Chapter 39: The Second Vienna Award
  • Chapter 39: The Second Vienna Award:
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    The Second Vienna Award was the second of two territorial disputes arbitrated by the German Empire and the Italian Empire. Rendered on 30 August 1940, it reassigned the territory of Transylvania from Romania to Hungary (Austria-Hungary). After the first Great War, the multi-ethnic Kingdom of Hungary was split apart by the Treaty of Trianon to form several new nation-states, but Hungary claimed that the new state borders did not follow the real ethnic boundaries. The new Magyar nation-state of Hungary was about a third the size of former Hungary, and millions of ethnic Magyars were to be left outside the Hungarian borders. Many historically important areas of Hungary were assigned to other countries, and the distribution of natural resources came out unevenly as well. Thus, while the various non-Magyar populations of the old Kingdom generally saw the treaty as justice for the historically-marginalized nationalities, from the Hungarian point of view the Treaty had been deeply unjust, a national humiliation and a real tragedy. The Treaty and its consequences dominated Hungarian public life and political culture in the inter-war period. Moreover, the Hungarian government swung then more and more to the right; eventually, under King Otto and Regent Miklós Horthy, Hungary established close relations with Wilhelm II and Adolf Hitler's Germany as well as Benito Mussolini's Italy later. The alliance with the new German Empire made possible Austira-Hungary's regaining of Czechoslovakia in the First Vienna Award in 1938. But neither that nor the subsequent military conquest of the rest of the country in 1939 satisfied Austria-Hungarian political ambitions. These awards allocated only a fraction of the territories lost by the Treaty of Trianon, anyway the loss that the Hungarians resented the most was that of Transylvania ceded to the Romanians.

    At the end of June 1940, the Romanian government received a Soviet ultimatum, and finally was faced with Moscow wanting to take over Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, which were incorporated into Romania after the first Great War, es well as the Hertza region. Though the territorial loss was undesirable from its perspective, the Romanian government would have preferred it rather than a military conflict which could have arisen had Romania resisted Soviet advances, given the Invasion Finland just faced. Emperor Otto of Austria, King of Hungary saw this as a opportunity to further expand his rule in the Balkan Peninsula. He tried his best to escalate the pressure on Romania with the help of his Bulgarian ally and hoped to resolve "the question of Transylvania". Hungary hoped to gain as much of Transylvania as possible, but the Romanians would have none of that and submitted only a small region for consideration. Eventually, the Hungarian-Romanian negotiations fell through entirely. After this, the Romanian government asked Italy and Germany to arbitrate, unknown that Hitler ans Mussolini had already come to a agreement with Otto over the Balkan Peninsula. But with France fallen and the British with no forces left to directly intervene at this moment, the Romanian government had not many choices left. Quickly after the Romanian government had acceded to Italy's request for territorial cessions to Bulgaria, another Austria-Hungarian aligned neighbor. On 7 September, under the Treaty of Craiova, the "Cadrilater" (southern Dobrudja) was ceded by Romania to Bulgaria.

    On 1 July 1940, Romania repudiated the Anglo-French guarantee of 13 April 1939, now worthless in light of France's collapse. The next day Carol II addressed a letter to Hitler suggesting Germany send a military mission to Romania and renew the alliance of 1883. Germany used Romania's new desperation to force a settlement of the territorial dispute produced by the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 in favour of Germany's old allies: Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. In an exchange of letters between Carol and Hitler (5–15 July), the Romanian king insisted that no territorial exchange occur without a population exchange, while the German Emperor Wilhelm II based German goodwill towards Romania on the latter's good relations with Austria-Hungary and Bulgaria. The Romanian foreign minister at the time was Mihail Manoilescu and the German minister plenipotentiary in Bucharest was Wilhelm Fabricius. In accordance with German wishes, Romania began negotiations with Austria-Hungary at Turnu Severin on 16 August. The initial Hungarian claim was 69,000 km² of territory with 3,803,000 inhabitants, almost two thirds Romanian. Talks were broken off on 24 August. The German and Italian governments then proposed an arbitration, a proposal characterized in the minutes of the Romanian crown council of 29 August as "communications with an ultimative character made by the German and Italian governments". The Romanians accepted and Foreign Ministers Joachim von Ribbentrop of Germany and Galeazzo Ciano of Italy met on 30 August 1940 at the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. It became clear very quickly that neither of them had the ambition to reduce the Austrian-Hungarian demands, but Romania's other opinion was to lose even more territory. This way all powers involved agreed to guarantee what was left of Romania even against the Soviet Union (as already shown in the Axis Central Powers support for Finland). A Romanian crown council met overnight on 30–31 August to accept the arbitration. At the meeting, Iuliu Maniu demanded that Carol II abdicate and the Romanian army resist any Hungarian effort to take over northern Transylvania. His demands were pragmatically rejected. Romania lost all of Transylvanian with 69,000 km² of territory and 3,803,000 inhabitants to Austria-Hungary. As a result of these boarder changes, some 100 thousand Romanians had left Transylvania by February 1941 according to the incomplete registration of Transylvanian refugees carried out by the Romanian government. Besides this, a fall in the total population suggests that a further 40 to 50 thousand Romanians moved from Transylvania (including refugees who were omitted from the official registration for various reasons) into the remaining Romanian state.

