The eagle's left head

[Lascaris]

Catane, January 23rd, 1302

The French garrison had held out for nearly five months. Cut off from all supply and under constant attack from the forces under Philanthropenos and Vatatzes, the French had decimated the towns cat and dog population but even these were finite. Thus in the end the survivors had been forced to surrender.

Paris, April 10th, 1302

King Philip IV, summoned the French Estates General in the Notre Dame cathedral for the first time in history. Philip's conflict with pope Boniface VIII already brewing for the past several years was coming to a head with Boniface demanding to reign supreme over the king, and Philip supported by the Estates General asserting his and France's independence from the papacy. It would take some time for the conflict to be resolved. In the meantime both the pope and the French king would be too preoccupied to be much bothered by side matters like the war in Sicily.

Rome, March 1302

A hundred transports were assembled in the port of Naples to carry the army of Charles of Valois into Sicily. His uncle, Charles II of Anjou meeting him in Rome had proclaimed him Captain General of Sicily with extensive powers and a promise to support him in an invasion of the Byzantine empire, Charles was married to Catherine of Courtenay, titular empress of the Latin empire, while Boniface VIII had unleashed yet more excommunications on Sicily. There was merely a single problem, that Charles army had to be transported to Sicily and as long as the galleys with the double headed eagle banners of house Vatatzes patrolled back and forth outside Naples not to mention raided the coast that was not possible. Recruits not just from Sicily but also from the Aegean, still in turmoil and hardly short of sailors had flocked to Alexandros Vatatzes banners after the victory at Aegades islands and the possibility of loot. Even many of the former Angevin crews captured by Vatatzes in particular Apulians and Catalan mercenaries had shown very little compunction about changing sides. Charles could go to Sicily any way he liked but by sea. Which was not lost either to Frederick of Sicily or Charles. Quietly discussion of a peace treaty begun just as the army of Charles of Valois begun marching towards Naples ostensibly to begin the invasion.

Western Asia Minor, spring 1302

Co-emperor Michael IX led an army against the Turcoman Gazis raiding the imperial holdings inn Asia Minor. He would reach Magnesia on the Sipylus only for his army to dissolve under him without battle. If Michael was any more competent than his father Andronicus who had nearly dissolved imperial armies at a time the empire was under attack on all her borders, he wasn't showing it. But he certainly wasn't anything like his grandfather...

Ischia, Naples, April 28th, 1302

Peace finally came between Frederick III of Aragon and Charles II of Anjou. Frederick III would be proclaimed king of Trinacria, a way to avoid conflict over the tittle of king of Sicily which would be retained by Charles and marry Eleanor, Charles daughter. When Frederick died the island of Sicily would be returned to the Anjou and his heir by Eleanor would be given either the crown of Sardinia or that of Cyprus. Calabria would revert to Charles II.

Ischia, April 30th, 1302

Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes had learned to remain calm or at least not to show his anger from an early age. Now he was visibly angry.

"Calabria in not yours your majesty to sign away at your pleasure. Why you expect me to betray its people?"

Frederick III was unperturbed.

"Uncle I do not expect you to do anything that you find dishonorable. But this war is over. If you want to hold to Calabria you are free to try. But without Sicily"

The despotate's fleet sailed away for Messina before the day was over.

Messina, May 4th, 1302

"The king has made his peace. I have not made my own. I am not throwing to the French wolves our fellow Calabrians who fought side by side with us even if I have to go and fight by myself. Are you with me?"

The roar from the crown was answer in itself.

Kortrijk, Flanders, July 11th, 1302

Following the Matins of Brugges, a French army had invaded Flanders. It had been met by a force consisting for the most part by militiamen on foot. The the French who had 2,500 knights and men at arms, the Flemish army looked like easy prey. It would prove anything as such as the Flemish infantrymen, many of them armed with pikes, stopped the French cavalry charges cold and then counterattacked pushing the knights into the marches. The battle of the Golden Spurs would be the first time in Western Europe that a heavy infantry force had beaten an army of knights. It would hardly prove the last...

