His self-staining and forcing me, a proper gentleman, to engage with him on a serious level with such a blot, both literal and metaphorically, is absolutely ridiculous!"
"Now, it is hard not to pity sir Winston. Here was someone who, not immediately, but during a period of tremendous crisis, had his voice trampled down in the midst. Now, the events were all the harder to piece together for not only was it traditionally viewed as a moment of great importance but also because Prime Minister Baldwin was unaware of the previous events regarding the incident. After numerous reports and interviews were collected however, the most likely summation of events is this"*:
Winston Churchill was a busy man. Tired of not moving ahead in life, he had no care for the frivolities of aristocratic politics, aside from the necessary profile sustenance. "Business is everything" he frequently commented to himself, especially during the busy days of early post-war Britain. A member of the George Ministry, Churchill was no stranger to the workings of Westminster, but he never truly felt as if he was in its centre. So the ambitious politician strove to do what any ambitious politician would do: get the attention of the one who sits in 10 Downing Street.
Having no time to miss, Winston ran as fast and gentlemanly as he could through the streets of London as to not be late for his appointment with Prime Minister Baldwin. He had always desired to rejoin a Ministry as to put himself back on Westminster's map, and being late was the worst insult imaginable. His efforts in fact had him five minutes early for his appointment, and he took a heavy sigh. Perhaps he sighed too soon.
Asked what drink he would enjoy, Churchill decided that brandy in the morning would be too much. Instead, something "more childish, more wholesome would do. I would enjoy a cup of warm milk". The servant affirmed, and in three minutes brought his seemingly innocent drink.
Winston rather quickly picked up his drink, fearing his summoning prior to sipping his milk. In this fearing mind, and fear is known to cloud one's judgement, Churchill gulped down his milk, only to witness the horror. Drops of milk had spilled all over his coat and suit!
Churchill grimaced. No witness did not notice the sheer grimace on his face. Yet, he maintained his calm and composure as he tried to wipe out the blots of calcium over his fine attire. He would not be so lucky. He was summoned to the Prime Minister's office, only to be greeted with a "Dear God!"
Churchill still maintained himself rather well. His previous and future meetings with many Conservative party leaders had all but assured him the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer. However, as Prime Minister Baldwin wrote, "it was not my most confident of decisions".
(Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin outside of 10 Downing Street with Chancellor of the Exchequer Winston Churchill, February 1924. While originally their relationship was rather normal, the seeds of doubt that always were with Baldwin on Churchill's credibility would not only impact the latter's political career, but would also shape Britain's political destiny permanently.)
*Citation from Letters on Winston Churchill by historian and politician Lord William Whitelaw.
"Woe is Winston Churchill! His career in politics be damned by a single cup of milk!" exclaimed semi-satirically British historian and biographer Lord Christopher Hitchens. While originally mocked for his work, the then thirty year old budding intellectual Hitchens' book The Rise and Fall of Traditional Toryism took great notice of a passage in Sir Stanley Baldwin's personal diary; the diary that accounted for the seemingly minutiae events of September 3rd, 1923:
"I have woken up to a rather perky morning. I have grown accustomed to my duties, and all runs smoothly today. Well, not quite. Winston Churchill, the former Secretary of State of the Colonies no less, came to my office for a meeting no less with a milk stain! Now, it is courteous to inform someone they enjoyed your hospitality, but not to gulp it down like a porker! For heavens sake, what kind of man is he to barge into my office with such hideous attire? His self-staining is one matter. His self-staining and forcing me, a proper gentleman, to engage with him on a serious level with such a blot, both literal and metaphorically, is absolutely ridiculous!"
"Now, it is hard not to pity sir Winston. Here was someone who, not immediately, but during a period of tremendous crisis, had his voice trampled down in the midst. Now, the events were all the harder to piece together for not only was it traditionally viewed as a moment of great importance but also because Prime Minister Baldwin was unaware of the previous events regarding the incident. After numerous reports and interviews were collected however, the most likely summation of events is this"*:
Winston Churchill was a busy man. Tired of not moving ahead in life, he had no care for the frivolities of aristocratic politics, aside from the necessary profile sustenance. "Business is everything" he frequently commented to himself, especially during the busy days of early post-war Britain. A member of the George Ministry, Churchill was no stranger to the workings of Westminster, but he never truly felt as if he was in its centre. So the ambitious politician strove to do what any ambitious politician would do: get the attention of the one who sits in 10 Downing Street.
Having no time to miss, Winston ran as fast and gentlemanly as he could through the streets of London as to not be late for his appointment with Prime Minister Baldwin. He had always desired to rejoin a Ministry as to put himself back on Westminster's map, and being late was the worst insult imaginable. His efforts in fact had him five minutes early for his appointment, and he took a heavy sigh. Perhaps he sighed too soon.
Asked what drink he would enjoy, Churchill decided that brandy in the morning would be too much. Instead, something "more childish, more wholesome would do. I would enjoy a cup of warm milk". The servant affirmed, and in three minutes brought his seemingly innocent drink.
Winston rather quickly picked up his drink, fearing his summoning prior to sipping his milk. In this fearing mind, and fear is known to cloud one's judgement, Churchill gulped down his milk, only to witness the horror. Drops of milk had spilled all over his coat and suit!
Churchill grimaced. No witness did not notice the sheer grimace on his face. Yet, he maintained his calm and composure as he tried to wipe out the blots of calcium over his fine attire. He would not be so lucky. He was summoned to the Prime Minister's office, only to be greeted with a "Dear God!"
Churchill still maintained himself rather well. His previous and future meetings with many Conservative party leaders had all but assured him the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer. However, as Prime Minister Baldwin wrote, "it was not my most confident of decisions".
(Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin outside of 10 Downing Street with Chancellor of the Exchequer Winston Churchill, February 1924. While originally their relationship was rather normal, the seeds of doubt that always were with Baldwin on Churchill's credibility would not only impact the latter's political career, but would also shape Britain's political destiny permanently.)
*Citation from Letters on Winston Churchill by historian and politician Lord William Whitelaw.
München, April 7, 1923:
Munich, the every lasting center of a proud people. Bavaria, too small to be independent but too large to be absorbed, overwent manifold transitions, from Aachen to Berlin. Yet, the Catholic Germanic mountain culture north of the Viennese stood the test of time, it's heritage as everlasting as humanity itself.
Not so everlasting was the DNVP, the main inheritors of Deutschland's nationalistic right wing. The 20's were a time of economic recovery, even though they were a period of immense social and cultural turmoil. The seeds for a DNVP regime were being firmly planted, yet it was not the season. Planning for the future were two of it's cultivators, DNVP leaders Heinrich Himmler and Joseph Goebbels, conversing on the outskirts of a small café:
Himmler: I am very disappointed with the direction the party is heading towards. All the Krupp money Hugenberg spends is as helpful as their industries were in winning the war.
Goebbels: Hugenberg keeps demanding big results for his newspapers, not focusing on the necessity of a bottom up strategy. We need DNVP mayors, DNVP representatives before we have DNVP dominance. And Kapp didn't do wonders for the movement either.
Himmler: Thank the lord we didn't jump out to tie ourselves with his movement.
Goebbels: The problem is that we don't have enough Prussians in our party! They are the most receptive to our message, but no, Hugenberg feels that we will be subsumed by Prussian exceptionalism and not appeal to the broader German masses. What rubbish!
Himmler: As a proud Bavarian, I totally agree with you.
The two men, after weeks from abstaining, chuckled.
Himmler: Ho ho. Pardon me Joseph, one minute - hello waiter? Yes you. May I have today's newspaper please? Danke. Hmm … What's this!
Goebbels: Those French bastards! Murdered our brethren!
Himmler: No German will not shed a tear when they hear what happens in the Ruhr.
Goebbels: My god, if I had my hands on the throat of a Frenchman -
Himmler: That's it!
Goebbels: What?
Himmler: Don't you see? This, this is what we can rally the people around.
Goebbels: Yes, yes, yes! (Fellow customers eyed the eccentric Rhinelander with slight caution). With your managing skills, Hugenburg's purse and my tongue, the people will rally around us! Deutschland awakens! (More nervous fellow customers observe the Rhinelander, now including the waiter).
Himmler: (whispering) Keep it down Joseph! But yes, I am in complete agreement with you.
Goebbels: Something is lacking?.
Himmler: What?
Goebbels: A leader.
Himmler: We have Hugenburg.
Himmler: No no, he's a chairman. We need a leader. Someone who can carry the DNVP banner from the Alps to the Baltic: I have a proposition.
Goebbels: Who do you propose?
Himmler: General Erich Ludendorff.
Munich, the every lasting center of a proud people. Bavaria, too small to be independent but too large to be absorbed, overwent manifold transitions, from Aachen to Berlin. Yet, the Catholic Germanic mountain culture north of the Viennese stood the test of time, it's heritage as everlasting as humanity itself.