    Romania had 14 days to evacuate concerned territories and assign them to Hungary. The Hungarian troops stepped across the Trianon borders on 5 September. The King of Hungary Otto and the Regent of Hungary, Miklós Horthy, also attended in the entry. They reached the pre-Trianon border, completing the re-annexation process, on 13 September. Generally, the ethnic Hungarian population welcomed the troops and regarded separation from Romania as liberation. The large ethnic Romanian community that found themselves under Austrian-Hungarian Horthyist occupation had nothing to celebrate though, as for them the Second Vienna Award represented the return to the times of the long Hungarian rule. Upon entering the awarded territory the Hungarian Army committed massacres against the Romanian population. The exact number of casualties was later disputed between some historians, but the existence of such events cannot be disputed. The retreat of the Romanian army was also not free from incidents, mostly consisting of damaging the infrastructure and destroying public documents.

    The Carol II fortified line (Romanian: Linia fortificată Carol al II-lea) was built in the late 1930s at the order of King Carol II of Romania for the purpose of defending Romania's western border. Stretching across 300 km, the line itself was not continuous, it only protected the most likely routes towards inner Transylvania. It consisted of 320 casemates: 80 built in 1938, 180 built in 1939 and the rest built in the first half of 1940. There was a distance of about 400 meters between each casemate, and they were all made of reinforced concrete, with varying sizes, but all armed with machine guns. The artillery was placed between the casemates themselves. In front of the casemates, there were rows of barbed wire, mine fields, and one large anti-tank ditch, in some places filled with water. The firing from the casemates was calculated to be very dense and crossed, so it could cause as much human losses as possible to the enemy infantry. The role of this fortified line was not to stop incoming attacks, but to delay them, inflicting losses as high as possible, until the bulk of the Romanian Army would be mobilized. After the Award, the entire line fell in the area allotted to Hungary. The Romanian troops evacuated as much equipment as possible, but the dug-in telephone lines could not be recovered, thus being eventually used by the Hungarian Army. The Hungarians also salvaged as much metal as possible, eventually amounting to a huge quantity. After all useful equipment and materiel was salvaged, the casemates were blown up in order to prevent them from being used again.
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    While Romania refused the Soviet Union demands and just like Finland saw Soviet troops cross it's borders, it quickly got support from the Axis Central Powers in their defense now that their dispute with Romania was settled. Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Germany send their forces, Germany a whole Army, including one tank army and a huge amount of air force to secure the Romanian oil fields against the Soviets. The Winter War and it's skirmishes slowly turned into a full Axis Central Powers. Comintern war across the boarders of Eastern Europe in these days. But before Wilhelm and Hitler could finally focus on bringing Russia down just like France before, they heard news about Mussolini's invasion of Greece. At the same time Otto had pressured Yugoslavia to give back Slovenia to Austria and the Banat to Hungary. This Balkan fiasco proved to be a problem for Wilhelm and Hitler as their allies were acting independently without warning them before. Originally Hitler had hoped to get Yugoslavia to join the Axis Central Powers, but while a treaty was signed, it would not hold long as a anti-Axis Central Powers would occur soon after Otto had forced them to give up Slovenia and the Banat. At the same time Italy's ambitious invasion in Greece not only stopped but turned around, into a wild retreat, soon leaving much of Albania under Greek occupation. As the Greek government then signed a treaty with the British to station the Royal Air Force in Greece the Axis Central Powers saw their precious Romanian oil threatened by both the Soviet Union in the north and Yugoslavia, Greece and the Allies/ New Entente (mostly Britain) in the south. A quick solution to deal with Yugoslavia and Greece before turning north against Russia had to be found. And just as Hitler thought the news could not get worse, he received the message that Italian troops in North Africa quickly lost ground against the enemy British forces.
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    While they managed to capture British Somalia in East Africa much to Mussolini's joy, Chad, Cameroun, Ubangi-Shari and French Congo joined de Gaulle's Free France and left Fashist France in August. Free France then started a campaign to conquer Gabon, starting with a landing that captured Libreville from Fasist Francein Novembre. The British Premier Winston Churchill meanwhile had reason to smile as the chance to hit the enemy in Africa and his Weak Balkan flank allowed him to fight back. A few month before on Jule 3rd he had ordered the attack and sinking of a huge part of the Fashist French Fleet in the Attack on Mers-el-Kébir, as part of part of Operation Catapult to prevent them from falling into Axis Central Powers hands. These victories were a huge relief while german fighters and bombers of the Imperial German Air Force fought the Royal Air Force during the Battle for Britain.
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    Chapter 40: Yugoslavia joins the Axis Central Powers
  • Chapter 40: Yugoslavia joins the Axis Central Powers:
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    The Yugoslavian accession to the Axis Central Powers alliance, was signed on 25 March 1941 at the Belvedere palace in Vienna after months of talks and negotiations between the governments of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. It was agreed that the Axis powers from now on would respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia without any time limit, will not seek permission to transport troops across Yugoslavia, nor request any military assistance. The pact was short-lived however, the Yugoslav coup d'état following on 27 March, and Axis Central Powers invasion of Yugoslavia on 6 April.