Bapheus, July 27th, 1302

A Byzantine army of 2,000 men under George Mouzalon had marched to the relief of Nicomedeia. But the Ottoman army under Osman that had met it had 5,000 men. Mouzalon despite fighting hard had been defeated. Nicomedeia would hold out for several more years despite the defeat and Ottoman armies encroaching all around it but still Bapheus had been the first major victory of Ottoman arms...

Castrovillari, Calabria, August 15th, 1302

With peace concluded with Frederick the Angevin army had turned its attention to Calabria, with Charles of Valois joined by the recently liberated Philip of Taranto launching an invasion in May. The army of Ioannis Vatatzes, 4,200 men including 1,200 Almogavars under Bernat de Rocafort had retreated before the much larger French and Neapolitan army, trying to gain time. Ambushes, scorched earth and the occasional siege were not enough to stop Charles and Philip but were enough to delay them and reduce their number.

Alexandros Vatatzes was making certain to take full advantage of the time his son was gaining him. Alexios Philantropenos was first to cross to Calabria at the head of a Sicilian army 8,000 strong including the Cretans and Anatolian Greeks who had followed him to Sicily back in 1296. Alexandros had taken his time. He had sent first his mother Anna of Hohenstauffen to Palermo to make amends with Frederick. Frederick while staying neutral had agreed to allow Alexandros his Almogavar mercenaries. Filial piety to his great-aunt had certainly played a role. Cold calculation had probably mattered just as much or more. The thousands of Almogavars mercenaries in his pay were an unnecessary burden bound to become a problem. So why not let Alexandros recruit them making them the Greek's problem? As for the Almogavars they were anything but averse about serving under a respected ruler like Alexandros. They had flocked to the banners of Alexandros with Roger de Flor managing to recruit 1,500 horse and 5,000 foot soldiers on his behalf. Alexandros and Roger would thus cross last into Calabria at the head of what had been dubbed the Grand Catalan company.

And now the largest Greek army assembled in Italy since the days of Basil II's katepanos was to join battle against the cream of French knighthood...

 

[galileo-034]

So an army over eighteen thousands strong if I count right, impressive for the time.

 

[Quinkana]

Seeing Alexandros fighting for Calabria is always good, I could see Alexandros defending his interests in Calabria successfully. I see it ending (if Alexandros wins) by Alexandros just saying that he has Calabria by right of conquest or by saying that he's a noble in both kingdoms. I think it'd work. Also, what will the Almogavars do after the battle? I could see them being used for the conquests of the Latin states or he'd settle them in his patch of Sicily. Either way they have to be pacified in some way. Also, we do know that after the first peace Frederick does fight Naples again about ten years later, and I could see Alexandros happily jumping on the opportunity.

Also, when Frederick dies I could see the nobles gifting Alexandros' descendants the throne since his son was a shitty ruler and his grandchild just dies right after his son dies, and I could see Alexandros' children doing well in the civil war.

Finally we're seeing the Ottomans taking nikomedia as per otl, so we'd prob see some kind of intervention in Anatolia. Would Alexandros intervene in that conflict?

 

[Xenophonte]

The battle of the Golden Spurs would be the first time in Western Europe that a heavy infantry force had beaten an army of knights. It would hardly prove the last...

Very auspicious precedent...

And now the largest Greek army assembled in Italy since the days of Basil II's katepanos was to join battle against the cream of French knighthood...

Indeed, it would appears so.

Finally we're seeing the Ottomans taking nikomedia as per otl, so we'd prob see some kind of intervention in Anatolia. Would Alexandros intervene in that conflict?

Perhaps, but it wouldn't be a priority, after all, aside that the Sicilian Italian affaire should take precedence and that still there are decades, until Nicomedia, fall... But, it, to help/sent help there, would be a political minefield. Not only for the Emperors chronically mistrust/ineptitude, as showed OTL , per the OTL Almogavars leadership magnicide)... But for some of the courtesan/aristocrat factions who likely would prefer the continuation of the current situation to that an possible rival get success... Even, if it would mean that wouldn't be any hope to stop/revert the Ottomans successful and progressive encroaching of the Empire core lands would continue unopposed.

Also, what will the Almogavars do after the battle? I could see them being used for the conquests of the Latin states or he'd settle them in his patch of Sicily. Either way they have to be pacified in some way.

