The Giant’s Vigor: An early exit from the Great Depression

Between this and Cermak doing his best to finish the 1909 Burnham Plan it seems Chicago is experiencing something of a renaissance... even if it's at the cost of a lot of angry homeowners and urban renewal. The Clark Street development especially is giving me vibes from social housing in Vienna.

The interesting thing about Cermak is that he was assassinated in what seemed to be an attempt on Roosevelt’s life. His main problem was lack of funds which is something the federal government is providing in extreme amounts.

Note that it’s not just angry homeowners, people are also being kicked out of their places of rent. It might be worth it for society, but huge numbers of people are being displaced from this proto-urban renewal and public works construction such as the thousands of families in the Tennessee Valley whose homes are being flooded.

But yeah Chicago is going to be doing better.

It's such an important point I feel stupid for not having fully considered it before. Yes I knew about the lack of recovery in business investment during the 1930s, and then in the 40s you have the war which means much of the civilian economy stops existing in a way we'd recognize. But the sum total is that, by 46, you've had more than a decade and a half in underinvestment in housing to a fairly substantiable degree...

Yeah, yeah, I can see it. As you've said, this won't stop suburbanization given it's a pretty reasonable preference, but I hadn't realized just how dilapidated a lot of the urban housing stock was getting by the late 40s. The stars really did align for the suburban boom.

In OTL’s 1950 census there were 1,060,145 housing unit in Chicago. 51,200 had been built since 1940, 37,970 were built from 1930-1939, 305,295 had been built from 1920-1929 and 665,680 had been built in 1919 or before.

I imagine politicians are less likely to want to ram highways through cities when the housing stock isn’t in need of replacement.

Really do love the use of altered Tooze quotes here. Is the payments crisis somehow even worse for Germany here? Given higher American inflation/depreciation and its knock on effects, seems like it'll have put even more pressure on the Reichsbank than OTL.

And in terms of pace, by all means slow down as required! This is really good work, we can wait a bit for an update.

Iirc the balance of payments crisis was worst in Germany in 1935. This is also after the French do their devaluation in this timeline. I think they’re going to be forced to devalue when they didn’t OTL.

I am definitely going to slow down, I mainly wonder whether people want shorter daily chapters or slower longer chapters.
 
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I'm really enjoying this timeline so far. One suggestion though: you don't really need to start going into depth about events in any given country until there are significant differences from OTL. I want to hear your descriptions of interestingly different alternate events in the US, not your descriptions of almost exactly the same thing as OTL happening in other countries. If any of the minor changes are important you could just summarize them in your first more detailed update whenever larger changes hit. Looking forward to the rest of the timeline!
 
I'm really enjoying this timeline so far. One suggestion though: you don't really need to start going into depth about events in any given country until there are significant differences from OTL. I want to hear your descriptions of interestingly different alternate events in the US, not your descriptions of almost exactly the same thing as OTL happening in other countries. If any of the minor changes are important you could just summarize them in your first more detailed update whenever larger changes hit. Looking forward to the rest of the timeline!

Duly noted but going in depth into things that don’t change much is quite easy. The five year plan chapter took like an hour and a half whereas some of the US focused ones take like 3 to 4 hours.

For example, right now I have an alternate fireside chat written on the railroad nationalization. Writing a descriptor for how the fireside chats worked would be quite easy and wouldn’t require much thinking.

At the same time I have a couple of paragraphs written on debt and default and it’s a nightmare. I have to come up with alternate timelines for when countries default on their debt. I’m also reading US government reports on the amount of net debt by sector and year and playing with the math on it. At the same time I’m trying to make the point that currency devaluation and the suspension of the gold standard was also a debt default. It’s much harder to have original thoughts and carry them to logical conclusions than it is to rewrite thoughts other people have had in my own sequence and with some flair.

Not to rag on you because I appreciate your advice but I think the efficiency gains are pretty marginal.
 
Chapter 13: Fireside Yapping

Chapter 13: Fireside Yapping​

The fireside chats refer to the series of radio broadcasts delivered by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to the American people. These chats grew out of previous radio broadcasts Governor Roosevelt had made in both his gubernatorial addresses and inside the legislature.

The first fireside chat took place on March 12, 1933, just eight days after Roosevelt’s inauguration. Roosevelt used this initial chat to explain the banking crisis to the public and outline the steps his administration was taking to address it, including the passage of the Emergency Banking Act. He spoke in clear, simple language that was easy for the average American to understand, helping to calm fears and restore confidence in the banking system.

The term “fireside chat” itself was coined by Harry C. Butcher, a CBS radio executive, who used it in a press release before Roosevelt’s address on May 7, 1933. The term evoked an image of the President speaking to the nation as if he were sitting by a fireplace in a comfortable setting, having a direct conversation with the American people. Roosevelt embraced this concept, and it became a defining characteristic of his radio addresses.

Roosevelt used the fireside chats to discuss a wide range of topics, with a particular focus on his New Deal policies. He used the chats to explain the purpose and mechanisms of these policies in a way the American people could understand to increase governmental transparency, sidestep traditional media apparatuses and swell popular support to keep public pressure for his reforms.

FDR faced opposition from various quarters, including conservatives who believed the New Deal represented an overreach of government power and those who felt the policies did not go far enough in addressing economic inequalities. He confronted these criticisms head-on, making the case for the necessity of government intervention in the face of the Great Depression but not too far such that stability was maintained.

The fireside chats were notable for their effectiveness in shaping public opinion and building support for Roosevelt’s policies. The President’s calm, reassuring demeanor and his ability to explain complex issues in simple terms helped to instill confidence in his leadership during times of great uncertainty. The chats also served to establish a personal connection between Roosevelt and the American people, making them feel as though they had a direct line to the White House.

Demand side recessions such as the Great Depression are mostly the outcome of collective neuroses and pessimism over the future path of the macroeconomy. If every American began to worry that they were going to lose their job, they would begin to save more money to give them a cushion for their expected future unemployment. This decrease in consumption would cause the very layoffs everyone worried about. Even if you didn’t believe you would lose your job before, the fact that everyone is now scared raises your risk and even a sober analysis of the situation would have you increase your savings. Bank runs work in a similar way where fear of a bank run increases the utility of removing your money from the bank furthering the crisis.