    After the French capitulation in June 1940, it seemed at the time that only Great Britain would have a little chance to win in a fight against the Axis Central Powers, and a greater chance to negotiate humiliating peace. As historian Vladislav Sotirović writes, "thus, no wonder why British politicians and diplomats tried with all means, including military coups, to drag any neutral country into war on their side for a final victory against the Axis Central Powers". The Kingdom of Yugoslavia had been ruled as a dictatorship by the regent Prince Paul since the assassination of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia in 1934. After the recreation of Austria-Hungary by Otto in 1938, the Italian occupation of Albania in 1939, and the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the Axis Central Powers between 20 November 1940 and 1 March 1941, Yugoslavia was bordered by the Axis Central Powers on all sides except the southern border with Greece. Taking into consideration that, apart from this foreign policy factor, and the traditional Croatian separatism, Prince Paul was in great psychological, political and patriotic dilemma in March 1941, in how to resist Wilhelm's (trying to form a aristocratic-authoritarian-fascist-nationalist pact with the Axis Central Powers) and Hitler's diplomatic pressures but also concrete political offers to sign the accession to the Tripartite Pact. The Yugoslav side was unable to stall as Hitler was in a hurry to commence Operation Barbarossa (invasion of the Soviet Union, SSSR), while the potential Croatian betrayal in case of German invasion was the main trump card of Vienna and Berlin in negotiations with Belgrade. In the spring of 1941, Yugoslavia could only rely on Great Britain, which comparing to the German Empire and Austria-Hungary had greater economic and population resources (in regard of the colonial empire). Yugoslavia needed fast military aid, which Britain could offer, upon a rejection of signing the Pact. Prince Paul was an anglophile and relative of George VI, there was an impression that he would rather abdicate than turn his back on Britain, and Hitler even viewed him as a British puppet in the Balkans. There was also a possible risk in the Communist fifth column, which made General Milan Nedic prepare a plan in December 1940 to open six internment camps for communists if needed. Nedić also proposed that the Yugoslav Army take Thessaloniki before Italian troops did, after the Italian invasion in November 1940, as the loss of the port would make eventual British military aid impossible in case of an invasion of Yugoslavia. The Greeks, however, held firm against the Italians, even entering Albania from where the Italian invasion had begun. Nedić's plan for the communists was uncovered by a spy, the young officer Živadin Simić in the War Ministry, who copied the two-page document which was then quickly handed out in Belgrade by the communists.

    It was crucial to Hitler to solve the question of Yugoslavia and Greece before attacking SSSR, believing that Britain (which had together with the French declared war) would not accept peace while the threat of SSSR existed (London did hold the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact as dishonest and volatile, forced by foreign politics plight). Barbarossa needed a loyal Balkans, and the only unreliable countries in this region were Yugoslavia, with Serbs as traditional German enemies, and Greece, invaded by Italy on its own accord. It became clear that Mussolini could not manage by his own in Greece. The British army in continental Europe successfully fought only in Greece, thus, the military- and political elimination of Greece and Yugoslavia (as potential British ally) would be extremely unproductive. Consequently, three German and four Austria-Hungarian divisions were moved into Bulgaria, while the permission for three German and Austria-Hungarian divisions to cross Yugoslavia into Greece was sought from Prince Paul. On 1 March 1941 Hitler compelled Prince Paul to personally visit him in his favourite resort at Berchtesgarden. The two secretly met in Berghof, Hitler's residence, on 4 March. In an extremely uncomfortable discussion for Paul, Hitler said that after he would throw out British troops from Greece, he would attack SSSR in the summer and destroy Bolshevism.
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    Yugoslav historiography later were mainly silent about the fact that Hitler and Wilhelm III (suceeding his father after his death and a royal funeral in June) offered Paul someone of the Karadordevic dynasty to become Russian emperor (hinted at Paul himself, as his regency mandate would end on 6 September 1941, when Peter II would become an adult and legitimate King of Yugoslavia). The offer, more imaginary than realistic, did not however crucially influence the Yugoslav regency's decision to accede to the Pact with the Axis Central Powers on 25 March 1941. Realpolitik was the ultimate factor, Paul having first addressed British diplomatic circles in Belgrade and London, urging help and protection, but was offered no military aid (in contrast with Greece) and it was instead sought that Yugoslavia directly engage Germany militarily (whom the British were themselves losing to at that moment), promising adequate reward after British victory. During the negotiations with Hitler, Paul feared that London would demand a formal public declaration of friendship with Britain which would only irritate and bring no good. Concrete British aid was out of the question, and the fact remained that Yugoslavia had a long common border with Austria-Hungary after the Reunification. The Yugoslav Army inadequately armed and would not stand a chance against the Axis Central Powers, which had less than a year prior overwhelmed France, the before believed strongest power on the continent. On 12 January 1941 Winston Churchill informed Paul that Yugoslav neutrality was not enough. The Axis Central Powers and British demands differed enormously: The Axis Central Powers sought only neutrality and non-aggression agreement while Britain demanded conflict. War Minister Petar Pešić (by the way anti-German and supported by the British), laid out the chances of Yugoslavia in war against the Axis Central Powers on 6 March, stressing that they would quickly take over the northern part of the country with Belgrade, Zagreb and Ljubljana, forcing the Yugoslav Army to retreat into the Herzegovinian mountains where it would hold out for at most six weeks before capitulation, without enough weapons, ammunition and food. Accordingly, the next day Dragiša Cvetković sent the German diplomacy in Belgrade the demands – that the political sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia be respected, no Yugoslav military aid or transport of troops across the country during the war, and that Yugoslavia's interest of having access on the Aegean Sea be taken into consideration during the political reorganization of Europe after the war.