Well, they would be in winning side, the Almogavars, asides of whatever monetary rewards,I think that, at least their leaders/noble ones,'d be probable that they would expect to be granted and/or to conserve at least some of whatever castles/fiefdoms that they'd have managed to help to capture/take.
Perhaps, ITTL, the Almogavars would be fighting in Anatolia,too, but with the key, difference, that they, at least, theoretically, would be already on Byzantine (depotat) pay. Fighting there as part of an bigger expeditionary Sicilian Army, following an strategic plan and they would be subordinated to the Despot (through the expedition leader)...

 

[Quinkana]

Perhaps, but it wouldn't be a priority, after all, aside that the Sicilian Italian affaire should take precedence and that still there are decades, until Nicomedia, fall... But, it, to help/sent help there, would be a political minefield. Not only for the Emperors chronically mistrust/ineptitude, as showed OTL , per the OTL Almogavars leadership magnicide)... But for some of the courtesan/aristocrat factions who likely would prefer the continuation of the current situation to that an possible rival get success... Even, if it would mean that wouldn't be any hope to stop/revert the Ottomans successful and progressive encroaching of the Empire core lands would continue unopposed.

I do think we won't see the Palailogos having a good time ittl as per otl. It's more that we know that some of the ppl who're currently fighting for Alexandros otl go to fight the ottomans, and Alexandros prob would do something about it. What that is idk. Also I think it'd be quite in the future of the tl except if Lacaris skips ahead.

Well, they would be in winning side, the Almogavars, asides of whatever monetary rewards,I think that, at least their leaders/noble ones,'d be probable that they would expect to be granted and/or to conserve at least some of whatever castles/fiefdoms that they'd have managed to help to capture/take.
Perhaps, ITTL, the Almogavars would be fighting in Anatolia,too, but with the key, difference, that they, at least, theoretically, would be already on Byzantine (depotat) pay. Fighting there as part of an bigger expeditionary Sicilian Army, following an strategic plan and they would be subordinated to the Despot (through the expedition leader)...

Yeah I think they'd hold some fiefdoms in calabria at least. Or maybe they get some land in other conquests like in the Balkans against the Latin states. idk what they would do in Anatolia but I think if they would fight well against the Turkish states.

 

[goumaister]

Well what if Philanthopenos goes back to Asia Minor as Captain of the Grand Catalan Company? He would have a reason to go back just to put the Turks back to their place and if he is killed it is a perfect casus belli for Vatatzes to go for Constantinople. The only thing that saves the empire at this point is to avoid that whole Katakouzenos civil war saga and removing the Palaiologos would be a great start.
Frederick leaving out Calabria is such a dick move that makes a lot of sense for him to do. He doesn't get Calabria either way so why not let his strong vassal bleed himself to keep it? That way he has the upper hand back in Sicily.

 

[Quinkana]

Well what if Philanthopenos goes back to Asia Minor as Captain of the Grand Catalan Company? He would have a reason to go back just to put the Turks back to their place and if he is killed it is a perfect casus belli for Vatatzes to go for Constantinople. The only thing that saves the empire at this point is to avoid that whole Katakouzenos civil war saga and removing the Palaiologos would be a great start.
Frederick leaving out Calabria is such a dick move that makes a lot of sense for him to do. He doesn't get Calabria either way so why not let his strong vassal bleed himself to keep it? That way he has the upper hand back in Sicily.

Tbf I think philantropenos is better served staying in Sicily. After all he's exiled.

I do think it makes sense that Frederick leaves out Calabria. After all Calabria isn't part of Sicily and isn't part of the Sicilians that rebelled in the first place.

 

[Avrorrange]

How much land did Frederick and the other Sicilian nobles actually own? I was under the impression that a good third of the island at minimum was owned by Alexandros. He doesn't really have the resources to screw Alexandros, who probably has enough resources to depose him and fight both the Aragonese and the Angevins at this point in time.

 

[Quinkana]

How much land did Frederick and the other Sicilian nobles actually own? I was under the impression that a good third of the island at minimum was owned by Alexandros. He doesn't really have the resources to screw Alexandros, who probably has enough resources to depose him and fight both the Aragonese and the Angevins at this point in time.