Not so everlasting was the DNVP, the main inheritors of Deutschland's nationalistic right wing. The 20's were a time of economic recovery, even though they were a period of immense social and cultural turmoil. The seeds for a DNVP regime were being firmly planted, yet it was not the season. Planning for the future were two of it's cultivators, DNVP leaders Heinrich Himmler and Joseph Goebbels, conversing on the outskirts of a small café:
Himmler: I am very disappointed with the direction the party is heading towards. All the Krupp money Hugenberg spends is as helpful as their industries were in winning the war.
Goebbels: Hugenberg keeps demanding big results for his newspapers, not focusing on the necessity of a bottom up strategy. We need DNVP mayors, DNVP representatives before we have DNVP dominance. And Kapp didn't do wonders for the movement either.
Himmler: Thank the lord we didn't jump out to tie ourselves with his movement.
Goebbels: The problem is that we don't have enough Prussians in our party! They are the most receptive to our message, but no, Hugenberg feels that we will be subsumed by Prussian exceptionalism and not appeal to the broader German masses. What rubbish!
Himmler: As a proud Bavarian, I totally agree with you.
The two men, after weeks from abstaining, chuckled.
Himmler: Ho ho. Pardon me Joseph, one minute - hello waiter? Yes you. May I have today's newspaper please? Danke. Hmm … What's this!
Goebbels: Those French bastards! Murdered our brethren!
Himmler: No German will not shed a tear when they hear what happens in the Ruhr.
Goebbels: My god, if I had my hands on the throat of a Frenchman -
Himmler: That's it!
Goebbels: What?
Himmler: Don't you see? This, this is what we can rally the people around.
Goebbels: Yes, yes, yes! (Fellow customers eyed the eccentric Rhinelander with slight caution). With your managing skills, Hugenburg's purse and my tongue, the people will rally around us! Deutschland awakens! (More nervous fellow customers observe the Rhinelander, now including the waiter).
Himmler: (whispering) Keep it down Joseph! But yes, I am in complete agreement with you.
Goebbels: Something is lacking?.
Himmler: What?
Goebbels: A leader.
Himmler: We have Hugenburg.
Himmler: No no, he's a chairman. We need a leader. Someone who can carry the DNVP banner from the Alps to the Baltic: I have a proposition.
Goebbels: Who do you propose?
Himmler: General Erich Ludendorff.
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Sitting in his office, Erich Ludendorff was a consumed man. Robbed of his perceived destiny as Germany's savior during war, instead the war hero dwelled in the depths of the defeated nation, ever so furiously licking its wounds. He personified Deutschland's disarray, all but in one major factor: he knew who to blame.
Himmler and Goebbels may have bragged how seamlessly they converted the general to the cause in their speeches, yet historical accounts based upon both their diaries and Ludendorff's general temperament show how difficult it was, precisely because Ludendorff saw no reason to join what he saw was rift-raft in the German post-war nationalist movement, as well as his ardent anti-Catholicism (his two guests were from the Rhineland and Bavaria).
"Sit down" commanded the General. He was used to commanding, and peacetime proved no exception. Himmler gently closed the door; Goebbels was the first to respond.
"We truly appreciate you giving us your time, General Ludendorff"
"On behalf of the DNVP, we have a small proposition to make."
Himmler took out a small piece of paper, along with a miraculous fountainpen. He attempted to show gusto, as to grab the general's attention. His colleague was much more the natural.
"We would like you to be the presidential candidate for the DNVP for the elections coming up."
Ludendorff took a minute, staring at the two party men intently and with great intensity. Finally, he responded:
"Gentlemen, to be frank with you, what can you offer me? I understand you can hand out leaflets and organize village rallies, but what can you specifically do that I cannot obtain elsewhere?"
Himmler was about to start with his various memorized factoids, but Goebbels interrupted him:
"General, the DNVP is the party of the German people. The established parties are controlled by those who wish to destroy Germany, and since you are a patriot, they will attempt to destroy you as well. Only the DNVP can you provide you the full freedom on your quest to save Germany. The Krupp family is funding us, as they support our goals to make Germany great again!"
"Goebbels spoke to each audience as if they were his only one. He captured the trust of anyone he spoke to, as long as they shared his right wing nationalism." - Chronicles of the DNVP by Willy Brandt
Ludendorff waited for a few more minutes, musing over his files.
"I will give you a formal response shortly"
Half a dozen evenings later, a letter arrived in the DNVP headquarters mail.
I will join.
singed,
General Erich Ludendorff
(Erich Ludendorff was one of the most influential German politicians of the interwar period.
His lead membership in the DNVP would shape the party from a fringe party with ample funding
to a war machine at the ballot box.)
Himmler and Goebbels may have bragged how seamlessly they converted the general to the cause in their speeches, yet historical accounts based upon both their diaries and Ludendorff's general temperament show how difficult it was, precisely because Ludendorff saw no reason to join what he saw was rift-raft in the German post-war nationalist movement, as well as his ardent anti-Catholicism (his two guests were from the Rhineland and Bavaria).
"Sit down" commanded the General. He was used to commanding, and peacetime proved no exception. Himmler gently closed the door; Goebbels was the first to respond.
"We truly appreciate you giving us your time, General Ludendorff"
"On behalf of the DNVP, we have a small proposition to make."
Himmler took out a small piece of paper, along with a miraculous fountainpen. He attempted to show gusto, as to grab the general's attention. His colleague was much more the natural.
"We would like you to be the presidential candidate for the DNVP for the elections coming up."
Ludendorff took a minute, staring at the two party men intently and with great intensity. Finally, he responded:
"Gentlemen, to be frank with you, what can you offer me? I understand you can hand out leaflets and organize village rallies, but what can you specifically do that I cannot obtain elsewhere?"
Himmler was about to start with his various memorized factoids, but Goebbels interrupted him:
"General, the DNVP is the party of the German people. The established parties are controlled by those who wish to destroy Germany, and since you are a patriot, they will attempt to destroy you as well. Only the DNVP can you provide you the full freedom on your quest to save Germany. The Krupp family is funding us, as they support our goals to make Germany great again!"
"Goebbels spoke to each audience as if they were his only one. He captured the trust of anyone he spoke to, as long as they shared his right wing nationalism." - Chronicles of the DNVP by Willy Brandt
Ludendorff waited for a few more minutes, musing over his files.
"I will give you a formal response shortly"
Half a dozen evenings later, a letter arrived in the DNVP headquarters mail.
I will join.
singed,
General Erich Ludendorff
(Erich Ludendorff was one of the most influential German politicians of the interwar period.
His lead membership in the DNVP would shape the party from a fringe party with ample funding
to a war machine at the ballot box.)
Down yonder in Mexico:
The Mexican state was in constant turmoil since the overthrowal of Porfirio Diaz, Mexico's dictator. Diaz brought Mexico stability and economic growth, at the price of tyranny and mass socio-economic inequality. The Mexican bourgeoise were thrilled with Diaz's reforms, yet the countryside peasant, the heart of the Mexican people, felt displaced in the modernizing Mexico. Diaz enriched his state, yet the returns were far from equitable and were mainly for the benefit of the few.
While just a university student, Hitler commented that Mexico would, "face ruin with the overthrowal of their wise leader. He wished to bring civilization to Mexico, and the Mexican people foolishly said no."
"As he grew older, the history major developed a fascinating relationship with Mexico. He hated Mexico, its culture, its presence, and its ideals, especially post-revolution, and yet for the sake of providing of model of what not to do, Adolph found in Mexico the perfect test subject. As a voracious reader, he read as much on Mexico as he could, trying to better understand the "temperament and traits of the Aztec state" as he put it." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
General Obregon, becoming President in December of 1920, worked with fellow Sonoran Adolfo de la Huerta to run his administration. However, when the army felt that Obregon was reversing the Carranza policy of favoring them over the agriculture-labor sector, they found themselves in alliance with Mexican conservatives and Catholics who shared the view that the nation was descending into the wrong direction, they banded together under the banner of de la Huerta in 1923, and attempted to overthrow Obregon's administration.
However, Obregon was a brilliant commander. He easily routed the rebel forces and soon the reactionary Sonoran found himself fleeing his homeland, finding refuge in Los Angeles. There, he met a Texan Senator on tour in Los Angeles, visiting the ports to meet experts in the field of trade and port cities to see where he could cultivate policies to further develop the Texas gulf (in his spare time the Texan read numerous books and papers on economics, the goal to shore his knowledge on the dismal yet very intricate and necessary science).
The two men met at a reception greeting the former President to the U.S., and with the help of a translator they got along like a house on fire. Adolfo found the Texan very knowledgeable on Mexico, "especially for an American", and appreciated his support for the traditional, conservative faction of Mexican politics. Huerta also enjoyed the fact that both were devout Catholics, and they both found the fact that they shared the same name, especially one so relatively uncommon, humorous.
Adolph and Adolfo would correspond for the following decades, establishing a pen pal relationship of sorts. And Hitler found in Adolfo a competent advisor on issues regarding the state south of the Rio Grande.