However, the opposite also applies. By expressing a willingness to commit radical action to restore the status quo, popular sentiment can increase even without the radical action and thus recovery will progress just from words. The 27% jump in the Dow on March 15th were not because the actions taken at the time had increased discounted future free cash flows by 27% but because they heralded a change in policy and future actions which the Roosevelt Administration might take.

The main outcome of the chats were therefore the atmosphere of a government and president that cared about the average person and who was saying everything would be OK. The new found confidence of the American people would lead them to return their stored cash to the banks, to restart purchases of non essential goods and services and for the business community to feel more secure in restoring prior production or even making new investments in their businesses.

Keynes’ Animal Spirits were flipping once again, hyperstition would drive growth and not decay over Roosevelt’s tenure.



My fellow Americans,

Over the past few years, our nation has faced challenges greater than any we have seen before. The Great Depression has touched every corner of our country, leaving millions without work, without savings, and without hope. The hardships endured by our people have been immense, and the road to recovery has been long and arduous.

In the face of this unprecedented crisis, we have taken extraordinary measures to stabilize our economy and provide relief to those most in need. We have created programs to put the unemployed back to work, to save homes from foreclosure, and to provide assistance to the elderly, the disabled, and the poor. However, despite the progress we have made, it is clear that more must be done to restore our nation to prosperity.

One of the most critical components of our economy, and one that has been hit particularly hard by the Depression, is our vast network of railroads. These vital arteries of commerce and transportation have long been the lifeblood of our nation, connecting our cities, our factories, our farms, and our people. They have enabled us to move goods and services across the country, to build new industries and expand existing ones, and to create countless jobs and opportunities for our citizens.

However, the challenges facing our railroads today are immense. Plummeting revenues, crushing debt, and years of deferred maintenance have left many of our rail lines in a state of disrepair, unable to meet the demands of our economy or the needs of our people. The consequences of allowing our railroads to fail would be catastrophic, not just for the millions of Americans who depend on them for their livelihoods, but for our entire nation.

Recognizing the dire situation faced by our railroads and the potential consequences of their failure, my administration, with the support of Congress, has taken decisive action. I have signed into law legislation that will bring our nation’s railroads under public ownership and control. This bold step is necessary to save our railroads from collapse and to ensure that they continue to serve as the backbone of our economy.

The objectives of this transfer to public authority are twofold. First and foremost, we must save our railroads from the brink of ruin. By bringing them under public ownership, we can provide the resources and the stability needed to keep them running, even in the face of the continued economic challenges we face. Second, we must modernize and rehabilitate our rail infrastructure, investing in new equipment, repairing aging tracks and facilities, and expanding service to meet the needs of our growing nation.

To oversee this critical effort, I have appointed Rexford Tugwell to serve as the head of our newly-created public railroad corporation. Mr. Tugwell is a man of great intelligence, integrity, and vision, and I have no doubt that under his leadership, our railroads will not only survive but thrive. He will work tirelessly to streamline operations, eliminate waste and inefficiency, and ensure that every dollar invested in our railroads is used wisely and effectively.

This action represents an unparalleled level of government involvement in our economy, but it is a necessary step to address an unparalleled challenge. Private enterprise, left to its own devices, has proven unable to save our railroads or to provide the kind of long-term vision and investment needed to keep them running. By bringing them under public control, we can ensure that they serve the interests of all Americans, not just the wealthy few.

The acquisition of our railroads will bring numerous benefits to our country and our people. First and foremost, it will allow us to rehabilitate and modernize our aging rail infrastructure. For too long, our railroads have been allowed to fall into disrepair, with aging tracks, outdated equipment, and crumbling facilities. Under public ownership, we will invest in the necessary upgrades and improvements to ensure that our railroads are safe, efficient, and reliable.

Secondarily, the acquisition will allow us to expand and improve service for both passengers and shippers. By streamlining operations and eliminating duplication and waste, we can provide more frequent and reliable service to communities across the country. This will be a boon for businesses, farmers, and manufacturers, who will be able to move their goods to market more quickly and efficiently. It will also benefit travelers, who will have access to more affordable and convenient transportation options.

Some may question the need for such extensive government involvement in our economy, arguing that the private sector should be left to sort out its own problems. However, the challenges we face today are simply too great for the private sector to handle alone. The vast scope of the Depression, the interconnectedness of our economy, and the vital role played by our railroads all demand a coordinated, national response.

The government has a responsibility to act in times of crisis to protect the welfare of its citizens. Just as we have taken action to provide relief to the unemployed, to save homes from foreclosure, and to stabilize our banking system, so too must we act to save our railroads and the countless jobs and livelihoods that depend on them.

The placing of our railroads under public ownership is not a momentary remedy, but a sustained effort to secure the future of our country. By bringing this vital industry under public control, we are laying the foundation for a more stable, more prosperous economy that benefits all Americans.

My fellow Americans, the challenges we face today are great, but so too is our capacity to overcome them. Through bold action, creative thinking, and a commitment to the common good, we can build a brighter, more prosperous future for all.

Thank you, and good night.

(March 19th, 1933)
 
Sorry for the long gap, I got sick in addition to taking a break delaying things further. The next chapter is going to be on debt. This one was just something that was easy to write with my mushy brain.
 
With France devaluing the Franc in 1934, they may avoid Laval's deflationary policies of 1934-35. This will go a long way towards improving the economy before 1938/39 and strengthening the 1935 rearmament programs.
 
Shouldn't this allow for larger loans for Poland?

I have no idea about Polish loans. Do you have any reading on them I could do?

Agricultural commodities are going to be worth more so Poland’s agricultural society will have a stronger economy. Poland will also be able to spend more on its military but I’m unaware of Polish debt.
 
With France devaluing the Franc in 1934, they may avoid Laval's deflationary policies of 1934-35. This will go a long way towards improving the economy before 1938/39 and strengthening the 1935 rearmament programs.