I think Lascaris has said that the rest of the Sicilians have double the population of the lands Alexandros posesses, but with Calabria idk how much more population Alexandros has. He prob is one of the biggest nobles of the kingdom tho, and if one or two other major noble houses allies with Alexandros Sicily should be controlled by Alexandros. Other than the fact that the next few kings don't seem to be good kings I could see Alexandros or his descendants taking the throne in full. The navy alexandros has is also a very powerful one and prob will grow in strength as Alexandros increases his lands. I do hope he takes bits of aquila/puglia so he could easily get to the latin states.

 

[Xenophonte]

How much land did Frederick and the other Sicilian nobles actually own? I was under the impression that a good third of the island at minimum was owned by Alexandros. He doesn't really have the resources to screw Alexandros, who probably has enough resources to depose him and fight both the Aragonese and the Angevins at this point in time.

I think that besides of how much land Alexandros would own, the real reasons and the sames ones, that have had lead Frederick to allow/encouraging him to go to Calabria, (in the hope that either they may be destroyed/lost relevance without Alexandros), are his army and fleet, that are Alexandros majors assets...

 

[X Oristos]

It will be very interesting to see what forces the Angevins have available.

At the pinnacle of his power, Charles I was able to field 8,000 knights and 23,000 infantry, At least that was the estimation of Giovanni Amatuccio for the 1282 attempt to recover Sicily. They included men from the Regno itself, Provence, Maine & Anjou and eastern Mediterranean holdings. At a time where the coffers were overflowing and there was additional coin from Paris.

Now Maine & Anjou are gone, Paris has bigger fish to fry, Calabria is in enemy hands, the Catania field army is gone, the fleet's marines are gone (the angevin ones had also knights and men-at-arms as marines) and I doubt that the Palatinate of Cephalonia or Achaea can send their levies.

In OTL 1300, the field army at Catania included 400 tuscan horse and 300 French knights. Granted, some of the latter might have held fiefs in Apulia under Walter of Brienne. If the Angevins had a lot of their sworn knights, why would they employ expensive mercenaries in a time the coffers were suffering?

Lastly, during the last offensive against Sicily, Roger and Charles of Valois had between them 3,000 knights and 20,000 infantry.

To sum up, my point is that with more casualties inflicted, without Calabria and having lost the field army at Catania, the Angevins are bound to be able to field less than 3,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry.

 

[Lascaris]

So an army over eighteen thousands strong if I count right, impressive for the time.

To a large degree a result of opportunate circumstances, namely being able to take in what is becoming the Grand Catalan Company, which amounts to a full third of the Despotate's army.

Seeing Alexandros fighting for Calabria is always good, I could see Alexandros defending his interests in Calabria successfully. I see it ending (if Alexandros wins) by Alexandros just saying that he has Calabria by right of conquest or by saying that he's a noble in both kingdoms. I think it'd work. Also, what will the Almogavars do after the battle? I could see them being used for the conquests of the Latin states or he'd settle them in his patch of Sicily. Either way they have to be pacified in some way. Also, we do know that after the first peace Frederick does fight Naples again about ten years later, and I could see Alexandros happily jumping on the opportunity.

Assuminf the Despotate of Sicily survives the coming showdown in the first place, the obvious question is how Alexandros does as a domestic ruler particularly in comparison to Frederick. Frederick's reign wasn't exactly a time of economic growth for Sicily...

Very auspicious precedent...

Indeed, it would appears so.

Perhaps, but it wouldn't be a priority, after all, aside that the Sicilian Italian affaire should take precedence and that still there are decades, until Nicomedia, fall... But, it, to help/sent help there, would be a political minefield. Not only for the Emperors chronically mistrust/ineptitude, as showed OTL , per the OTL Almogavars leadership magnicide)... But for some of the courtesan/aristocrat factions who likely would prefer the continuation of the current situation to that an possible rival get success... Even, if it would mean that wouldn't be any hope to stop/revert the Ottomans successful and progressive encroaching of the Empire core lands would continue unopposed.