    On 28 November 1940 the Yugoslav Foreign Minister Aleksander Cincar-Markovic met with Hitler in Berlin. Hitler spoke of Wilhelm's II plans of the "consolidation of Europe" and called the Chief of Yugoslav diplomacy to conclude a non-aggression pact with Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Italy. When the Yugoslav government agreed, Hitler immediately answered that this was however not enough, as it did not meet the need for the improvement of relations with the Axis Central Powers as it left the question of Yugoslav accession to joining them openly. On 14 February 1941 the President of the Government Dragisa Cvetkovic and minister Cincar-Marković met with Hitler, who insisted on a fast decision on accession, as it was "Yugoslavia's last chance". Hitler influenced by the more autonomous Wilhelm III had modified his demands, making special concessions to Yugoslavia of whom nothing "contrary to her military traditions and her national honour" would be asked. He did not demand troop passage, use of the railway, installation of military bases, or military collaboration, and additionally he would guarantee Yugoslavia's national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Finally, Hitler said "This that I am proposing to you is not in fact the joining of the Axis Central Powers". They however managed to refuse, and delay the negotiations, abstaining based on that the decision lay in Prince Paul, the first regent.

    On 4 March 1941, Prince Paul secretly met with Hitler in Berlin, where no obligations were taken, noting that he needed to consult with his advisers and government. Hitler had offered concrete guarantees, and told Paul that the accession would have "a purely formal character". On 6 March, the Crown Council was summoned during which Paul informed of Hitler's demand of accession. Cincar-Marković presented the foreign politics situation and problems related to acceding, War Minister Petar Pešić portrayed the negative military situation, and it was generally concluded from the discussion to accede. It was also concluded that certain limitations and reserves be demanded from Germany, with Cincar-Marković in charge of drafting these points, which would be held in highest secrecy. The conference showed that the question of accession was very serious, and with respect to public opinion, very hard.

    The next day, 7 March, Cincar-Marković called Viktor von Heeren to the ministry and informed him of the Crown Council held regarding Hitler's wish for Yugoslav accession to the Pact. Simultaneously, the uneasiness sparked by anti-Yugoslav manifestations and negative articles in the media in Bulgaria in the past days came to the fore. The result of the consultation was that the German Foreign Minister be asked to clarify, through Heeren, whether Yugoslavia would receive (in case of accession) a written statement from Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy regarding:
    • 1. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia be respected
    • 2. No Yugoslav military aid is to be requested
    • 3. When a new order be created in Europe, consideration on Yugoslav interest in free access to the Aegean Sea through Thessaloniki
    Cincar-Marković noted while presenting the points that there was already a consensus on all questions. He then informed Prince Paul that the German Foreign Minister offered written guarantees (despite Otto's and Mussolini's ambitious against Yugoslavia). In order to clarify the situation, Cincar-Marković again asked for an exact answer from the German government on confirmation on the questions, which would help the Yugoslav government to implement the desired policy. On 8 March, Heeren strictly confidentially contacted the German ministry that he had a strong impression that Yugoslavia had already decided that it would soon join the Pact if the German side fulfilled the demands presented by Cincar-Marković, or only slightly amend written statements of the German-Italian side. Heeren believed that Ribbentrop's incentive for another discussion with Prince Paul was very appropriate, best held at the Brdo Castle near Kranj. In the Belgrade political and military circles, it was generally discussed about the upcoming joining with the German camp, however, the thought that this would come in stages with the help of government statements prevailed, and not through acceding the Pact, in that way spare the mood of the people which were against it. The same day Heeren contacted Ribbentrop, regarding the latter's instructions, that he decided to immediately see Cincar-Marković and deliver that the German and Italian answer to all three points was positive. Heeren then warned Cincar-Marković that according to the situation it looked like it was in the best interest that Yugoslavia decide on the accession as fast as possible. On 9 March, continuing the phone conversation, Ribbentrop from Fuschl am See submitted to Heeren the following:
    • 1. They are ready to recognize the respecting of sovereignty and territorial integrity in a special note. This could be publicized by the Yugoslav government.
    • 2. Regarding passage or transfer of troops and military aid
    They are ready to promise that no request on passage or transfer of troops be made to Yugoslavia during the war. The promise could be publicized if the Yugoslav government thought it was necessary due to internal politics. Regarding this and the time of announcement could be discussed during the conclusion. On 20 March, three Yugoslav ministers, Branko Cubrilovic, Mihailo Konstantinovic and Srdan Budisavljevis, resigned in protest. After consulting British and U.S. ministers, it was decided that the military situation was hopeless. The Crown Council voted 15–3 in favour of accession.