(Adolfo de la Huerta pictured during his presidency, 1920. He was a great admirer of the Senator born in Hancock, and their correspondence lasted for decades. De la Huerta arguably had more impact on the history of Mexico as a refugee in America than during his days of power during the 20th century.)
The Mexican state was in constant turmoil since the overthrowal of Porfirio Diaz, Mexico's dictator. Diaz brought Mexico stability and economic growth, at the price of tyranny and mass socio-economic inequality. The Mexican bourgeoise were thrilled with Diaz's reforms, yet the countryside peasant, the heart of the Mexican people, felt displaced in the modernizing Mexico. Diaz enriched his state, yet the returns were far from equitable and were mainly for the benefit of the few.
While just a university student, Hitler commented that Mexico would, "face ruin with the overthrowal of their wise leader. He wished to bring civilization to Mexico, and the Mexican people foolishly said no."
"As he grew older, the history major developed a fascinating relationship with Mexico. He hated Mexico, its culture, its presence, and its ideals, especially post-revolution, and yet for the sake of providing of model of what not to do, Adolph found in Mexico the perfect test subject. As a voracious reader, he read as much on Mexico as he could, trying to better understand the "temperament and traits of the Aztec state" as he put it." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
General Obregon, becoming President in December of 1920, worked with fellow Sonoran Adolfo de la Huerta to run his administration. However, when the army felt that Obregon was reversing the Carranza policy of favoring them over the agriculture-labor sector, they found themselves in alliance with Mexican conservatives and Catholics who shared the view that the nation was descending into the wrong direction, they banded together under the banner of de la Huerta in 1923, and attempted to overthrow Obregon's administration.
However, Obregon was a brilliant commander. He easily routed the rebel forces and soon the reactionary Sonoran found himself fleeing his homeland, finding refuge in Los Angeles. There, he met a Texan Senator on tour in Los Angeles, visiting the ports to meet experts in the field of trade and port cities to see where he could cultivate policies to further develop the Texas gulf (in his spare time the Texan read numerous books and papers on economics, the goal to shore his knowledge on the dismal yet very intricate and necessary science).
The two men met at a reception greeting the former President to the U.S., and with the help of a translator they got along like a house on fire. Adolfo found the Texan very knowledgeable on Mexico, "especially for an American", and appreciated his support for the traditional, conservative faction of Mexican politics. Huerta also enjoyed the fact that both were devout Catholics, and they both found the fact that they shared the same name, especially one so relatively uncommon, humorous.
Adolph and Adolfo would correspond for the following decades, establishing a pen pal relationship of sorts. And Hitler found in Adolfo a competent advisor on issues regarding the state south of the Rio Grande.
(Adolfo de la Huerta pictured during his presidency, 1920. He was a great admirer of the Senator born in Hancock, and their correspondence lasted for decades. De la Huerta arguably had more impact on the history of Mexico as a refugee in America than during his days of power during the 20th century.)
You Shall not Crucify Your Aspirations Upon a Cross of Gold - Hitler and the Great Commoner Part Two
The men stepped out into the tropical gardens of the environs under the beating yellow sun. The Texan was used to sun, but always accompanied by open fields or springing salt marshes; never before had he encountered anything remotely like the Amazon.
"If a man should retire anywhere, here it is"
"Civilized men long berate residents of the tropics for their lack of morality and work ethic, yet they desire their home like no other"
"Perhaps the greatest testimony of our nation is to create civilization in barbarian paradise"
The Nebraskan smiled. He had long wished to tutor the Texan, and was pleasantly surprised that the intellectual rumors were not comprised of farce.
"If there is any reason why I failed Hitler, it is that I stood out too early. I had gained much a following, but for every follower I gained I obtained two dissenters. I could always create a crowd but never win the polls."
"Not many could have done better in '96."
"Heh. Well, history is to be the judge of that. I do say though that I have noticed in you a tendency to stand out. You are very charismatic, quite bellicose and even intimidating. These passions are quite enjoyable, and in limited amount enhance a warrior. But, the warrior that gloats too much on battle will receive by far the most bows."
Hitler was slightly taken aback. Certainly the Great Commoner was not asking him to become a mundane politician now was he?
"I notice a slight confusion residing in your temple. What is the question rambling inside?"
"Ah sir, it is only that with my passions as you understand, I find the need to roar, to stand my ground in the Senate. I don't know how to fight in any other way."
"I understand the feeling, but you must control your excesses. Only roar when absolutely necessary, and use tact in other situations."
After a two second pause,
"I think I understand the essence of what exactly you are asking of me. You desire candid and bold behavior because you have a mission; you have a plan. But shouldn't the general be strategic so that he increases his chances of victory?"
Adolph's eyes widened; he knew the next sentence would change his understanding of everything: he sensed it.
"You must play the long game. Be bold when necessary, be coy when necessary. Be brash when needed, have class when needed. Do everything to obtain your goals."
"Be the Sun Tzu of the Senate."
"Exactly."
The two men talked for the next half hour, then headed back to the Silver orator's abode to dine.
(Hitler and Bryan became close correspondents for the last two years of the latter's life. While a brief relationship, Bryan become one of Hitler's most helpful mentors, especially in understanding how to be an effective populist. Hitler would always be grateful to The Great Commoner, embodied in his presidential legacy in more ways than one.)
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Madison Square Garden was brimming with energy. Delegates from the city of angels to the city that never sleeps gathered in hopes for victory after dramatic defeat four year prior. The nation was torn asunder from scandal galore, and the Democratic party, with the solid south and the booming cities by its side, new that victory was near certain.
Except that victory was near certain with the solid south and the booming cities, not either or. The issue of prohibition had bitterly divided the Democratic party between its rural, protestant, dry southern and western wing and its urban, catholic, wet northern wing, not only on the issue of the drink itself but on the larger cultural wars at hand. America was changing into an urban, pluralistic society, a shift that greatly alarmed traditional protestant, rural, Anglo-Saxon Americans. A combination of the Know-Nothings and the anti-Reconstruction Klan, the second Ku Klux Klan, born in Atlanta Georgia in 1915, had sprung across the nation, captivating those concerned about a nation changing daily due to immigration (along with Dixiecrats who wished to preserve white rule in the South).
(A Ku Klux Klan cross burning commemorating a new member. Aside an American flag, the organization claimed it stood for American values and culture. Dissenters and critiques of the Klan argued that the blatant racial and religious bigotry of the organization contradicted the essential American values of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, along with the idea that all men were created equal.)
The Klan, at the heart of the cultural divide, found themselves at the heart of the convention. The convention was divided between two candidates; the son-in-law of recently deceased President Woodrow Wilson and former Secretary of the Treasury William Gibbs McAdoo and Governor of New York Alfred Emmanuel "Al" Smith". McAdoo represented the traditional rural wing of the party while Smith represented the increasingly powerful urban wing of the party, with delegates on both sides fiercely loyal to their champion.
Senator Hitler was present at the convention. He originally planned on merely being a delegate for McAdoo in honor of his esteemed mentor, and that was to be the end of it.
"What Hitler conducted at the 1924 Democratic National Convention was a stroke of genius, a sign of command, a testimony to his greatness. No delegate had commanded nearly enough respect that month as did the Senator from Comal County." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
"One cannot understand the rise of Adolph Hitler without understanding his crucial role in the Convention of '24. The alliances he crafted that summer month stayed with him not only till his ascendancy to the presidency but also were the beginnings of the new Democratic party." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
Except that victory was near certain with the solid south and the booming cities, not either or. The issue of prohibition had bitterly divided the Democratic party between its rural, protestant, dry southern and western wing and its urban, catholic, wet northern wing, not only on the issue of the drink itself but on the larger cultural wars at hand. America was changing into an urban, pluralistic society, a shift that greatly alarmed traditional protestant, rural, Anglo-Saxon Americans. A combination of the Know-Nothings and the anti-Reconstruction Klan, the second Ku Klux Klan, born in Atlanta Georgia in 1915, had sprung across the nation, captivating those concerned about a nation changing daily due to immigration (along with Dixiecrats who wished to preserve white rule in the South).
(A Ku Klux Klan cross burning commemorating a new member. Aside an American flag, the organization claimed it stood for American values and culture. Dissenters and critiques of the Klan argued that the blatant racial and religious bigotry of the organization contradicted the essential American values of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, along with the idea that all men were created equal.)
The Klan, at the heart of the cultural divide, found themselves at the heart of the convention. The convention was divided between two candidates; the son-in-law of recently deceased President Woodrow Wilson and former Secretary of the Treasury William Gibbs McAdoo and Governor of New York Alfred Emmanuel "Al" Smith". McAdoo represented the traditional rural wing of the party while Smith represented the increasingly powerful urban wing of the party, with delegates on both sides fiercely loyal to their champion.
Senator Hitler was present at the convention. He originally planned on merely being a delegate for McAdoo in honor of his esteemed mentor, and that was to be the end of it.