I'm short of inclined to argue the rise of the Ottomans in OTL was anything but inevitable in OTL. In OTL the Ottomans were just one of the Anatolian Turkish beyliks, hardly the strongest in absolute terms and just the remaining imperial territory in Asia Minor, nevermind Europe was more populous and economically more productive than most if not all the beyliks. Then when the Ottomans took over the former Nikaian territory in Asia Minor it gave them enough resources to take the entire Balkans and Anatolia over the course of two generations. So why it was the Ottomans taking over Byzantine Asia Minor and from there the whole thing and not the other way round? Arguably Andronikos ruling for 46 years at the very time this happened might have had something to do with it...

I do think we won't see the Palailogos having a good time ittl as per otl. It's more that we know that some of the ppl who're currently fighting for Alexandros otl go to fight the ottomans, and Alexandros prob would do something about it. What that is idk. Also I think it'd be quite in the future of the tl except if Lacaris skips ahead.

Yeah I think they'd hold some fiefdoms in calabria at least. Or maybe they get some land in other conquests like in the Balkans against the Latin states. idk what they would do in Anatolia but I think if they would fight well against the Turkish states.

Noone exactly blamed the Catalan company for not fighting well when unleashed in Asia Minor...

Well what if Philanthopenos goes back to Asia Minor as Captain of the Grand Catalan Company? He would have a reason to go back just to put the Turks back to their place and if he is killed it is a perfect casus belli for Vatatzes to go for Constantinople. The only thing that saves the empire at this point is to avoid that whole Katakouzenos civil war saga and removing the Palaiologos would be a great start.
Frederick leaving out Calabria is such a dick move that makes a lot of sense for him to do. He doesn't get Calabria either way so why not let his strong vassal bleed himself to keep it? That way he has the upper hand back in Sicily.

Short term its certainly to his advantage. Now if Alexandros survives being left to fend for himself it might not look the best of moves in the long term but then none ever accused Frederick of being as capable as his elder brother or father...

Tbf I think philantropenos is better served staying in Sicily. After all he's exiled.

Sending Philanthropenos with an army, uninvited, effectively amounts to declaring war on Constantinople...

How much land did Frederick and the other Sicilian nobles actually own? I was under the impression that a good third of the island at minimum was owned by Alexandros. He doesn't really have the resources to screw Alexandros, who probably has enough resources to depose him and fight both the Aragonese and the Angevins at this point in time.

Own as fiefs personally or govern? Frederick is directly governing over two thirds of Sicily with a population of roughly 600,000 people based on number of households reportded in OTL census data. By comparison the Despotate, over which Frederick is suzerain but Alexandros controls directly has about a quarter million people.

I think Lascaris has said that the rest of the Sicilians have double the population of the lands Alexandros posesses, but with Calabria idk how much more population Alexandros has. He prob is one of the biggest nobles of the kingdom tho, and if one or two other major noble houses allies with Alexandros Sicily should be controlled by Alexandros. Other than the fact that the next few kings don't seem to be good kings I could see Alexandros or his descendants taking the throne in full. The navy alexandros has is also a very powerful one and prob will grow in strength as Alexandros increases his lands. I do hope he takes bits of aquila/puglia so he could easily get to the latin states.

He is definately second only to the king in lands controlled and actual power. Not unlike his namesake sevastokrator John Doukas of Thessaly the westerners are calling him a duke, which is factually incorrect not that it matters. But Sicily had nothing but petty barons in 1282 coming at the tail end of Hohenstauffen and Angevin rule in what was already the most centralized state of Western Europe...

It will be very interesting to see what forces the Angevins have available.

At the pinnacle of his power, Charles I was able to field 8,000 knights and 23,000 infantry, At least that was the estimation of Giovanni Amatuccio for the 1282 attempt to recover Sicily. They included men from the Regno itself, Provence, Maine & Anjou and eastern Mediterranean holdings. At a time where the coffers were overflowing and there was additional coin from Paris.

Now Maine & Anjou are gone, Paris has bigger fish to fry, Calabria is in enemy hands, the Catania field army is gone, the fleet's marines are gone (the angevin ones had also knights and men-at-arms as marines) and I doubt that the Palatinate of Cephalonia or Achaea can send their levies.

Of the above the loss of Calabria is not going to be having any major impact its population was less than 7% that of the kingdom of Naples, a rough 130,000 out of a population of 2 million.