Yep, I think France’s economy will be 5-10% bigger with more room for government spending. The main catch is that Germany’s situation is also being improved as foreign markets open and they devalue the currency.

Everyone’s doing better but the US is improving far more than others and the USSR far less.
 
Chapter 14: The Default Waltz

Chapter 14: The Default Waltz​

1929 - 1931​

Most debt is nominal. It is denominated in dollars or gold; when the value of those measures change, so too does the value of debt. If the demand for gold were to increase, it would become more expensive and so too would gold denominated debt or debt denominated in a gold backed currency.

In 1929, the US had 173 billion dollars worth of net debt (government ownership of other government debt is not counted, nor is corporate debt owned by corporations). If that figure remained the same, it would be worth 1.18 times more at the end of 1932 compared to the price of goods and services, or 204 billion 1929 dollars. If instead you were to deflate it by the sum of all income in the US (GDP), it would be 1.36 times larger or 225% of GDP (compared to 165% of GDP in 1929).

As the world economies contracted, the debt burden increased. This debt needed to either be paid with increasingly large shares of income or defaulted on. Farmers would find they couldn’t keep up with their mortgages and lose the farm. Corporations would declare bankruptcy with creditors only getting some fraction of face value of their debt. Governments too would feel the pinch, especially when it came to debt owed to foreign countries.

In 1923, Germany had defaulted on its debt and the French had occupied the Rhineland in turn. Rather than just Germany, the situation in 1931 brought all of Europe to its knees. The failure of the Danatbank in Germany on July 6th would send the world into a panic as stocks slumped once more in response to the untenability of the current situation.

Against his earlier reticence, Hoover would respond by announcing his intentions for a one year debt moratorium on the 13th to bring the situation back in line. Stocks would rally upon the announcement due to hopes for international cooperation to combat the depression. Perhaps the moratorium could give countries enough time to get their finances in line and pave the way for reductions in trade barriers (American tariffs in particular made it extraordinarily difficult to create the net exports needed for interest payments) or a coordinated expansionary policy in order to prevent gold flight.

Weeks of arguments with the French finalized in August. They were upset that Hoover had made the announcement without consulting them as the moratorium would also impose a pause on Germany war debt payments. France might have been a net debtor due to their loans from the UK and US needed for materiel, but they were a superpower when it came to international finance in the depression and they wanted to be treated like one. As the major power least hard hit, outside of the Soviet Union, with the most gold in the world, they were in a bargaining position second only to the US.

Even still the US was looking worse for wear with extreme stock declines and rampant unemployment. Certainly its prestige as a land of opportunity where streets are paved with gold and the parties never end had been damaged.

Throughout Europe, where the nations were loaded down with war debts and struggling with adverse budgets and snarling at one another over their respective shares of a trade that would not expand, men looked at the news from the United States and thought, “And now, perhaps, the jig is up even there.”​
- Since Yesterday, Frederick Lewis Allen, Chapter 2 Section 4

Much like France, American politicians had been soured with regard to international cooperation. The main thing preventing more outrage from congress to Hoover’s proposal was the positive reaction of the market.

Even with the moratorium, the Bank of England would move the Sterling to a floating exchange rate with regard to gold on September 21st. Despite intense discount rate hikes, the Pound would rapidly devalue. The Nordic countries would follow in September and October along with Japan in December.

Consequently there was a sudden collapse in prices of foreign bonds from both the devaluations and expectations of future risks of devaluation. This trend also applies to domestic bonds as fears of devaluation in America were fanned. Organizations increasingly hoarded gold due to the now apparent risk associated with currency denominated securities.

Banks went bankrupt at increasing rates and the federal reserve raised their discount rate. Gold would flow to France due to its safety from default backed by their large gold stocks.


The Domestic US​

Net Debt in the United States
Year​
Public Debt​
Long Term Debt​
Short Term Debt​
1929​
$29,412​
$87,041​
$56,545​
1930​
30,037​
91,585​
52,049​
1931​
32,589​
89,684​
43,801​
1932​
35,007​
85,494​
32,391​
1933​
50,835​
69,105​
30,119​
Note the precipitous decline in short term debt owing to a collapse in securities held on margin and consumer debt for purchases of durables such as cars.

Similarly, note the enormous gain and fall in Public and Long Term Debt in 1932-33 respectively. This is an artifact of the transfer of the assets and liabilities of America’s rail transportation sector to the federal government. Similarly, the acquisition of land shifted the debt burden in part from American Mortgages to American Treasury Notes and what few NRA bonds make it into the public’s hands.

This reallocation of debt from the railroads and equity from their shareholders to the United States government would prove to either show a dramatic mispricing on March 3rd or incredibly unlikely event coming to fruition. On March 3rd, the terminal value of railroad debt was $12,973 million but would be replaced with $9,285 million following a reorganization of the many obligations into a standard ARC bond partially backed by the treasury reflecting the substantial discount they were traded on in the secondary markets relative to government yields of 3-4% per annum on 10 year notes.

Equity too was purchased at a total cost of $1,229 million, usually at a 10% premium to the March 3rd prices on exchanges though far from it’s level 4 years earlier. Despite the fact that the federal government had almost doubled its net debt from 18 billion to 34 billion, the increase in leverage would prove extremely prudent following other government policies.

On March 9th, FDR would sign Executive Order 6073 which would immediately ban the foreign sale of gold and would require that all non trivial quantities of gold be turned into the Federal Reserve System in exchange for $20.67 per troy ounce under penalty of a 10k fine or up to 10 years imprisonment.

On May 4th, a joint resolution of Congress annulled all existing contracts denominated in gold dollars and stated that no such contracts could be written in the future.​
The amount of debt affected by the abrogation of the gold clause was enormous, almost twice as large as the nation’s gross domestic product. Since World War I most public debt—bonds, notes and certificates—were payable in “gold coin” and many private bonds issued by railway companies and public utilities, as well as commercial and residential mortgages, included gold clauses. According to the administration’s estimates in 1933, $120 billion dollars of debt—national income was only slightly higher than $66 billion—were linked to the value of gold; of this, $100 billion corresponded to private debt and $20 billion to government debt.​
- The US Debt Restructuring of 1933: Consequences and Lessons, altered

Over the interim, US foreign exchange ratios had sunk like a rock as the stock and bond markets kept soaring. This decision would do little to hamper that growth as treasury yields remained quite stable and Baa yields would catch up to Aaa yields as risks of further bankruptcy decreased. Although people would not receive gold anymore and thus took a 20% loss in foreign gold terms, private gold ownership was already illegal and forced to be redeemed at $20.66 so the decision did not change compensation, only backed up past policy.