"What Hitler conducted at the 1924 Democratic National Convention was a stroke of genius, a sign of command, a testimony to his greatness. No delegate had commanded nearly enough respect that month as did the Senator from Comal County." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
"One cannot understand the rise of Adolph Hitler without understanding his crucial role in the Convention of '24. The alliances he crafted that summer month stayed with him not only till his ascendancy to the presidency but also were the beginnings of the new Democratic party." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
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“We will not accept a Tammany tiger, we will not accept a wet, we will not accept a catholic!”
Anger in the McAdoo camp was boiling. Their man, nephew of recently deceased President Wilson and the convention front runner was supposed to be a shoo-in. And for anyone, especially a working class Manhattan Catholic to get in the way of McAdoo’s coronation was not only an offense to the recently deceased president himself but also to the very foundations of Jacksonian democracy. The party, while welcoming of urbanites and Catholics under sympathy for the common man and religious minorities, was at heart a rural, Protestant party lionized by the Scotch-Irish Jackson, the southern Polk and the Evangelical Bryan, champion of the Nebraskan plains.
These feelings were reciprocated from the New York delegates. “Who do these guests from Kentucky and Oregon think they are?!” they asked themselves. As of the 20’s, majority of the nation lived outside the farm. The future was in five points, not around West Point. Al Smith, son of working class parents of diverse catholic ancestors (and jokingly graduate of the fisherman’s wharf) championed in his mind 20th century Jacksonianism. McAdoo was the past: Smith the future.
In honor of his mentor and southern heritage, Hitler was a McAdoo delegate. However, the anti-Catholic cries were hard for him to bear (though growing up in rural Texas he was as much a veteran of such treatment as he was of shells in the Somme). One of the berators of the Holy See was Theodore Bilbo, the former governor of Mississippi and a McAdoo delegate from the hospitality state (a bit ironic). When he was done with his klan shouts, the Lone Star delegate cordially greeted him (Bilbo likewise), and an important conversation enfolded:
“You know, when you berate Catholics to such a level, you are dividing the white race. Regardless of denomination, the white race must be united for the glory of America.”
“I agree, but I’ve been out of office for a couple of years and the only way back home to rally the crowds this days outside the racial consensus is the champion the Protestant religion.”
“Politics certainly is a tricky game. I could not have gotten this far without all the help of my mentors.”
“You’re quite humble, especially for you’re profile Dr., especially someone with such grandeur in Congress and who is so right on the race issue. As a fellow southerner I thank you from the bottom of my heart for stomping that disgraceful Dyer bill. You won the hearts of the southern people that day.”
“Oh it was just the lord’s strength that saved me there (Hitler was also thinking of mother Mary but he deicided not to share that aspect). I could not allow common decency and the dignity of the southern people to be shattered."
"An honor being in your presence."
Hitler gave an affirmative nod.
"You know, Governor Bilbo, you have an excellent command of oratory. If you set your heart on a goal, you will be able to convince your peers and the people with your message."
"Thank you very much Senator. But I cannot compete with you in in terms of speaking ability."
Hitler smiled, both for social purposes and for he enjoyed the compliment. He also knew how true it was. There were good speakers, charismatic orators, and then there was the Lone Star Senator from Hancock.
A small, thin man popped out of nowhere. "Senator Hitler, representative Bryan wishes to meet with you."
Hitler gave a slight nod, following it with a handshake with the Magnolia state delegate.
"A pleasure meeting you, Senator."
"Likewise, Governor."
"Hitler's ability to connect, whether in front of crowds or in person aided him greatly, whether it be courting constituencies or allies." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
(Theodore Bilbo was one of America's most foremost white supremacists. Hitler's courting of such an ideologue would help the pragmatic Texan greatly throughout his political career, especially in regards to Dixie. The two men developed a strong friendship.)
Anger in the McAdoo camp was boiling. Their man, nephew of recently deceased President Wilson and the convention front runner was supposed to be a shoo-in. And for anyone, especially a working class Manhattan Catholic to get in the way of McAdoo’s coronation was not only an offense to the recently deceased president himself but also to the very foundations of Jacksonian democracy. The party, while welcoming of urbanites and Catholics under sympathy for the common man and religious minorities, was at heart a rural, Protestant party lionized by the Scotch-Irish Jackson, the southern Polk and the Evangelical Bryan, champion of the Nebraskan plains.
These feelings were reciprocated from the New York delegates. “Who do these guests from Kentucky and Oregon think they are?!” they asked themselves. As of the 20’s, majority of the nation lived outside the farm. The future was in five points, not around West Point. Al Smith, son of working class parents of diverse catholic ancestors (and jokingly graduate of the fisherman’s wharf) championed in his mind 20th century Jacksonianism. McAdoo was the past: Smith the future.
In honor of his mentor and southern heritage, Hitler was a McAdoo delegate. However, the anti-Catholic cries were hard for him to bear (though growing up in rural Texas he was as much a veteran of such treatment as he was of shells in the Somme). One of the berators of the Holy See was Theodore Bilbo, the former governor of Mississippi and a McAdoo delegate from the hospitality state (a bit ironic). When he was done with his klan shouts, the Lone Star delegate cordially greeted him (Bilbo likewise), and an important conversation enfolded:
“You know, when you berate Catholics to such a level, you are dividing the white race. Regardless of denomination, the white race must be united for the glory of America.”
“I agree, but I’ve been out of office for a couple of years and the only way back home to rally the crowds this days outside the racial consensus is the champion the Protestant religion.”
“Politics certainly is a tricky game. I could not have gotten this far without all the help of my mentors.”
“You’re quite humble, especially for you’re profile Dr., especially someone with such grandeur in Congress and who is so right on the race issue. As a fellow southerner I thank you from the bottom of my heart for stomping that disgraceful Dyer bill. You won the hearts of the southern people that day.”
“Oh it was just the lord’s strength that saved me there (Hitler was also thinking of mother Mary but he deicided not to share that aspect). I could not allow common decency and the dignity of the southern people to be shattered."
"An honor being in your presence."
Hitler gave an affirmative nod.
"You know, Governor Bilbo, you have an excellent command of oratory. If you set your heart on a goal, you will be able to convince your peers and the people with your message."
"Thank you very much Senator. But I cannot compete with you in in terms of speaking ability."
Hitler smiled, both for social purposes and for he enjoyed the compliment. He also knew how true it was. There were good speakers, charismatic orators, and then there was the Lone Star Senator from Hancock.
A small, thin man popped out of nowhere. "Senator Hitler, representative Bryan wishes to meet with you."
Hitler gave a slight nod, following it with a handshake with the Magnolia state delegate.
"A pleasure meeting you, Senator."
"Likewise, Governor."
"Hitler's ability to connect, whether in front of crowds or in person aided him greatly, whether it be courting constituencies or allies." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
(Theodore Bilbo was one of America's most foremost white supremacists. Hitler's courting of such an ideologue would help the pragmatic Texan greatly throughout his political career, especially in regards to Dixie. The two men developed a strong friendship.)
Elderly age had taken a toll on Hitler's latest mentor. The Great Commoner was still a fighter, but no more could he leap great distances as he did decades ago across the Midwest. He knew that life was leaving him day by day and that imparting his wisdom and courage was essential for the preservation of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy. In the Texan farm boy he saw populism at its purest, hoping his vision for an America for the common man would spring with the mustached Texan.
The Nebraskan gave the Texan added prestige, just like the President from Virginia boosted the Texan Deutsch's prominence. Through his contacts and charisma Hitler was already a prominent member of the Democratic party. However, he did not have enough seniority to claim major leadership. Good for Adolph was that for the past year, his sessions with the silver Platte orator greatly improved his oratory, signaling trouble for a Vermont Yank.
The two talked:
"This here is my brother, Charles Bryan. He is the Governor of Nebraska."
"Pleasure to meet you Governor."
"Pleasure to meet you Senator. My brother has told me about your vast array of skills and pure talent."
"I am humbled."
"Adolph, if I may, although I generally advise caution, if the convention comes to the brink of despair, I think it would be wise for you to give a few comments to deflect the madness. I normally would but the wets would never listen to me (giving Hitler a wink. He knew that Bryan would have said Catholic if it were not for Hitler's faith. However, an Austrian from America's rural heartland was a very different type of Catholic than an Five points Manhattan Catholic). Do so however only if you feel comfortable."
Hitler nodded, thanked the two Bryans, and headed back to the Texas delegation. Over there, Klansmen were negotiating with the McAdoo delegates (the dominant group), demanding that the Lone Star delegates prevent any compromise with the Smith camp
"Why are you stirring up trouble".
"Oh its our fair Catholic Senator! How does it feel to support Popery and its moral pollution Senator Hitler?!"
"How does it feel to give the Republicans the white house even though the nation clamors for change post the horrendous Harding regime?"
"You didn't answer my question sly Catholic."
"Because you didn't ask me a question. You just told me you don't like me for being Catholic. You have no idea who I am, and are very ungrateful for all I have done to advance the cause of the white man."
"Sly Catholics like you are trying to build support amongst unassuming Christians so that you can lull Americans to sleep before you bring the Pope to Washington?!"