In OTL 1300, the field army at Catania included 400 tuscan horse and 300 French knights. Granted, some of the latter might have held fiefs in Apulia under Walter of Brienne. If the Angevins had a lot of their sworn knights, why would they employ expensive mercenaries in a time the coffers were suffering?

Lastly, during the last offensive against Sicily, Roger and Charles of Valois had between them 3,000 knights and 20,000 infantry.

Supposedly Charles of Valois went to Italy at the head of 5,000 men at arms. Which may well be an exaggeration, after all at Crecy the French likely had about 8,000 men at arms, . Then at Cephesus the Frankish states of Greece had 6,400 if we are to take Gregoras at face value. But Charles army would be the core of the army invading Calabria.

 

[Avrorrange]

Who are Alexandros’ kids actually marrying?

 

[Quinkana]

Assuminf the Despotate of Sicily survives the coming showdown in the first place, the obvious question is how Alexandros does as a domestic ruler particularly in comparison to Frederick. Frederick's reign wasn't exactly a time of economic growth for Sicily...

Considering that Syracuse is being rebuilt and a bunch of additional greeks moved in without much fanfare I think Alexandros should be a good ruler. Idk about his children and descendants.

I'm short of inclined to argue the rise of the Ottomans in OTL was anything but inevitable in OTL. In OTL the Ottomans were just one of the Anatolian Turkish beyliks, hardly the strongest in absolute terms and just the remaining imperial territory in Asia Minor, nevermind Europe was more populous and economically more productive than most if not all the beyliks. Then when the Ottomans took over the former Nikaian territory in Asia Minor it gave them enough resources to take the entire Balkans and Anatolia over the course of two generations. So why it was the Ottomans taking over Byzantine Asia Minor and from there the whole thing and not the other way round? Arguably Andronikos ruling for 46 years at the very time this happened might have had something to do with it...

I do think eventually some Turkic tribe in Anatolia would've gotten parts of the empire as it was weakening at that point.

He is definately second only to the king in lands controlled and actual power. Not unlike his namesake sevastokrator John Doukas of Thessaly the westerners are calling him a duke, which is factually incorrect not that it matters. But Sicily had nothing but petty barons in 1282 coming at the tail end of Hohenstauffen and Angevin rule in what was already the most centralized state of Western Europe...

His line probably could be king if he manages to get some major noble house to ally with him.

 

[X Oristos]

Of the above the loss of Calabria is not going to be having any major impact its population was less than 7% that of the kingdom of Naples, a rough 130,000 out of a population of 2 million.

What about GDP though? Population aside, Calabria was more important than Abruzzi or Basilicata, being more urbanized and with valuable industry (silk). While Campania and Apulia are by far the most important provinces, I would argue Calabria is the third.

Supposedly Charles of Valois went to Italy at the head of 5,000 men at arms. Which may well be an exaggeration, after all at Crecy the French likely had about 8,000 men at arms,

My guess is that it is an exaggeration perhaps of x10. Heading 5,000 men from his fiefs would mean that he was able to extract many more men than Anjou was able to do in 1265. But Anjou had a lot of subsidies to recruit heavily. Even so, the core of Anjou's force was from Provence and most of the rest were not from his fiefs (Flanders and nearby counties, Languedoc etc),

The 8,000 you mention for Crecy I have encountered also earlier on: modern scholars estimated the army of Philip that invaded Catalonia during the Vespers again at 1,500 knights and 6,500 infantry.

The field army that was lost in Campania must have been substantial. At OTL Cagliano they had 500 cavalry and even so the Sicilians did not move against Catania afterwards. That indicates to me that at least some cavalry remained in Catania along with a sizeable infantry force. Judging from the different orders of battle during the Vespers, I would guess that around 3,000 infantry must have been left behind along with ~200 cavalry.

 

[Lascaris]

What about GDP though? Population aside, Calabria was more important than Abruzzi or Basilicata, being more urbanized and with valuable industry (silk). While Campania and Apulia are by far the most important provinces, I would argue Calabria is the third.