    On 25 March, the pact was signed at the Belvedere palace in Vienna (much to Otto's displeasure), by main signatories Joachim von Ribbentrop and Dragisa Cvetkovic. An official banquet was held which Hitler complained felt like a funeral party and Otto similar did not enjoy. The German and Austrian-Hungarian side indeed accepted the demands (the later under angry protest) earlier made by Paul and Cvetković, actually made in the hope that Hitler would not accept them and in that way prolong the negotiation process. These perpetual agreements were that Germany and Austria-Hungary respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia without any time limit, the Axis Central Powers will not seek permission to transport troops across Yugoslavia, and Italy, Austria-Hungary and the German Empire assures the Yugoslav government that they do not want to demand any request for military assistance. Ivo Andric transcribed the document. German and Austrian-Hungarian radio later announced that "the Axis Central Powers would not demand the right of passage of troops or war materials," while the official document mentioned only troops and omitted mention of war materials. Likewise the pledge to give Salonika to Yugoslavia did not appear on the document. On the day after the signing, demonstrators gathered on the streets of Belgrade shouting "Better the grave than a slave, better a war than the pact" (Serbo-Croatian: Bolje grob nego rob, Bolje rat nego pakt).
     
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    Chapter 41: Japanese Diplomacy (1940-1941)
  • Chapter 41: Japanese Diplomacy (1940-1941):
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    The Quadrelupe Pact, also known as the Berlin Pact, was an agreement between the German Empire, Austria-Hungary, the Italian Empire and the Japanese Empire signed in Berlin on 27 September 1940. It was a defensive military alliance that was eventually joined by Hungary (20 November 1940), Romania (23 November 1940), Bulgaria (1 March 1941) and Yugoslavia (25 March 1941). Yugoslavia's accession provoked a coup d'état in Belgrade two days later, and Italy and Germany responded by invading Yugoslavia (with Bulgarian, Austria-Hungarian. Italian and Romanian assistance) and partitioning the country. The Quadrelupe Pact was directed primarily at the Soviet Union and the United States to stay out of the new order the Axis Central Powers and the Co-Prosperity Sphere tied to establish in Europe and East Asia. Its practical effects were limited, since the Axis Central Powers and Co-Prosperity Sphere operational theatres were on opposite sides of the world and the high contracting powers had disparate strategic interests. Some technical cooperation was carried out, and all signatories agreed to all join in a war that was declared on them, but not by them against other powers. The Quadrelupe Pact gave Japan and the other states of the Co-Prosperity that signed it a little later the guarantee that neither the Soviets or the USA would dare to declare war on them in fear that the Axis Central Powers would join, at the same time the Axis Central Powers hoped that the pact would have a similar effect for them to prevent a new two-front-war.

    Because tensions between Japan and the USA were still high, thanks to the incidents in China and Indochina and the Japanese support for fully Philippine Independence, the pro-American Imperial Japanese Navy Admiral Kichisaburo Nomura was send as the next ambassador to the United States. On November 27, 1940, Nomura was sent to the United States, replacing Kensuke Horinouchi (who had served since March, 1939). Through much of 1940 (and later 1941), Ambassador Nomura negotiated with United States Secretary of State Cordell Hull in an attempt to prevent war from breaking out between Japan and the United States. The situation had tensed up since the American embargo and the Japanese general mobilization. In secret the Japanese already had prepared plans for a invasion on Malaysia, Dutch East India and the Philippines, just like they did with the Soviets in Amur before. Some members of the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy even proposed a attack on Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Nomura and Hull attempted to resolve issues including the Japanese conflict with China, the Japanese occupation and liberation of French Indochina, and the United States embargo against Japan. Nomura's repeated an sincere pleas to his superiors to offer the Americans meaningful concessions were rejected by his own government. Japan was unwilling to stop his support for Wang Jingwei and other Co-Prosperity Sphere members in China and equally unwilling to get out of Indochina so that the French could reestablish their colonial rule. Japan's demands were the return to normal diplomatic relations and a trade without embargo. America should help end the Chinese Civil War in favor of Wang Jingwei by putting pressure on Chiang and his United Front and America should accept the sovereignty of the member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, including Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and a fully independent Philippines that should have the right to join them if they wished to do so.
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    For Hideki Tojo, Japan's Prime Minister a retreat from China and Indochina meant a loss of morale and prestige, the loss of their face and honor as a nation. Mostly because Hull left the term China undefined, so it could also mean the members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere created there, including Manchuria and Chosen. Unwilling to accept this term the Japanese and other members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere (including leaders, ministers, Generals and Admirals) realized that a war was unavoidable. Still they were undecided if they should join the Axis Central Powers against the Soviet Union first, to secure their back and deal with the remaining support for Chiang and the Communists in China and Mongolia, or strike south first to liberate the European and American Colonies before focusing on Russia in the North.
     