"And fools like you are going to make us lose in a landslide to the Republicans again, especially embarrassing for how much the Republicans have ruined the nation in the past four years. You have no proof of your conspiracy against me. I am a proud Texan (the delegates were glaring at Adolph, noting his charisma) and I take great offense that you would sully my patriotism. I fought in the trenches. I joined Congress to fight for the good American against corrupting influences in Washington. I prevented the damn Dyer bill from passing, and your berating is the thanks I get! Show some good earned respect!
You sound like a Hoosier instead of a good southerner. Well Yankee, and I have no issues with Hoosiers or Yanks, except when they stir trouble south of the Mason-Dixie line (Hitler was really winning over the crowd now), I think you are trying to give the election to the Republicans. Everyone in this room knows that the only way the Democratic Party can win is through the joint support of Southern folk, of western farmers and urbanite Catholics. Without any of those three groups the election goes to the Grand Old Party. Much of the Indiana Klan is aligned with the Republican party, and so I wonder where your true loyalties lie in this election. We all know that the Indiana Klan views Catholics as worse than n*****. (a shock in the face of the Lone Star delegates). Quite shocking for a good southern boy like me, that King Richard the Lionheart is seen as lesser than Shaka Zulu. We also all know how horrible the Harding administration was, and that the only way they the Republicans win is if we Democrats do not unify. Imagine if the Irish and Italians voted for Cox four years ago! We would have carried New York, we would have carried New Jersey, heck we would have carried Massachussets. Now my coreligionists did not and look at how this costed us. I reject such blatant factionalism in our party. It has costed us countless elections, and now it is half a miracle when we win. As a proud southern democrat, I am tired of losing to the party of n******!. Now begone, Coolidge agent!"
The Texan delegates clapped, with the Klansmen whispering amongst themselves. They leaped across to the other side of the New York convention, promising themselves today would not be the last day Hitler had to deal with the Klan.
Hitler took a seat and collected a few breaths. He drank a cup of water and then stared up at the ceiling, just above where a young New Yorker named Delano was speaking for Smith. There, he saw his deceased mentor's face. He held back manifold tears.
The Nebraskan gave the Texan added prestige, just like the President from Virginia boosted the Texan Deutsch's prominence. Through his contacts and charisma Hitler was already a prominent member of the Democratic party. However, he did not have enough seniority to claim major leadership. Good for Adolph was that for the past year, his sessions with the silver Platte orator greatly improved his oratory, signaling trouble for a Vermont Yank.
The two talked:
"This here is my brother, Charles Bryan. He is the Governor of Nebraska."
"Pleasure to meet you Governor."
"Pleasure to meet you Senator. My brother has told me about your vast array of skills and pure talent."
"I am humbled."
"Adolph, if I may, although I generally advise caution, if the convention comes to the brink of despair, I think it would be wise for you to give a few comments to deflect the madness. I normally would but the wets would never listen to me (giving Hitler a wink. He knew that Bryan would have said Catholic if it were not for Hitler's faith. However, an Austrian from America's rural heartland was a very different type of Catholic than an Five points Manhattan Catholic). Do so however only if you feel comfortable."
Hitler nodded, thanked the two Bryans, and headed back to the Texas delegation. Over there, Klansmen were negotiating with the McAdoo delegates (the dominant group), demanding that the Lone Star delegates prevent any compromise with the Smith camp
"Why are you stirring up trouble".
"Oh its our fair Catholic Senator! How does it feel to support Popery and its moral pollution Senator Hitler?!"
"How does it feel to give the Republicans the white house even though the nation clamors for change post the horrendous Harding regime?"
"You didn't answer my question sly Catholic."
"Because you didn't ask me a question. You just told me you don't like me for being Catholic. You have no idea who I am, and are very ungrateful for all I have done to advance the cause of the white man."
"Sly Catholics like you are trying to build support amongst unassuming Christians so that you can lull Americans to sleep before you bring the Pope to Washington?!"
"And fools like you are going to make us lose in a landslide to the Republicans again, especially embarrassing for how much the Republicans have ruined the nation in the past four years. You have no proof of your conspiracy against me. I am a proud Texan (the delegates were glaring at Adolph, noting his charisma) and I take great offense that you would sully my patriotism. I fought in the trenches. I joined Congress to fight for the good American against corrupting influences in Washington. I prevented the damn Dyer bill from passing, and your berating is the thanks I get! Show some good earned respect!
You sound like a Hoosier instead of a good southerner. Well Yankee, and I have no issues with Hoosiers or Yanks, except when they stir trouble south of the Mason-Dixie line (Hitler was really winning over the crowd now), I think you are trying to give the election to the Republicans. Everyone in this room knows that the only way the Democratic Party can win is through the joint support of Southern folk, of western farmers and urbanite Catholics. Without any of those three groups the election goes to the Grand Old Party. Much of the Indiana Klan is aligned with the Republican party, and so I wonder where your true loyalties lie in this election. We all know that the Indiana Klan views Catholics as worse than n*****. (a shock in the face of the Lone Star delegates). Quite shocking for a good southern boy like me, that King Richard the Lionheart is seen as lesser than Shaka Zulu. We also all know how horrible the Harding administration was, and that the only way they the Republicans win is if we Democrats do not unify. Imagine if the Irish and Italians voted for Cox four years ago! We would have carried New York, we would have carried New Jersey, heck we would have carried Massachussets. Now my coreligionists did not and look at how this costed us. I reject such blatant factionalism in our party. It has costed us countless elections, and now it is half a miracle when we win. As a proud southern democrat, I am tired of losing to the party of n******!. Now begone, Coolidge agent!"
The Texan delegates clapped, with the Klansmen whispering amongst themselves. They leaped across to the other side of the New York convention, promising themselves today would not be the last day Hitler had to deal with the Klan.
Hitler took a seat and collected a few breaths. He drank a cup of water and then stared up at the ceiling, just above where a young New Yorker named Delano was speaking for Smith. There, he saw his deceased mentor's face. He held back manifold tears.
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"Life is so hard. For every reason you attempt getting up for, there are three reasons pushing you down upon your bed: your eventual casket".
The chilly late winter breeze of Washington D.C. reflected the mood at the Wilson funeral. President Wilson was many things: America's 28th, an intellectual, an enigma. But apart from that, he was Hitler's mentor.
"One cannot study Hitler as a political figure without understanding Wilson's impact on the Texan." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
Wilson's aloof and proud nature drew many away, but not Adolph. The Virginian's vanity was only human, and in his brain with many grey cells was a place for Hitler to learn from. Adolph loved being a student: being a student was how he grew. Wilson loved to teach, and Hitler loved to learn.
Abundant tears has to be pushed back, but memories could not. Memories of lectures in Trenton mimicking that of Nassau, ranging from the history of the Civil War to the philosophers of Ancient Greece. Dinners where conversations of family, race and baseball were as set in stone as the gravy on the Thanksgiving mashed potatoes (oh and how Hitler loved gravy during Thanksgiving at the Wilson household). Historical lectures became past-time conversation; the two were one and the same. Maybe most importantly, Wilson taught Hitler the skills in being an academic writer. Hitler was a scholar like Sumner and Turner, but Wilson had the extra edge (so did Turner, Sumner and Bryan in their own regards: Hitler was very fortunate to have such skilled mentors and he knew it).
Now, Wilson was no more. Like Alois and Sumner, a father figure was buried in the casket, never to return. Hitler could ask no more questions about Jefferson and Madison to the Georgian raised Commander in Chief: no more could be asked.
One thing that Wilson imparted on Hitler before his final days was to be a man of action. "Oh if only I was not in such wretched condition Adolph during the end of days in office, I could have made the world a world of peace and justice. But I was sick and frail, a ghoul during Versailles, and now the world is worse off. I could have done so much! Alas, I failed. Be a man of action Adolph, be a man of action."
Hitler would never say no to a man he viewed as a father, especially when words rung so true in his ears. It was his action that saved in him in San Antonio. He could have been the son an immigrant widow in a small, urban home, but his drive for academic and artistic success sent him to St. Mary's, saving him.
Adolph held back his tears. "A man does not cry; a man does not cry."
The casket was brought towards the Cathedral (Hitler was Catholic, so he didn't enter the Episcopalian cathedral for the service).
Edith Wilson, wife (and now widow) of Woodrow, was never nearly as enchanted by the Texan as was her deceased husband. But, Adolph's solemn, stonewall face convinced her to invite Hitler to a mourning reception later that evening for family and close friends. "Woodrow would have wanted that".
Hitler a few days later wrote a letter to his family and Turner. He met both of them in San Antonio and Madison respectively.
Woodrow would have wanted Hitler at the reception. Woodrow, Woodrow Woodrow, son in law of Woodrow McAdoo, McAdoo, McAdoo, Smith, Smith, Smith,
McAdoo!
Smith!
McAdoo!
Smith!
Hitler snapped out of his daydream. It was time to get things back in order. It would be what Wilson wanted.
The chilly late winter breeze of Washington D.C. reflected the mood at the Wilson funeral. President Wilson was many things: America's 28th, an intellectual, an enigma. But apart from that, he was Hitler's mentor.