In a pre-industrial setting? Silk production and for that matter the silver of Longobucco are certainly important as revenue to the state. To the number of knightly fiefs the land can support in the other hand?

My guess is that it is an exaggeration perhaps of x10. Heading 5,000 men from his fiefs would mean that he was able to extract many more men than Anjou was able to do in 1265. But Anjou had a lot of subsidies to recruit heavily. Even so, the core of Anjou's force was from Provence and most of the rest were not from his fiefs (Flanders and nearby counties, Languedoc etc),

Charles of Valois aside from his own demense was given the ecclesiastical tithes of France , Italy, the Mediterranean islands, the Frankish states of Greece and England plus half of the claims of the Court of Rome on the tithes of the French churches. That's not exactly what I'd call lacking in subsidies to recruit.

The 8,000 you mention for Crecy I have encountered also earlier on: modern scholars estimated the army of Philip that invaded Catalonia during the Vespers again at 1,500 knights and 6,500 infantry.

8,000 is the modern estimation down for claims of 20,000 men at arms or more. Now likely France could sustain even larger numbers of men at arms than' said 20,000, after all 10th century Byzantine thematic armies easily surpassed this by a wide margin without counting the tagmata from a population base about half the 21 million of mid 14th century France. Keeping 20,000 men at arms in one place in supply though? That's a different matter.

The field army that was lost in Campania must have been substantial. At OTL Cagliano they had 500 cavalry and even so the Sicilians did not move against Catania afterwards. That indicates to me that at least some cavalry remained in Catania along with a sizeable infantry force. Judging from the different orders of battle during the Vespers, I would guess that around 3,000 infantry must have been left behind along with ~200 cavalry.

In OTL the Sicilians apparently after Robert and Roger de Lauria invaded Sicily had trouble concentrating armies in one place. TTL they are facing much less of a problem in their ability to concentrate forces. Or at least the Despotate does.

 

[X Oristos]

Charles of Valois aside from his own demense was given the ecclesiastical tithes of France , Italy, the Mediterranean islands, the Frankish states of Greece and England plus half of the claims of the Court of Rome on the tithes of the French churches. That's not exactly what I'd call lacking in subsidies to recruit.

Oh I didn't know that! I stand corrected!

In a pre-industrial setting? Silk production and for that matter the silver of Longobucco are certainly important as revenue to the state. To the number of knightly fiefs the land can support in the other hand?

Knightly fiefs? Certainly! What I had in mind, is the ability of the state to rebuild its fleet and hire mercenaries, since during the wars we have multiple references to Guelph mercenaries. Without a fleet, they need to keep strong garrisons at Campania and especially Apulia. It would be a disaster if they concentrate their apulian forces in Calabria only to find Otranto and Bari in revolt when the sicilian galleys appear there.

 

[Lascaris]

Oh I didn't know that! I stand corrected!



Knightly fiefs? Certainly! What I had in mind, is the ability of the state to rebuild its fleet and hire mercenaries, since during the wars we have multiple references to Guelph mercenaries. Without a fleet, they need to keep strong garrisons at Campania and especially Apulia. It would be a disaster if they concentrate their apulian forces in Calabria only to find Otranto and Bari in revolt when the sicilian galleys appear there.

There is a reason it is Vatatzes who's paying nearly 8,000 mercenaries at the moment and not the other way round... 😇

 

[Lascaris]

Castrovillari, Calabria, August 15th, 1302

When the army of Charles of Valois meets that of the despotate of Sicily at Castrovillari the French prince has reasons to feel confident. His army numbers nearly 20,000 men is sligltly superior in numbers to that of the despotate. Nearly a quarter of the men are French and Italian men at arms a force that still dominates European battlefields. The infantry is a more mixed bag, two thirds being local feudal levies stiffened by 4,000 heavy infantry and a thousand crossbowmen.