Government meddling in rail had been an unmitigated success, debt was restructured at rock bottom prices while equity too was purchased at the bottom. If the value of rail stocks had increased in line with the stock market as a whole, which was an understatement due to the debt restructuring and highly leveraged nature of the railroads at the time, the value had increased over 150% relative to their purchase making a net gain of $1.8 billion.

A similar scenario played out among almost all other debt burdened entities. Homeowners once struggling to pay their mortgages saw their hours and eventually wages rise while interest payments remained the same. Governments expected future increases in nominal tax value while interest rates lowered due to fed policy. Deflation had gotten them into this mess and inflation would get them out.

Where under a gold standard future inflation is inherently unpredictable as otherwise the price of gold would adjust, the floating dollar and explicit goal of price restoration meant that inflation was forecasted to be high. Expected real interest rates thus went negative The low nominal interest rates maintained by the federal reserve thus required enormous asset purchases.

The American devaluation too represented a default. American debt, especially war debt like the Victory Bonds, was explicitly valued in Gold to avoid the effects of a devaluation. By rendering all such contracts void, the US partially defaulted on its debt while it was chastising other countries for doing the same. American debt, federal or otherwise shrunk in value as the economy grew and prices rose.

1932 - 1934​

In January, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, Italy and Japan would meet to discuss the future status of Germany’s war debts. This Lausanne Conference would begin with a German plea for complete cancellation of its debt as their situation was untenable, obviously a nonstarter without the explicit backing of the United States.

France and the UK would counter with a question of what other portions of the Treaty of Versailles would have to be amended in order to get Germany to make a one time payment on their debt. Germany would ask for an elimination of the war guilt clause and an end to disarmament.

Ultimately the conference would conclude that Germany’s debt would be reduced to 9 billion Reichsmarks worth of bonds which would begin payment in 1934. However, the inability for the US to accept the settlement would lead to none of the parties officially signing on to the conclusions of the Lausanne conference. Despite the failure, hope remained that the situation could be sorted out before the end of the Moratorium in August.

Boosted by the failures of negotiation and inability for the government to repudiate war guilt and disarmament, the Nazi party became ascendant in Germany. Though hope remained that they could be controlled by the conservatives, fears of German intransigence causing a French and British default would keep Hoover at the negotiating table. Another stock market bump could prove just the thing he needed to eek out a victory against Roosevelt in November.

The even larger Nazi victory in July would lead Hoover to extend the moratorium by an additional 6 months. This would not seem to impact the markets much as international cooperation appeared to be dead with the rise of extremists and the immiseration at home. The second moratorium would not do much to alleviate fears of an American devaluation which the markets had been negatively reacting to.

Although the moratorium had expired by February and Hoover was unwilling to extend it one more time, no major debt payments were due for a couple more months and the minor payments to the US had resumed as normal. The new German government was unwilling to make anything but interest payments on existing debt and debtors were barreling towards collapse at the same time as American banks were dying in droves, but the payments were holding for now.

The swearing in of Roosevelt and sudden devaluation of the Dollar would come just in the nick of time to avoid a French of British default as suddenly their debts were worth 20% less with more to come in time.

Roosevelt’s unwillingness to stabilize the dollar was bad for their ability to maintain an ideal balance of trade but provided assurance that the debt load would remain manageable. American movement on trade barrier reduction would be conditioned on continued payment furthering the incentives to keep the payments coming.

Bilateral tariff reductions would begin taking effect in mid 1934 but even before that time period, America’s sudden economic strength had greatly increased its imports. In February 1933, only $68.3 million worth of general merchandise was imported to the US, compared to $127.2 million in 1932, $174.9 million in 1931, $281.7 million in 1930 and $369.4 million in 1929. However, by July imports had reached $141.0 million and $203.8 million by December.

American exports however would also be boosted by the devaluation. Increased American demand had certainly improved the balance of trade for France but fears that tariff reductions would lead to a flood of undervalued American goods remained high. As they had been given the go-ahead by the US in the London Economic Conference, France would allow the Franc to float with regard to gold similar to what had happened to the Sterling in 1931. It wouldn’t quite return to the exchange rate of 1932 but the devaluation combined with the lowering of American tariffs for French goods would explode French exports.

France’s monetary allies in the Gold bloc such as Belgium, Switzerland and Poland would follow suit and all would experience an end to their economic contractions. Poland would remain depressed relative to 1929 but at least the situation was improving as markets for their agricultural commodities improved.

Where international trade had all but died by the end of 1932, in 1934 it had made quite a strong recovery. Although it would not return to the levels of 1929 and certain actors such as Germany would remain more isolated, the Atlantic was once more abuzz with merchant vessels.
 
This chapter has moderate amounts of duplication with earlier chapters but I found that they weren't the most well thought out with regard to what was happening with debt. The German chapters need to make clear that Germany was not paying the Young Plan anymore, and it was just the burden of imports and debt servicing that Germany was struggling under. Economic recovery will improve Germany's ability to export but devaluation will make their necessary imports more expensive. There's therefore more pressure on Germany to devalue.

France and the Gold Bloc are off the gold standard, Congress is happier with France and the UK, the world economy is recovering faster and trade negotiations are faster in the US. The US investment in buying up all the railroads was an enormous bet on the path of US policy that is paying off handsomely, giving them a lot of latitude to do a massive capital improvement program for the railroads.

Next chapter will be on the American Railroad Corporation, thanks to @e of pi for helping me understand American rail at the time and possible avenues that the government can take. Hopefully it will be out on Monday.
 