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    Chapter 42: The Yugoslav and German coup d'état
  • Chapter 42: The Yugoslav and German coup d'état:
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    The Yugoslav coup d'état occurred on 27 March 1941 in Belgrade, Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The coup was planned and conducted by a group of pro-Western Serb-nationalist Royal Yugoslav Air Force officers formally led by its commander, General Dusan Simovic, who had been associated with a number of coup plots from 1938 onwards. Brigadier General of Military Aviation Borivoje Mirkovic, Major Zivan Knezevic of the Yugoslav Royal Guards, and his brother Radoje Knezevic led the coup. In addition to Radoje Knežević, some other civilian leaders were probably aware of the coup before it was launched and moved to support it once it occurred, but they were not among the organisers. The Communis Party of Yugoslavia played no part in the coup, although it made a significant contribution to the mass street protests in many cities that signalled popular support for the coup after it occurred. The coup was successful and overthrew the three-member regency: Prince Paul, Dr. Radenko Stankovic and Dr. Ivo Perovic, as well as the government of Prime Minister Dragisa Cvetkovic. Two days before the coup, the Cvetković government had signed the Vienna Protocol on the Accession of Yugoslavia to the Axis Central Powers. The coup had been planned for several months, but the signing of the Pact to join the Axis Central Powers spurred the organisers to carry it out, encouraged by the British Special Operations Executie.

    The military conspirators brought to power the 17-year-old King Peter II Karaderdevic, whom they declared to be of age to assume the throne, and a government of national unity was formed with Simović as prime minister and Vladko Macek and Slobodan Jovanovic as his vice-premiers. The coup led directly to the German and Austria-Hungary-led Axis Central Powers invasion of Yugoslavia. According to economics professor and historian Jozo Tomasevich, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was politically weak from the moment of its creation and remained so during the interwar period mainly due to a "rigid system of centralism", the strong association between each national group and its dominant religion, and uneven economic development. In particular, the religious primacy of the Serbian Orthodox Church in national affairs and discrimination against Roman Catholics and Muslims compounded the dissatisfaction of the non-Serb population with the Serb-dominated ruling groups that treated non-Serbs as second-class citizens. This centralised system arose from Serbian military strength and Croat intransigence, and was sustained by Croat disengagement, Serb overrepresentation, corruption and a lack of discipline within political parties. Until 1929, this state of affairs was maintained by subverting the democratic system of government. The domination of the rest of Yugoslavia by Serb ruling elites meant that the country was never consolidated in the political sense, and was therefore never able to address the social and economic challenges it faced.

    In 1929, democracy was abandoned and a royal dictatorship was established by King Alexander. who attempted to break down the ethnic divisions in the country through a number of means, including creating administrative divisions (Serbo-Croatian: banovine) based on rivers rather than traditional regions. There was significant opposition to this move, with Serb and Slovene opposition parties and figures advocating the division of Yugoslavia into six ethnically-based administrative units. By 1933, discontent in the largely Croat-populated Sava Banovina had developed into full-blown civil disorder, which the regime countered with a series of assassinations, attempted assassinations and arrests of key Croatian opposition figures including the leader of the Croatian Peasent Party (Serbo-Croatian: Hrvatska seljačka stranka, HSS) Vladko Macek. When Alexander was assassinated in Marseilles in 1934, his cousin Prince Paul headed a triumvirate regency whose other members were the senator Dr. Radenko Stankovic and the governor of the Sava Banovina, Dr. Ivo Perovic. The regency ruled on behalf of Alexander's 11-year-old son, Prince Peter, but the important member of the regency was Prince Paul. Although Prince Paul was more liberal than his cousin, the dictatorship continued uninterrupted. The dictatorship had allowed the country to follow a consistent foreign policy, but Yugoslavia needed peace at home in order to assure peace with its neighbours, all of whom had irredentist designs on its territory.

    From 1921, the country had negotiated the Little Entente with Romania and Czechoslovakia in the face of Hungarian designs on its territory, and after a decade of bilateral treaties, had formalised the arrangements in 1933. This had been followed the next year by the Balkan Entente, aimed at thwarting Austria-Hungarian and Bulgarian aspirations. Throughout this period, the Yugoslav government had sought to remain good friends with France, seeing her as a guarantor of European peace treaties. This was formalised through a treaty of friendship signed in 1927. With these arrangements in place, Italy posed the biggest problem for Yugoslavia, funding the anti-Yugoslav Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization which promoted Bulgarian irredentism.[Attempts by King Alexander to negotiate with Benito Mussolini fell on deaf ears, and after Alexander's assassination, nothing of note happened on that front until 1937. In the aftermath of Alexander's assassination, Yugoslavia was isolated both militarily and diplomatically, and reached out to France to assist its bilateral relationship with Italy. Prince Paul recognised the lack of national solidarity and political weakness of his country, and after he assumed power he made repeated attempts to negotiate a political settlement with Maček, the leader of the dominant Croat political party in Yugoslavia, the HSS. In January 1937, Prime Minister Milan Stojadinovic met with Maček at Prince Paul's request, but Stojadinović was unwilling or unable to grapple with the issue of Croat dissatisfaction with a Yugoslavia dominated by the Serb ruling class. The reunification of Austria-Hungary lead to early Yugoslavian elections that were held in December. In this background, the Royal Yugoslav Air Force (VVKJ) commander, General Dusan Simovic had been involved in two coup plots in early 1938 driven by Serb opposition to the Concordat with the Vatican, and another coup plot following the December election.