"One cannot study Hitler as a political figure without understanding Wilson's impact on the Texan." - Adolph Hitler: An Impactful Legacy, by David McCullough, American Historian and author.
Wilson's aloof and proud nature drew many away, but not Adolph. The Virginian's vanity was only human, and in his brain with many grey cells was a place for Hitler to learn from. Adolph loved being a student: being a student was how he grew. Wilson loved to teach, and Hitler loved to learn.
Abundant tears has to be pushed back, but memories could not. Memories of lectures in Trenton mimicking that of Nassau, ranging from the history of the Civil War to the philosophers of Ancient Greece. Dinners where conversations of family, race and baseball were as set in stone as the gravy on the Thanksgiving mashed potatoes (oh and how Hitler loved gravy during Thanksgiving at the Wilson household). Historical lectures became past-time conversation; the two were one and the same. Maybe most importantly, Wilson taught Hitler the skills in being an academic writer. Hitler was a scholar like Sumner and Turner, but Wilson had the extra edge (so did Turner, Sumner and Bryan in their own regards: Hitler was very fortunate to have such skilled mentors and he knew it).
Now, Wilson was no more. Like Alois and Sumner, a father figure was buried in the casket, never to return. Hitler could ask no more questions about Jefferson and Madison to the Georgian raised Commander in Chief: no more could be asked.
One thing that Wilson imparted on Hitler before his final days was to be a man of action. "Oh if only I was not in such wretched condition Adolph during the end of days in office, I could have made the world a world of peace and justice. But I was sick and frail, a ghoul during Versailles, and now the world is worse off. I could have done so much! Alas, I failed. Be a man of action Adolph, be a man of action."
Hitler would never say no to a man he viewed as a father, especially when words rung so true in his ears. It was his action that saved in him in San Antonio. He could have been the son an immigrant widow in a small, urban home, but his drive for academic and artistic success sent him to St. Mary's, saving him.
Adolph held back his tears. "A man does not cry; a man does not cry."
The casket was brought towards the Cathedral (Hitler was Catholic, so he didn't enter the Episcopalian cathedral for the service).
Edith Wilson, wife (and now widow) of Woodrow, was never nearly as enchanted by the Texan as was her deceased husband. But, Adolph's solemn, stonewall face convinced her to invite Hitler to a mourning reception later that evening for family and close friends. "Woodrow would have wanted that".
Hitler a few days later wrote a letter to his family and Turner. He met both of them in San Antonio and Madison respectively.
Woodrow would have wanted Hitler at the reception. Woodrow, Woodrow Woodrow, son in law of Woodrow McAdoo, McAdoo, McAdoo, Smith, Smith, Smith,
McAdoo!
Smith!
McAdoo!
Smith!
Hitler snapped out of his daydream. It was time to get things back in order. It would be what Wilson wanted.
(Senator Hitler of Texas serving as a delegate in the 1924 Democratic National Convention in New York City.)
Fighting broke out during the convention. Catholic and Protestant, city boy and country boy, wet and dry lay fists at each other. Gone were the attempts at hospitality, gone were the feelings of unity, gone were the hopes of a Democratic in the white house.
"Hitler could not stand order's absence. If social harmony lacked, than to him everything broke down. From the Ancient Rome to Napoleonic France, Hitler's studies on nations and empires concluded for him that once states lost their morale, their death was just a matter of time." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
No one was at the podium and thus the Texan Senator went up. The audience, aghast, stared their eyes at the Austrian American, commanding the convention hall with his ever so intimidating gaze.
"Esteemed gentleman of the convention, I implore you to listen!"
The hall was silent. Somehow, the audience's subconscious sensed in the Texan the truth, or at least the proper direction headed towards there.
"Understand the brevity of the situation! We are in opposition to a corrupt and senile administration, one which implores for all the qualities of the past besides its values! We, the inheritors of Jefferson and Jackson, are failing to stand up to these cretins! Democrats! We must understand how we can win! In the past we won the solid south and at times with the charisma of the great Bryan, we have won the rural west. We have always had an appeal in the urban, industrial centers in the east but now we have been blessed with an increased voter base as the industrial North blossoms. It must be understood that the only way for a Democrat to win the white house is through the triumvirate of the south, through the rural heartland of the west and through the urban centers of the east. If we lose one of these three constituencies, we will lose to President Coolidge and his running mate Mr. Dawes. I beg Southerners and Westerners to open their hearts to their fellow democrats in the east, as we all share the spirit of Jackson and Jefferson of fighting for the common man. Without their vote we would have lost. And I implore the supporters of eastern Democracy for agreeableness and courtesy when working with your southern and western party workers. I have heard one too many taunts to feel that good will is the only strong emotion on these grounds.
We are all frustrated. Numerous white house officials for years got away with obscene crimes, and many more are freely wallowing in their sin. But we cannot turn our frustrations on each other. Instead, we must present the American people a platform they can trust. A platform for them, their families and their communities. A platform for sincerity and forthrightness. A platform for the benefit of the United States of America!"
(Senator Hitler speaking at the Convention, 1924.)
The crowd's mood was mixed. Many were delighted for the call for common sense and party unity, yet many more could not accept the other faction as their ally. McAdoo and Smith men who found Hitler's message threatening for their hold of the party assembled themselves and found a compromise candidate in John Davis, a west Virginian born lawyer viewed as a west (and thus acceptable to southerners and Catholics) was crowned the nomination. In order to ensure Hitler would not create a storm, they nominated Charles Bryan of Nebraska, brother of Adolph's mentor, for the Vice Presidency. And even without Hitler in consideration, Bryan was a good compromise candidate, as he was a progressive and came from a popular name.
Presidential Election of 1924:
The Election of '24 was an absolute mess for the Democratic party, In severe disarray, Democratic voters were anything but thrilled post the New York Convention. Instead of the compromise pleasing everyone, it pleased no one, reducing the Democratic party to just under 29% of the vote. Robert LaFollete, appealing to progressives of both parties when the conservatives dominated the them, one his home state of Wisconsin and one-sixth of the national vote. Senator Hitler noted that, "LaFollete's charisma turned him from a regional figure to a national. Charisma is the key to success in all functions of leadership, from feudal monarchies to the grand designs of a virtuous republic."
Rumblings for Hitler were omnipresent as soon as the election results were released. "The Texan was right!" many stated. The party leaders who had rejected the threatening novice realized that their exclusion of him from major political decisions was over. Although some southerners found Hitler too Catholic friendly after the speech and blamed it on his Catholic religion, followed by some Catholics who called him a traitor to his religious community for not endorsing Smith at the convention, the majority opinion on both communities was that the Texan, who time and time again was among the most charismatic and effective opponents of the Republicans in Congress, was onto something. Hitler did not leave the convention a leader of the party, but from now on no leader could dare envision excluding the Texan from the table.
"Hitler could not stand order's absence. If social harmony lacked, than to him everything broke down. From the Ancient Rome to Napoleonic France, Hitler's studies on nations and empires concluded for him that once states lost their morale, their death was just a matter of time." - The Great Men of American History, by Eric Foner, American Historian and author.
No one was at the podium and thus the Texan Senator went up. The audience, aghast, stared their eyes at the Austrian American, commanding the convention hall with his ever so intimidating gaze.
"Esteemed gentleman of the convention, I implore you to listen!"
The hall was silent. Somehow, the audience's subconscious sensed in the Texan the truth, or at least the proper direction headed towards there.
"Understand the brevity of the situation! We are in opposition to a corrupt and senile administration, one which implores for all the qualities of the past besides its values! We, the inheritors of Jefferson and Jackson, are failing to stand up to these cretins! Democrats! We must understand how we can win! In the past we won the solid south and at times with the charisma of the great Bryan, we have won the rural west. We have always had an appeal in the urban, industrial centers in the east but now we have been blessed with an increased voter base as the industrial North blossoms. It must be understood that the only way for a Democrat to win the white house is through the triumvirate of the south, through the rural heartland of the west and through the urban centers of the east. If we lose one of these three constituencies, we will lose to President Coolidge and his running mate Mr. Dawes. I beg Southerners and Westerners to open their hearts to their fellow democrats in the east, as we all share the spirit of Jackson and Jefferson of fighting for the common man. Without their vote we would have lost. And I implore the supporters of eastern Democracy for agreeableness and courtesy when working with your southern and western party workers. I have heard one too many taunts to feel that good will is the only strong emotion on these grounds.
We are all frustrated. Numerous white house officials for years got away with obscene crimes, and many more are freely wallowing in their sin. But we cannot turn our frustrations on each other. Instead, we must present the American people a platform they can trust. A platform for them, their families and their communities. A platform for sincerity and forthrightness. A platform for the benefit of the United States of America!"
(Senator Hitler speaking at the Convention, 1924.)