Chapter 15: Beasts of Lightning and Steel

Chapter 15: Beasts of Lightning and Steel​

Northeast and Great Lakes’ Rights of Way​

The New York, New Haven and Hartford railroad had long been electrifying its lines. In the 1890s it had experimented with DC current but in 1906 the Connecticut supreme court outlawed third rails within Connecticut forcing an overhaul towards AC catenaries. They would choose an 11kV system at 25 Hertz due to voltage limitations among power stations at the time and interoperability with other various factories also using 25 Hz.The Pennsylvania Railroad would similarly adopt an 11kV 25Hz system and build out their terminals and certain lines with it culminating in their plans for a connection between New York City and Washington DC.

With the purchase of all railroads in March 1933, the recently completed section between New York and Philadelphia came under ARC control. Construction would continue in order to reach towards DC until its completion in late 1934. As the electrified mainline grew, tendrils sprouted towards surrounding areas. Wires would continue their journey through Paoli and to Harrisburg from Philadelphia. The catenaries would lunge forward over the span of 1934 and 1935 until reaching Pittsburgh whose yards and stations had been electrified in the interim.

ARC didn’t just move outwards from existing electrified networks, cities like Chicago, Cleveland and Toledo would be progenitors of their own waves in the $270 million dollar plan to connect Chicago with New York with electrics. Yards had to be overhauled, power generators built and connected, rolling stock acquired, right of way shifted for new geometry etc. If it were just the costs associated with electrifying just the track between New York and Chicago, the 800 miles left would combine with the $40,000 cost per mile electrified to only be $32 million. Another 28 million would be spent on the alternate Water Level route that ran up through Albany and along the Great Lakes before connecting in Cleveland after 600 miles.

It was not just the costs associated with track electrification however. As traffic was being centralized in two mainlines, it both became more cost effective to bring in other capital improvements and more needed. In 1901, the Boston Elevated Railways created an Automatic Train Stop system which would automatically apply the brakes in response to upcoming signals. In 1927, the General Railway Signal Company would introduce the GRS dispatching system which would allow a dispatcher to control multiple interlockings. By the 30s, the technology had advanced enough that it became possible to apply it on a wider scale than an intracity train.

The mainlines would have automatic block signalling to save on labor costs and reduce human error. By automatically detecting the presence of trains, signals could be updated electronically without the need for a human milling around at each set. Central traffic control centers would be built where orders could be given to trains by radio while signals and junction could also be controlled remotely. Trains would furthermore have signals displayed directly in the cab to further enhance safety. All of these safety improvements cut down on the required buffers between trains and thus allowed for higher capacity on existing lines without the need for triple or quadruple tracking. At $20,000 per mile, the systems were expensive but certainly cheaper than the $50,000 needed for an extra track and would reduce collisions to boot.

Operational Improvements​

In its authorization bill, the Emergency Railroad Transportation Act, the American Railroad corporation had been granted wide latitude to engage in experimentation with new technologies and operational techniques. It could design and manufacture its own signals and locomotives or even materials and power plants with a free hand to sell them on the open market. FDR would use the manufacturing authority sparingly, almost entirely in rural parts of the Midwest but tens of millions would be poured into R&D of all sorts, from larger turbines in a coal power plant to new cranes.

The Chicago area, being the hub of rail transportation in the US was a hub of experimentation. It had one of the most efficient systems in the world and would regular host tours of their yards showcasing it.

[Author’s Note: the following quote is long and reading it is optional. I repeat the important information but I thought it was fascinating]

A self-help response that garnered a positive public reaction increasing shipments of less-than-carload (LCL) freight. With trucks siphoning off more of this lucrative traffic, North Western officials, like their counterparts at other progressive railroads, implemented a pragmatic solution. The company became a leader in door-to-door LCL service. Launched extensively in the early 1930s, the program allowed a shipper to contact the railroad for delivery to a customer without involving any trucking firms. “At the present time 1932, we have 277 stations where we offer this pick-up and delivery service,” explained the company’s vice president of traffic, Henry Beyers. “We do not absorb the trucking charge but add it to the regular shipping charge under this plan. However, no profit is made on the trucking by the road. The absolute cost of the service is all that is charged to the receiver or shipper.” Later, the North Western assume the costs for pickup and delivery.​
The North Western attempted other expedients to halt declining freight earnings. One experiment, the “magic box,” did no work out as intended. For a few months in late 1930 and early 1931, the railroad used specially designed portable metal containers for shipping LCL goods between Chicago and Milwaukee. The idea was hardly new. Experiments during World War I, particularly the “Fitch Container,” and additional efforts thereafter by the New York Central and several other roads caught the attention of North Western officials. The company was certainly familiar with United States mail traveling in this fashion. In May 1921 the New York Central contracted with the post office department for container shipments of mail, and some of these “moves” passed daily between La Salle Street Station and North Western Station in Chicago. It was obvious that LCL freight, which offered the potential for good profits, was also labor intensive, easily susceptible to damage and theft, and in need of a better method of hauling. Yet it was regulatory objections that ended the scheme on the North Western. The Interstate Commerce Commission in the spring of 1931 rejected a flat rate schedule used by the North Western and several other carriers. The commissioners did not want customers to rent a box at a flat charge, which was cheap and simple, for they feared that modal competition would be damaged. “The ICC as a rate-making body,” observes historian John H. White Jr., “could not abide containerization.” And the conclusion reached by Vice President Beyers was valid: “We believe they [containers] would have been satisfactory if the rate situation could have been cleared up.”​
The failure of containerization, however led to a different approach that satisfied both shippers and regulators. The car and freight departments jointly developed the “compartment” car. “It is a freight car similar to the automobile freight car divided into four sections,” observed Beyers. “The sections are sold on a space basis rather than a weight basis to shippers in Chicago and Milkwaukee, the cars being in operation only between those two cities. These cars have worked out very well and we are inclined to believe are almost as satisfactory as the container idea.” And he added, “When we did have the container cars in service, we found that the door to door idea, which is supposed to be the selling point of the container, was not as important as the fact that a shipper could buy what was virtually a sixth of the freight car at car load rates. The compartment car, you can see, has that same advantage.”​
- The North Western, a history of the Chicago & North Western Railway system, H. Roger Grant, pages 156-157

Railroads other than the Chicago and North Western had also experimented with demountable containers which could be transferred to trucks. The Pennsylvania Railroad in particular would make boxes out of sheet metal which were offloaded by crane and attached to the back of a truck which could operate on city streets. The various containers were hampered by the minimum price set by the Interstate Commerce Commission meant to avoid competition with trucking.