    In the December 1938 elections, the United Opposition led by Maček had attracted 44.9 per cent of the vote, but due to the electoral rules by which the government parties received 40 per cent of the seats in the National Assembly before votes were counted, the opposition vote only translated into 67 seats out of a total of 373. On 3 February 1939, the Minister of Education, Bogoljub Kujundzic, made a nationalist speech in the Assembly in which he stated that "Serb policies will always be the policies of this house and this government." Head of the Yugoslav Muslim Organization (JMO) Mehmed Spaho asked Stojadinović to disavow the statement, but he did not. At the behest of the Senate leader, the Slovene Anton Korosec, that evening five ministers resigned from the government, including Korošec. The others were Spaho, another JMO politician Dzafer Kulenovic, the Slovene Franc Snoj, and the Serb Dragisa Cvetkovic. Stojadinović sought authority from Prince Paul to form a new cabinet, however Korošec as head of the Senate advised the prince to form a new government around Cvetković. Prince Paul dismissed Stojadinović and appointed Cvetković in his place, with a direction that he reach an agreement with Maček. While these negotiations were ongoing, Italy invaded Albania. In August 1939, the Cvetkovic-Macek Agreement was concluded to create the Banovian of Croatia, which was to be a relatively autonomous political unit within Yugoslavia. Separatist Croats considered the Agreement did not go far enough, and many Serbs believed it went too far in giving power to Croats. The Cvetković-led cabinet formed in the wake of the Agreement was resolutely anti-Axis, and included five members of the HSS, with Maček as deputy Prime Minister. General Milan Nedic was Minister of the Army and Navy. After the outbreak of the Second Great War, German and Austria-Hungarian pressure on the government resulted in the resignation in mid-1940 of the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Stanoje Mihaldžić, who had been organising covert anti-Axis activities. In October 1940, Simović was again approached by plotters planning a coup but he was non-committal. From the outbreak of war British diplomacy focused on keeping Yugoslavia neutral, which the Ambassador Ronald Campbell apparently still believed possible.

    Later the Yugoslav Intelligence Service was cooperating with British intelligence agencies on a large scale across the country. This cooperation, which had existed to a lesser extent during the early 1930s, intensified after the Austrian-Hungarian re-unification. These combined intelligence operations were aimed at strengthening Yugoslavia and keeping her neutral while encouraging covert activities. In mid to late 1940, British intelligence became aware of coup plotting, but managed to side-track the plans, preferring to continue working through Prince Paul. The Special Operations Executive (SOE) office in Belgrade went to significant lengths to support the opposition to the anti-Axis Central Powers Cvetković government, which undermined the hard-won balance in Yugoslav politics that government represented. SOE Belgrade was entangled with pro-Serb policies and interests, and disregarded or underestimated warnings from SOE and British diplomats in Zagreb, who better understood the situation in Yugoslavia as a whole. Yugoslavia's situation worsened in October 1940 when Italy invaded Greece from Albania, and the initial failure of the Italians to make headway only increased Yugoslav apprehension that Austria-Hungary and Germany would be forced to help Italy. In September and November 1940 respectively, Germany forced the Kingdom of Romania to accede to the Axis Central Powers. In early November 1940, General Nedić, who believed that Germany would win the war, proposed to the government that it abandon its neutral stance and join the Axis as soon as possible in the hope that Germany would protect Yugoslavia against its "greedy neighbors". A few days later Prince Paul, having realized the impossibility of following Nedić's advice, replaced him with the aging and compliant General Petar Pesic. Germany's planned invasion of Greece would be simplified if Yugoslavia could be neutralized. Over the next few months, Prince Paul and his ministers laboured under overwhelming diplomatic pressure, a threat of an attack by Austria-Hungary or the Germans from Bulgarian territory, and the unwillingness of the British to promise practical military support. Six months prior to the coup, British policy towards the government of Yugoslavia had shifted from acceptance of Yugoslav neutrality to pressuring the country for support in the war against Germany.

    On 23 January 1941, William Donovan, a special emissary of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, visited Belgrade and issued an ultimatum, saying that if Yugoslavia permitted German troop passage then the US would not "interfere on her behalf" at peace talks. On 14 February, Adolf Hitler met with Cvetković and his foreign minister and requested Yugoslavia's accession to the Tripartite Pact. He pushed for the demobilization of the Royal Yugoslav Army—there had been a partial "reactivation" (a euphemism for mobilization) in Macedonia and parts of Serbia, probably directed at the Italians—and the granting of permission to transport German supplies through Yugoslavia's territory, along with greater economic cooperation. In exchange he offered a port near the Aegean Sea and territorial security. On 17 February, Bulgaria and Turkey signed an agreement of friendship and non-aggression, which effectively destroyed attempts to create a neutral Balkan bloc. Prince Paul denounced the agreement and the Bulgarians, describing their actions as "perfidy". On 18 and 23 February, Prince Paul told the US Ambassador Arthur Lane that Yugoslavia would not engage the German military if they entered Bulgaria. He explained that to do so would be wrongful and that it would not be understood by the Slovenes and Croats. On 1 March, Yugoslavia was further isolated when Bulgaria signed the Pact and the German army arrived at the Bulgarian-Yugoslav border.