The crowd's mood was mixed. Many were delighted for the call for common sense and party unity, yet many more could not accept the other faction as their ally. McAdoo and Smith men who found Hitler's message threatening for their hold of the party assembled themselves and found a compromise candidate in John Davis, a west Virginian born lawyer viewed as a west (and thus acceptable to southerners and Catholics) was crowned the nomination. In order to ensure Hitler would not create a storm, they nominated Charles Bryan of Nebraska, brother of Adolph's mentor, for the Vice Presidency. And even without Hitler in consideration, Bryan was a good compromise candidate, as he was a progressive and came from a popular name.
Presidential Election of 1924:
The Election of '24 was an absolute mess for the Democratic party, In severe disarray, Democratic voters were anything but thrilled post the New York Convention. Instead of the compromise pleasing everyone, it pleased no one, reducing the Democratic party to just under 29% of the vote. Robert LaFollete, appealing to progressives of both parties when the conservatives dominated the them, one his home state of Wisconsin and one-sixth of the national vote. Senator Hitler noted that, "LaFollete's charisma turned him from a regional figure to a national. Charisma is the key to success in all functions of leadership, from feudal monarchies to the grand designs of a virtuous republic."
Rumblings for Hitler were omnipresent as soon as the election results were released. "The Texan was right!" many stated. The party leaders who had rejected the threatening novice realized that their exclusion of him from major political decisions was over. Although some southerners found Hitler too Catholic friendly after the speech and blamed it on his Catholic religion, followed by some Catholics who called him a traitor to his religious community for not endorsing Smith at the convention, the majority opinion on both communities was that the Texan, who time and time again was among the most charismatic and effective opponents of the Republicans in Congress, was onto something. Hitler did not leave the convention a leader of the party, but from now on no leader could dare envision excluding the Texan from the table.
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Coolidge: It seems that Senator Hitler of Texas, that repugnant gremlin who stalked our every policy during my predecessor's administration has further increased his national profile.
Dawes: It would seem so.
Mellon: There are rumors that he is attempting to challenge the validity of my economic theories. If so, I am glad to debate economic matters with that pompous novice.
Coolidge: Now now, gentlemen, let's understand that my predecessor was let's say, not the best at defending the reputation of the white house and of conservative principles. His love of the fairer sex costed us a fair amount of support.
Mellon: My my, you are chattier than usual, Mr. President!
Coolidge: That disgusting troll leaves an impact.
Both Mellon and Dawes smiled. It seemed that the nation's 30th would be a much more difficult challenger for the Texan.
(President Calvin Coolidge with his Vice President Charles G. Dawes. History would prove that the 30th could pull a punch: Silent Cal would not go down silently.)
Dawes: It would seem so.
Mellon: There are rumors that he is attempting to challenge the validity of my economic theories. If so, I am glad to debate economic matters with that pompous novice.
Coolidge: Now now, gentlemen, let's understand that my predecessor was let's say, not the best at defending the reputation of the white house and of conservative principles. His love of the fairer sex costed us a fair amount of support.
Mellon: My my, you are chattier than usual, Mr. President!
Coolidge: That disgusting troll leaves an impact.
Both Mellon and Dawes smiled. It seemed that the nation's 30th would be a much more difficult challenger for the Texan.
(President Calvin Coolidge with his Vice President Charles G. Dawes. History would prove that the 30th could pull a punch: Silent Cal would not go down silently.)
Japan was a realm dominated by its military. From the late 12th century till the mid 19th, Japan was ruled directly by the shogun and his will enforced by the samurai. 680 years of military rule dramatically impacted Japan's national, cultural and political psyche, ensuring that even in post-Meiji Japan, the military's will was what the nation's administration had to fulfill. Any civilian-oriented leader of Japan found an immense uphill battle in passing their policies.
However, the Taisho era gave adequate support for reformers. Emperor Taisho was a sickly man, and thus progressives, liberals and reformers had more freedom in debating, demanding and pushing through democratic reforms. Yet, as Takashi discovered in '21, there was still much push back from Nihon's reactionaries. However, the failed attempt on his life only bolstered support for the till-then unpopular prime minister, giving Takashi newfound support for his progressive policies.
Takashi retained his friend and fellow moderate Saito Makoto as governor-general of Korea. Initially, the concessions the Koreans received were seen as inadequate and did not help the Catholic Prime Minister initially, but with the assassination attempt revealing to the Korean republic the political situation on the ground in Japan in terms of views on more conciliatory attitudes towards the Korean people, their goodwill towards Takashi grew tenfold; Prime Minister Takashi would receive praise in the years to come in pacifying Korea.
(Governor-general Saito Makoto was a friend and ally of Prime Minister Takashi. Their shared commitment to sensible moderation won them accolades in the liberal press, and helped Takashi earn a domestic and global respectability.)
With his Catholic faith turning towards acute zealotry following the infamous train station incident, Takashi became more and more committed in anti-corruption measures.
"It is clear that one of the, if not the biggest factors for Takashi's growing support was his anti-corruption stance. He developed an image of an honest statesman, caring for the common man, fighting for the little guy. His humble abode where he served as Prime Minister connected with the rice farmers and arms manufacturing workers of the country in a way that the florid military leadership could not comprehend." - Lessons in Leadership by Shinzo Abe, Japanese historian and politician.
Now, with much of the nation behind him, Takashi backed through with newfound ferocity universal male suffrage with the General Election Law of 1922. Socialists and liberals rallied around their newfound hero, epitomizing the newfound spirit in Taisho era Japan. The common masses who were enfranchised by Takashi would reward him greatly, especially helpful during times of trouble.
Those times of trouble would emerge. The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 served as the mainspring of an economic depression, leading to numerous businesses going bankrupt.
"Generally, a prime minister finding himself in Prime Minister Hara's shoes would have lost his political mandate, but not Prime Minister Hara himself. The common man, who embraced the simple, relatable and honest administrator, stood by him as he worked frantically to remedy the crisis. They reasoned that as he fought tooth and nail for their voting rights, they could not be so flimsy as to turn away from their hero." - Lessons in Leadership by Shinzo Abe, Japanese historian and politician.
Prime Minister Takashi's economic curative was again more progressive than the norm. His administration, with the advice of British economist John Meynard Keynes intervened through the Bank of Japan and issued discounted "earthquake bonds" which overextended the banks. More public works projects were also promoted, with a major focus on sanitation works in major cities across Japan, especially in Tokyo. The economic crisis was rectified, earning both Takashi and Keynes global praise. The working-class felt that their loyalty was rewarded, and Takashi won reelection handily in the 1924 General elections. Kato Takaaki, the opposing candidate, while not surprised he lost, was shocked when his party lost seats (Saiyukai jumped to 308 seats and Kenseikai dropped to 91).
(Economist John Maynard Keynes played an instrumental role in Takashi's economic policies. The two developed a great admiration for each other and Keynes for a year was known colloquially as the "overseas finance minister". Keynes advanced his international brand working with the Prime Minister, and for the rest of his life praised Hara Takashi as "one of this century's most forthright leaders" and "an exemplar of this generation".)
Takashi did not embrace the radical left. He thoroughly condemned Daisuke Namba, the would-be assassin of crown-prince Hirohito in the 1923 during the Toranomon incident. He despised radicalism on any side, preferring as he put, "sensible reform ove violent and sensationalist rebellion". Takashi was also deeply offended as a proud Japanese citizen who, even though he found himself at odds constantly with Nihon's conservatives and reactionaries, adored the imperial family. Regicide to him was beyond condemnable: it was sinful. And he made that very clear in his formal response that as a Catholic, he knew that "Namba was burning in the lakes of hell". He personally wrote a letter to the royal family sending his personal condolences to the royal family. His conservative critics could label him soft, but could never label him a traitor or even a radical.
Takashi's Catholic faith inspired him for supporting the construction of many more schools and hospitals :to educate and heal the people". Not only were they short term public works projects, but were also long-term investments into the nation's future. American Senator Adolph Hitler was very fond of his fellow Catholic, writing that, "Japan has a very sensible leader. His understanding of sensible reform will transform Japan from a backwards, Oriental nation to an advanced imitator of the Occident. He's a follower of a Christ and an embracer of the west, and so of course he is leading his heathen citizenry into an enlightened state". Takashi earned wide praise from many other sources, especially during the 1927 Japanese Showa financial crash. The economy, still sensitive, crashed in '27, leading to 14 banks declaring bankruptcy. Takashi increased stimulus in fiscal policy (cutting taxes and increasing government spending, especially into schools and hospitals) and monetary policy (issuing emergency bank loans and a two-week bank holiday). The strategy worked and Takashi won reelection in 1928, however with a reduced margin. The reason why are vital shifts in Japanese history:
From the '27 crash, smaller banks took the brunt. The Zaibutsus, opponents of Takashi politically, grew in strength as their competition weakened. With their increased economic power they financed the opposition, supporting conservative leader Uchida Kosai's candidacy for Prime Minister in 1928. Takashi ended up losing 60 seats in '28, still commanding a majority in the National Diet. The Zaibutus had organized the military, he bureaucrats, ultranationalists and conservatives under a new political apparatus lead by Uchida. This newly organized opposition would find itself molding history, especially with the good graces of the new Emperor Hirohito.