With the creation of ARC, the ICC would no longer regulate railroads as what use was there in constraining the government operations? Monopoly profits would simply accrue to the public and destructive competition was the government prerogative. This free hand would allow the return of the container program, its expansion and further refinements.

Multiple standardized containers and a standard car would be designed in 1934 and hit the production floor where they would then disseminate across the US. Rather than being confined to one railroad which had incompatible sizes with another, a standard LCL box would now be able to travel from Seattle to New York without the need to break bulk allowing for lower prices and easier handling. Interoperability was the name of the game and ARC was doing quite well at it.

Less than carload freight had traditionally made up 5% of railroad ton-miles and 15% of revenue, but the more attractive pricing and faster shipping times led to more routes becoming economical and a reversal of short intercity freight share moving towards trucks. By 1936, LCL freight had increased to 7% of ton-miles and 19% of revenue from 4 and 14% respectively in 1932. Net income, which had been -243 million dollars in 1932, surged to 971 million dollars in 1936. Not quite at the level of the 977 million dollars in 1929, but the capital investments and ability to set their own prices were paying off. It certainly helped that demand was surging as production had recovered and surpassed 1929 levels.

Yards themselves had their track layouts optimized to optimize the flow of traffic and minimize congestion. Cranes and forklifts were increasingly used allowing for faster processing of cars. Duplicate yards could be consolidated and the need for interchange between systems was eliminated. The time to move freight from East to West coast would ultimately drop from 10 days to 7 mostly off of improvements in yard dwell time.

Urban Rail and Streetcars​

On April 17th, 1917 the City of Cincinnati voted to construct a subway system for $6 million. By 1919 costs had doubled due to war time inflation. Construction would be slow as the city battled property owners whose buildings were damaged by the construction ultimately with 7 out of the 18 miles ready to lay tracks before funds ran out in 1927. With the all out response of the federal government to the Depression by 1933, the subway was revived.

Unlike other cities which were more heavily Democratic, Hamilton county would only vote for Roosevelt by a 7 point margin and was traditionally Republican. The city would get their subway but it would remain as the original limited plan due to pressure to in part reward Democratic constituencies. The subway would be completed at a cost of $8 million in addition to a $2 million purchase of the constructed tunnels. Duplicate street car lines owned by ARC would be eliminated and their rolling stock either sent to remaining lines, into storage or in some cases to other cities.

The streetcars had long had problems with general traffic slowing down their operation and further leading to people abandoning them in favor of automobiles. While service could continue, profitability was declining and would continue to decline as traffic became worse and automobiles became better. ARC would lobby for certain streets to be free of cars or at least with car free lanes where streetcar traffic could be centralized but Cincinnati would refuse.

Other cities were more amenable to similar proposals. San Francisco would rebuild 3rd street and Geary Boulevard with federal funding to create 2 dedicated lanes of streetcar traffic. The construction of the Bay Bridge between 1933 and 1936 would similarly improve service by allowing trains to run across the lower deck between San Francisco and Oakland. A similar service would run on the lower deck of the Golden Gate Bridge between San Francisco and San Mateo county upon the bridge’s completion in 1937.

FDR’s prior work funding an expansion of the Independent subway in New York would expand to encompass all of the railroads and subways in the area. 140 miles of track were to be completed between 1933 and 1940, for $600 million, the most in the country and 15% of all structure spending. The New York subway would reach deeper into Brooklyn and Queens along with tunneling across the Hudson River to connect to Staten Island and New Jersey.

Across the US, similar scenes played out as previously incomplete urban rail lines or new proposals were carried out. The era of the streetcar was coming to an end but ARC was both philosophically opposed to rubber tires and flush with cash for capital investments and so would transition them to heavier forms of rail rather than to buses as was common before nationalization.

Corruption in this transition was frequent but not debilitating as congressmen and democratic politicians lobbied for lines to either run through their constituencies with stops or around when the noise and pollution would outweigh the benefits. The increased graft was balanced by the efficiency benefits from increased scale and thus costs would decline slightly relative to general construction pricing as coordination improved and materials were ordered in larger bundles.

Unlike freight rail, passenger intracity transportation was not particularly successful in generating profits. Billions of dollars were being spent but ridership projections remained below 1929 figures for the foreseeable future. The bleeding had been staunched but even with the ability to charge arbitrary prices net income remained low. Much of the benefits instead accrued to land owners whose properties ballooned in value as new stations were constructed. Moderate proportions of said land was owned by the National Reconstruction Corporation and thus certain estimates posited a rate of return around 6% compared to a social return of 19% according to Economist Robert Haig and his student William Vickrey. The land owners who gained were happy with their politicians for lobbying on their behalf but the situation was suboptimal for America as a whole with improvements particularly in African American neighborhoods being passed over.

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The chapter is out! They're spending a lot of money on improving the railroads, something that didn't happen during the OTL Great Depression for obvious reasons.

The main butterflies in this chapter not mentioned in previous ones are the rise of intermodal containers from end of the ICC's hold on railroads and greater railroad profitability. The reason I even have railroad nationalization in this timeline is because I wanted a stronger transportation sector when it came time for a European war. From my read of the western front, the main constraint was logistical specifically in getting supplies across the Atlantic until 1944 when it became manpower. Hopefully intermodal containers and a higher capacity rail network should help with that as a couple hundred thousand extra men with logistical experience are freed up, there's better internal transportation, more available boats and more efficient docks.