On the despotate's side Vatatzes can count nearly as many cavalry as Charles nearly 4,700 in total. Almost the entire force are veterans not just of the war of the Vespers but of fighting in Asia Minor, Crete and Spain as well. But unlike the French and Italians over two thirds of the men are Greek Stratiotai and Iberian Jinetes more lightly armed than their French counterparts, the rest being about a thousand pronoia heavy cavalry, by now this includes the few native Sicilian knights at the time of the vespers and half as many "Latin" men at arms, Aragonese and German mercenaries. Vatatzes infantry includes some 5,000 Catalan mercenaries, in addition to 8,000 "natives". Native after the past two decades may be something of a misnomer. The towns of Eastern Sicily prior to the Vespers provided units of crossbowmen and militia infantry which Alexandros inherited while Calabria has been a source of light infantry. To these has been added a steady trickle of exiles from the eastern side of the Adriatic. Under their instruction by 1302 local infantry is armed and in a fashion Alexandros father or Michael VIII would had found all too familiar. By the time Alexandros and Alexios Philanthropenos march to meet Charles of Valois they can count upon a core of well trained and armed heavy infantry, backed by light infantry, archers and crossbowment.

Charles opens the battle in typical fashion advancing in three battles led by his men at arms with his heavy infantry following behind, while sending forward his light infantry and crossbowmen to soften up and disorganize the enemy. They are beaten back by the Sicilian screen, Charles militiamen being no match for their veteran opponents. But the Sicilian light infantry and cavalry looks the perfect target for the French van who charges them. The Sicilians appear to flee in front of them back to the heavy infantry allagia behind them retreating through the gaps left for this purpose between them by Philantropenos, which then close behind them. The French van already somewhat disorganized charge only to be received by a hail of javelins, arrows and crossbow bolts. The men at arms themselves, heavily armoured are somewhat invulnerable. Their horses largely unarmored are not though and their opponents know to aim for them. And the Almogovars armed with two handed "coutell" spears and reinforced by dismounted men at arms are hardly as vulnerable to cavalry as their opponents would like to think. The French van is beaten back with heavy loss. Reinforced by the middle van it attacks again, only to be beaten back again. Undeterred Charles brings forward his rear battle and leads the charge again. For a moment it looks as if the Sicilians might not hold. And it is at this moment Philanthropenos Cretans and Jinetes, having driven the Neapolitan militia off the field hit the French on the flank. The French, shaken, start to give ground, only to be charged in turn by the Sicilian heavy horse, commanded by Ioannis Vatatzes. Giving ground turns into a rout.

Charles of Valois, hardly a match for his brother in ability is still a capable commander, though hardly a match for Philantropenos. He manages to extricate part of his army from the disaster. But a disaster it is nevertheless. It is made worse when Boniface VIII accuses Charles for it. According to the chroniclers the prince almost physically assault the pope. He restrains himself but with his brother already in conflict with the papacy, in effectively marks the end of French involvement in the war.

Salerno, Christmas 1302

Charles II of Anjou gave a slight smile.

"And so we meet again. Peace I suppose?"

Alexandros hid a smile of his own. He had won on the battlefield, held Charles heir, uprisings were not unlikely in Charles kingdom... and yet said kingdom was still 5 times more populous than his own, he had to deal with the papal enmity, Frederick back in Sicily could well turn on him and the land was heavily castellated. Peace was preferable.

The treaty of Salerno would provide, for recognition of Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes as hereditary duke of Calabria turning him into a vassal of both Charles and Frederick and for the marriage of Maria of Anjou with Ioannis Vatatzes. Which left the matter of Maria's dowry and Robert's ransom. Charles had been left with little money. Giving Alexandros any additional land on Italy was out of the question, and Alexandros was willing to consent to these as long as Charles secured the papacy would remain off his back. Something else was needed. Conveniently Isabella of Villehardouin the princess of Achaea had married her third husband Philip of Savoy without Charles consent giving him right to deprive her of the principality. Thus Maria was given the proncipality of Achaea as dowry, Robert was freed, the kingdom was spared the constant source of trouble that was the Morea, and Alexandros was welcome to said trouble.

And thus the Despotate of the Two Sicilies was born...

 

[Quinkana]

Alexandros winning the engagement and being a vassal of Charles and Frederick is defo good for him and his descendants, and Maria gaining Achaea for the Vatatzes is defo very good!

The despotate of the two sicilies is defo off to a good start, and peace can reign for a little while. I do want to see if Frederick would attack Calabria ittl as it is in a grey area of being part of his vassal's land but it is not land that he has suzerainty over.