(Moderate, game-changer, closet catholic, open zealot, many titled have been attributed towards Prime Minister Takashi. But the greatest legacy he left was that Japan would be a proper democracy where the citizens, not the zaibutsus or military were in charge. American commentators during the late 20's noted he shared common qualities with both Presidents Jackson and Wilson, a populist at one hand an a progressive intellectual at another. However, Takashi was not celebrated by all of Japanese society, with many viewing him with intense hostility. The clash between his democratic, civilian supporters and military, bureaucratic and aristocratic opponents would shape Japan's history for generations to come.)
However, the Taisho era gave adequate support for reformers. Emperor Taisho was a sickly man, and thus progressives, liberals and reformers had more freedom in debating, demanding and pushing through democratic reforms. Yet, as Takashi discovered in '21, there was still much push back from Nihon's reactionaries. However, the failed attempt on his life only bolstered support for the till-then unpopular prime minister, giving Takashi newfound support for his progressive policies.
Takashi retained his friend and fellow moderate Saito Makoto as governor-general of Korea. Initially, the concessions the Koreans received were seen as inadequate and did not help the Catholic Prime Minister initially, but with the assassination attempt revealing to the Korean republic the political situation on the ground in Japan in terms of views on more conciliatory attitudes towards the Korean people, their goodwill towards Takashi grew tenfold; Prime Minister Takashi would receive praise in the years to come in pacifying Korea.
(Governor-general Saito Makoto was a friend and ally of Prime Minister Takashi. Their shared commitment to sensible moderation won them accolades in the liberal press, and helped Takashi earn a domestic and global respectability.)
With his Catholic faith turning towards acute zealotry following the infamous train station incident, Takashi became more and more committed in anti-corruption measures.
"It is clear that one of the, if not the biggest factors for Takashi's growing support was his anti-corruption stance. He developed an image of an honest statesman, caring for the common man, fighting for the little guy. His humble abode where he served as Prime Minister connected with the rice farmers and arms manufacturing workers of the country in a way that the florid military leadership could not comprehend." - Lessons in Leadership by Shinzo Abe, Japanese historian and politician.
Now, with much of the nation behind him, Takashi backed through with newfound ferocity universal male suffrage with the General Election Law of 1922. Socialists and liberals rallied around their newfound hero, epitomizing the newfound spirit in Taisho era Japan. The common masses who were enfranchised by Takashi would reward him greatly, especially helpful during times of trouble.
Those times of trouble would emerge. The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 served as the mainspring of an economic depression, leading to numerous businesses going bankrupt.
"Generally, a prime minister finding himself in Prime Minister Hara's shoes would have lost his political mandate, but not Prime Minister Hara himself. The common man, who embraced the simple, relatable and honest administrator, stood by him as he worked frantically to remedy the crisis. They reasoned that as he fought tooth and nail for their voting rights, they could not be so flimsy as to turn away from their hero." - Lessons in Leadership by Shinzo Abe, Japanese historian and politician.
Prime Minister Takashi's economic curative was again more progressive than the norm. His administration, with the advice of British economist John Meynard Keynes intervened through the Bank of Japan and issued discounted "earthquake bonds" which overextended the banks. More public works projects were also promoted, with a major focus on sanitation works in major cities across Japan, especially in Tokyo. The economic crisis was rectified, earning both Takashi and Keynes global praise. The working-class felt that their loyalty was rewarded, and Takashi won reelection handily in the 1924 General elections. Kato Takaaki, the opposing candidate, while not surprised he lost, was shocked when his party lost seats (Saiyukai jumped to 308 seats and Kenseikai dropped to 91).
(Economist John Maynard Keynes played an instrumental role in Takashi's economic policies. The two developed a great admiration for each other and Keynes for a year was known colloquially as the "overseas finance minister". Keynes advanced his international brand working with the Prime Minister, and for the rest of his life praised Hara Takashi as "one of this century's most forthright leaders" and "an exemplar of this generation".)
Takashi did not embrace the radical left. He thoroughly condemned Daisuke Namba, the would-be assassin of crown-prince Hirohito in the 1923 during the Toranomon incident. He despised radicalism on any side, preferring as he put, "sensible reform ove violent and sensationalist rebellion". Takashi was also deeply offended as a proud Japanese citizen who, even though he found himself at odds constantly with Nihon's conservatives and reactionaries, adored the imperial family. Regicide to him was beyond condemnable: it was sinful. And he made that very clear in his formal response that as a Catholic, he knew that "Namba was burning in the lakes of hell". He personally wrote a letter to the royal family sending his personal condolences to the royal family. His conservative critics could label him soft, but could never label him a traitor or even a radical.
Takashi's Catholic faith inspired him for supporting the construction of many more schools and hospitals :to educate and heal the people". Not only were they short term public works projects, but were also long-term investments into the nation's future. American Senator Adolph Hitler was very fond of his fellow Catholic, writing that, "Japan has a very sensible leader. His understanding of sensible reform will transform Japan from a backwards, Oriental nation to an advanced imitator of the Occident. He's a follower of a Christ and an embracer of the west, and so of course he is leading his heathen citizenry into an enlightened state". Takashi earned wide praise from many other sources, especially during the 1927 Japanese Showa financial crash. The economy, still sensitive, crashed in '27, leading to 14 banks declaring bankruptcy. Takashi increased stimulus in fiscal policy (cutting taxes and increasing government spending, especially into schools and hospitals) and monetary policy (issuing emergency bank loans and a two-week bank holiday). The strategy worked and Takashi won reelection in 1928, however with a reduced margin. The reason why are vital shifts in Japanese history:
From the '27 crash, smaller banks took the brunt. The Zaibutsus, opponents of Takashi politically, grew in strength as their competition weakened. With their increased economic power they financed the opposition, supporting conservative leader Uchida Kosai's candidacy for Prime Minister in 1928. Takashi ended up losing 60 seats in '28, still commanding a majority in the National Diet. The Zaibutus had organized the military, he bureaucrats, ultranationalists and conservatives under a new political apparatus lead by Uchida. This newly organized opposition would find itself molding history, especially with the good graces of the new Emperor Hirohito.
(Moderate, game-changer, closet catholic, open zealot, many titled have been attributed towards Prime Minister Takashi. But the greatest legacy he left was that Japan would be a proper democracy where the citizens, not the zaibutsus or military were in charge. American commentators during the late 20's noted he shared common qualities with both Presidents Jackson and Wilson, a populist at one hand an a progressive intellectual at another. However, Takashi was not celebrated by all of Japanese society, with many viewing him with intense hostility. The clash between his democratic, civilian supporters and military, bureaucratic and aristocratic opponents would shape Japan's history for generations to come.)
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Here are the Japan wikiboxes made by wikibox god @Roberto El Rey! Once again to Roberto, thank you very much! 
Los Angeles Times, 2019:
(Ganz on the set of Tintin in the Congo, 1995.)
Beloved Hollywood Star and "Movie screen magician" Bruno Ganz passed away on February 16, 2019. But his legacy will be forever enshrined in Hollywood history, ever since he set foot on the shores of New York City with his Swiss-German family on August 4, 1947.
Growing up in an urban environment, Ganz recounted how he, "saw more people every day in seconds than there were in the cantons my father's ancestors grew up in". Growing up shy, Ganz failed fitting in with his schoolmates during his earlier half of his childhood. It was during freshman year at Hitler High* where he saw a performance of Hamlet where he realized that stage would be his way to connect with the audience. And so during his sophomore year, he decided to audition for fall performance: Romeo & Juliet. With much practice and, as he put it, "the sprinkled spice of luck", his audition for Count Paris was a success. His performance in the play was regarded by both his peers and parents as …
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End Notes:
* There are many Hitler highs, roads, even airports.
P.S. Trust me, down the road there's gonna be an update featuring the rest of this article.
(Ganz on the set of Tintin in the Congo, 1995.)
Beloved Hollywood Star and "Movie screen magician" Bruno Ganz passed away on February 16, 2019. But his legacy will be forever enshrined in Hollywood history, ever since he set foot on the shores of New York City with his Swiss-German family on August 4, 1947.
Growing up in an urban environment, Ganz recounted how he, "saw more people every day in seconds than there were in the cantons my father's ancestors grew up in". Growing up shy, Ganz failed fitting in with his schoolmates during his earlier half of his childhood. It was during freshman year at Hitler High* where he saw a performance of Hamlet where he realized that stage would be his way to connect with the audience. And so during his sophomore year, he decided to audition for fall performance: Romeo & Juliet. With much practice and, as he put it, "the sprinkled spice of luck", his audition for Count Paris was a success. His performance in the play was regarded by both his peers and parents as …
You can support globally renowned journalism by subscribing today. Don't miss on this week's special offer of just $1.25 a week for a whole month.
End Notes:
* There are many Hitler highs, roads, even airports.
P.S. Trust me, down the road there's gonna be an update featuring the rest of this article.
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