Chekhov's gun, read at your own risk: Railroad energy research allows for some interesting programs to be hidden

The Golden Gate Bridge carrying rail was proposed in the 60s but it seemed plausible enough given that the Bay Bridge did it and the railroad lobby is much stronger when it comes to new deal spending. I'm basically combining the 1929 plan for New York Subway expansion with a couple other proposals like the connection to Staten Island and New Jersey. Costs of $4 million per mile seem high at 100x the cost of electrification or building an extra track but I don't know enough to say what was causing that and if it would be affected.

Here's a cool source of data that I used: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=wu.89095801999&seq=1
 

Chapter 15: Beasts of Lightning and Steel​

Northeast and Great Lakes’ Rights of Way​

The New York, New Haven and Hartford railroad had long been electrifying its lines. In the 1890s it had experimented with DC current but in 1906 the Connecticut supreme court outlawed third rails within Connecticut forcing an overhaul towards AC catenaries. They would choose an 11kV system at 25 Hertz due to voltage limitations among power stations at the time and interoperability with other various factories also using 25 Hz.The Pennsylvania Railroad would similarly adopt an 11kV 25Hz system and build out their terminals and certain lines with it culminating in their plans for a connection between New York City and Washington DC.

With the purchase of all railroads in March 1933, the recently completed section between New York and Philadelphia came under ARC control. Construction would continue in order to reach towards DC until its completion in late 1934. As the electrified mainline grew, tendrils sprouted towards surrounding areas. Wires would continue their journey through Paoli and to Harrisburg from Philadelphia. The catenaries would lunge forward over the span of 1934 and 1935 until reaching Pittsburgh whose yards and stations had been electrified in the interim.

ARC didn’t just move outwards from existing electrified networks, cities like Chicago, Cleveland and Toledo would be progenitors of their own waves in the $270 million dollar plan to connect Chicago with New York with electrics. Yards had to be overhauled, power generators built and connected, rolling stock acquired, right of way shifted for new geometry etc. If it were just the costs associated with electrifying just the track between New York and Chicago, the 800 miles left would combine with the $40,000 cost per mile electrified to only be $32 million. Another 28 million would be spent on the alternate Water Level route that ran up through Albany and along the Great Lakes before connecting in Cleveland after 600 miles.

It was not just the costs associated with track electrification however. As traffic was being centralized in two mainlines, it both became more cost effective to bring in other capital improvements and more needed. In 1901, the Boston Elevated Railways created an Automatic Train Stop system which would automatically apply the brakes in response to upcoming signals. In 1927, the General Railway Signal Company would introduce the GRS dispatching system which would allow a dispatcher to control multiple interlockings. By the 30s, the technology had advanced enough that it became possible to apply it on a wider scale than an intracity train.

The mainlines would have automatic block signalling to save on labor costs and reduce human error. By automatically detecting the presence of trains, signals could be updated electronically without the need for a human milling around at each set. Central traffic control centers would be built where orders could be given to trains by radio while signals and junction could also be controlled remotely. Trains would furthermore have signals displayed directly in the cab to further enhance safety. All of these safety improvements cut down on the required buffers between trains and thus allowed for higher capacity on existing lines without the need for triple or quadruple tracking. At $20,000 per mile, the systems were expensive but certainly cheaper than the $50,000 needed for an extra track and would reduce collisions to boot.

Operational Improvements​

In its authorization bill, the Emergency Railroad Transportation Act, the American Railroad corporation had been granted wide latitude to engage in experimentation with new technologies and operational techniques. It could design and manufacture its own signals and locomotives or even materials and power plants with a free hand to sell them on the open market. FDR would use the manufacturing authority sparingly, almost entirely in rural parts of the Midwest but tens of millions would be poured into R&D of all sorts, from larger turbines in a coal power plant to new cranes.

The Chicago area, being the hub of rail transportation in the US was a hub of experimentation. It had one of the most efficient systems in the world and would regular host tours of their yards showcasing it.

[Author’s Note: the following quote is long and reading it is optional. I repeat the important information but I thought it was fascinating]

A self-help response that garnered a positive public reaction increasing shipments of less-than-carload (LCL) freight. With trucks siphoning off more of this lucrative traffic, North Western officials, like their counterparts at other progressive railroads, implemented a pragmatic solution. The company became a leader in door-to-door LCL service. Launched extensively in the early 1930s, the program allowed a shipper to contact the railroad for delivery to a customer without involving any trucking firms. “At the present time 1932, we have 277 stations where we offer this pick-up and delivery service,” explained the company’s vice president of traffic, Henry Beyers. “We do not absorb the trucking charge but add it to the regular shipping charge under this plan. However, no profit is made on the trucking by the road. The absolute cost of the service is all that is charged to the receiver or shipper.” Later, the North Western assume the costs for pickup and delivery.​
The North Western attempted other expedients to halt declining freight earnings. One experiment, the “magic box,” did no work out as intended. For a few months in late 1930 and early 1931, the railroad used specially designed portable metal containers for shipping LCL goods between Chicago and Milwaukee. The idea was hardly new. Experiments during World War I, particularly the “Fitch Container,” and additional efforts thereafter by the New York Central and several other roads caught the attention of North Western officials. The company was certainly familiar with United States mail traveling in this fashion. In May 1921 the New York Central contracted with the post office department for container shipments of mail, and some of these “moves” passed daily between La Salle Street Station and North Western Station in Chicago. It was obvious that LCL freight, which offered the potential for good profits, was also labor intensive, easily susceptible to damage and theft, and in need of a better method of hauling. Yet it was regulatory objections that ended the scheme on the North Western. The Interstate Commerce Commission in the spring of 1931 rejected a flat rate schedule used by the North Western and several other carriers. The commissioners did not want customers to rent a box at a flat charge, which was cheap and simple, for they feared that modal competition would be damaged. “The ICC as a rate-making body,” observes historian John H. White Jr., “could not abide containerization.” And the conclusion reached by Vice President Beyers was valid: “We believe they [containers] would have been satisfactory if the rate situation could have been cleared up.”​
The failure of containerization, however led to a different approach that satisfied both shippers and regulators. The car and freight departments jointly developed the “compartment” car. “It is a freight car similar to the automobile freight car divided into four sections,” observed Beyers. “The sections are sold on a space basis rather than a weight basis to shippers in Chicago and Milkwaukee, the cars being in operation only between those two cities. These cars have worked out very well and we are inclined to believe are almost as satisfactory as the container idea.” And he added, “When we did have the container cars in service, we found that the door to door idea, which is supposed to be the selling point of the container, was not as important as the fact that a shipper could buy what was virtually a sixth of the freight car at car load rates. The compartment car, you can see, has that same advantage.”​
- The North Western, a history of the Chicago & North Western Railway system, H. Roger Grant, pages 156-157

Railroads other than the Chicago and North Western had also experimented with demountable containers which could be transferred to trucks. The Pennsylvania Railroad in particular would make boxes out of sheet metal which were offloaded by crane and attached to the back of a truck which could operate on city streets. The various containers were hampered by the minimum price set by the Interstate Commerce Commission meant to avoid competition with trucking.

With the creation of ARC, the ICC would no longer regulate railroads as what use was there in constraining the government operations? Monopoly profits would simply accrue to the public and destructive competition was the government prerogative. This free hand would allow the return of the container program, its expansion and further refinements.

Multiple standardized containers and a standard car would be designed in 1934 and hit the production floor where they would then disseminate across the US. Rather than being confined to one railroad which had incompatible sizes with another, a standard LCL box would now be able to travel from Seattle to New York without the need to break bulk allowing for lower prices and easier handling. Interoperability was the name of the game and ARC was doing quite well at it.

Less than carload freight had traditionally made up 5% of railroad ton-miles and 15% of revenue, but the more attractive pricing and faster shipping times led to more routes becoming economical and a reversal of short intercity freight share moving towards trucks. By 1936, LCL freight had increased to 7% of ton-miles and 19% of revenue from 4 and 14% respectively in 1932. Net income, which had been -243 million dollars in 1932, surged to 971 million dollars in 1936. Not quite at the level of the 977 million dollars in 1929, but the capital investments and ability to set their own prices were paying off. It certainly helped that demand was surging as production had recovered and surpassed 1929 levels.

Yards themselves had their track layouts optimized to optimize the flow of traffic and minimize congestion. Cranes and forklifts were increasingly used allowing for faster processing of cars. Duplicate yards could be consolidated and the need for interchange between systems was eliminated. The time to move freight from East to West coast would ultimately drop from 10 days to 7 mostly off of improvements in yard dwell time.

Urban Rail and Streetcars​

On April 17th, 1917 the City of Cincinnati voted to construct a subway system for $6 million. By 1919 costs had doubled due to war time inflation. Construction would be slow as the city battled property owners whose buildings were damaged by the construction ultimately with 7 out of the 18 miles ready to lay tracks before funds ran out in 1927. With the all out response of the federal government to the Depression by 1933, the subway was revived.

Unlike other cities which were more heavily Democratic, Hamilton county would only vote for Roosevelt by a 7 point margin and was traditionally Republican. The city would get their subway but it would remain as the original limited plan due to pressure to in part reward Democratic constituencies. The subway would be completed at a cost of $8 million in addition to a $2 million purchase of the constructed tunnels. Duplicate street car lines owned by ARC would be eliminated and their rolling stock either sent to remaining lines, into storage or in some cases to other cities.

The streetcars had long had problems with general traffic slowing down their operation and further leading to people abandoning them in favor of automobiles. While service could continue, profitability was declining and would continue to decline as traffic became worse and automobiles became better. ARC would lobby for certain streets to be free of cars or at least with car free lanes where streetcar traffic could be centralized but Cincinnati would refuse.

Other cities were more amenable to similar proposals. San Francisco would rebuild 3rd street and Geary Boulevard with federal funding to create 2 dedicated lanes of streetcar traffic. The construction of the Bay Bridge between 1933 and 1936 would similarly improve service by allowing trains to run across the lower deck between San Francisco and Oakland. A similar service would run on the lower deck of the Golden Gate Bridge between San Francisco and San Mateo county upon the bridge’s completion in 1937.

FDR’s prior work funding an expansion of the Independent subway in New York would expand to encompass all of the railroads and subways in the area. 140 miles of track were to be completed between 1933 and 1940, for $600 million, the most in the country and 15% of all structure spending. The New York subway would reach deeper into Brooklyn and Queens along with tunneling across the Hudson River to connect to Staten Island and New Jersey.

Across the US, similar scenes played out as previously incomplete urban rail lines or new proposals were carried out. The era of the streetcar was coming to an end but ARC was both philosophically opposed to rubber tires and flush with cash for capital investments and so would transition them to heavier forms of rail rather than to buses as was common before nationalization.

Corruption in this transition was frequent but not debilitating as congressmen and democratic politicians lobbied for lines to either run through their constituencies with stops or around when the noise and pollution would outweigh the benefits. The increased graft was balanced by the efficiency benefits from increased scale and thus costs would decline slightly relative to general construction pricing as coordination improved and materials were ordered in larger bundles.

Unlike freight rail, passenger intracity transportation was not particularly successful in generating profits. Billions of dollars were being spent but ridership projections remained below 1929 figures for the foreseeable future. The bleeding had been staunched but even with the ability to charge arbitrary prices net income remained low. Much of the benefits instead accrued to land owners whose properties ballooned in value as new stations were constructed. Moderate proportions of said land was owned by the National Reconstruction Corporation and thus certain estimates posited a rate of return around 6% compared to a social return of 19% according to Economist Robert Haig and his student William Vickrey. The land owners who gained were happy with their politicians for lobbying on their behalf but the situation was suboptimal for America as a whole with improvements particularly in African American neighborhoods being passed over.

View attachment 910513View attachment 910514View attachment 910515View attachment 910516
Hello,

So, considering the progress of economic restoration and expansion, would the following projects still go forward ...
Especially for the various electrification projects in progress or being planned
 
Hello,

So, considering the progress of economic restoration and expansion, would the following projects still go forward ...
Especially for the various electrification projects in progress or being planned

The dams are being built slightly ahead of schedule in the TVA.

The Empire State Building was constructed as OTL but is starting to have lower vacancy rates and skyscraper construction is restarting in NYC as of 1936.
 
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