    On 4 March, Prince Paul secretly met with Hitler and Wilhelm II in Berlin and was again pressured to sign the Pact. Hitler did not request troop passage through Yugoslavia and offered the Greek city of Salonika. A time limit for Prince Paul, who was uncommitted and "wavering", wasn't set. Prince Paul, in the middle of a cabinet crisis, offered a nonaggression pact and a declaration of friendship, but Hitler insisted on his proposals. Prince Paul warned that "I fear that if I follow your advice and sign the Tripartite Pact I shall no longer be here in six months." On 8 March, Franz Halder, the German Chief of the Army General Staff, expressed his expectation that the Yugoslavs would sign if German troops did not cross their border. During March, secret treaty negotiations commenced in Moscow between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, represented respectively by the Yugoslav ambassador, Milan Gavrilović, and the Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov. According to General Pavel Sudoplatov, who was at the time the deputy chief of special operations for the NKVD, the Soviet internal affairs ministry, Gavrilović was a fully recruited Soviet agent, but Sudoplatov states that they knew that Gavrilović also had ties with the British.

    On 17 March, Prince Paul returned to Berlin and was told by Hitler that it was his last chance for Yugoslavia to join the Pact, renouncing this time the request for the use of Yugoslav railways in order to facilitate their accession. Two days later, Prince Paul convened a Crown Council to discuss the terms of the Pact and whether Yugoslavia should sign it. The Council's members were willing to agree, but only under the condition that Germany let its concessions be made public. Germany agreed and the Council approved the terms. Three cabinet ministers resigned on 20 March in protest of the impending signing of the Pact. These were the Minister of the Interior, Srdjan Budisavljevic; the Minister of Agriculture, Branko Cubrilovic; and the Minister without Portfolio, Mihailo Konstantinovic. The British were friendly with Budisavljević, and his resignation at British urging precipitated the resignations of the other two. The Germans reacted by imposing an ultimatum to accept by midnight 23 March or forfeit any further chances. Prince Paul and Cvetković obliged and accepted, despite believing German promises were "worthless". On 23 March, Germany's guarantee of Yugoslavia's territorial security and its promise not to use its railroads were publicized. In the United Kingdom, Alexander Cadogan, the Permanent Under-Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs, penned in his diary that the "Yugoslavs seem to have sold their souls to the Devil. All these Balkan peoples are trash."

    On 25 March, the pact was signed at the Belvedere palace in Vienna, much to Emperor Otto's disappointment, who dreamed of reclaiming Austrian-Hungarian territory in Yugoslavia. An official banquet was held which Hitler complained felt like a funeral party. German radio later announced that "the Axis Central Powers would not demand the right of passage of troops or war materials," while the official document mentioned only troops and omitted mention of war materials. Likewise the pledge to give Salonika to Yugoslavia does not appear on the documen On the following day, Serb demonstrators gathered on the streets of Belgrade shouting "Better the grave than a slave, better a war than the pact" (Serbo-Croatian: Bolje grob nego rob, Bolje rat nego pakt). The coup was executed at 2:15 am on 27 March. It was planned by a group of VVKJ officers in Zemun, and Royal Guard officers in nearby Belgrade. The only senior officers involved were from the air force. Under the supervision of the VVKJ deputy commander Borivoje Mirkovnic, officers assumed control of critical buildings and locations in the early hours of 27 March, including:
    • the Zemun air force base (Colonel Dragutin Savić)
    • the bridges over the Sava between Zemun and Belgrade (Colonel Dragutin Dimić)
    • the City Administration, Police Directorate and the Belgrade radio station (Colonel Stjepan Burazović)
    • the ministries and headquarters of the General Staff (Major Živan Knežević)
    • the Royal Court (Colonel Stojan Zdravković)
    • the main post office in Belgrade (Lieutenant Colonel Miodrag Lozić)
    • the barracks of the Royal Guards and Automotive Command
    The British air attaché Group Captain A.H.H. McDonald met with Simović on 26 March, and the British agent T.G. Mappleback met with his close friend Mirković on the same day and ordered him to carry out the coup within 48 hours. Individuals that were probably aware of the coup included Slobodan Jovanovic, president of the Serbian Cultural Club, and Ilija Trifunovic-Bircanin, president of Narodna Odbrana (National Defence). Some of those urging a coup or at least aware that a coup was planned had previously been involved with secretive Black Handers, including Božin Simić. According to Sudoplatov, the coup was actively supported by Soviet military intelligence (GRU) and the NKVD, following the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin'ss instructions, with a view to strengthening the USSR′s strategic position in the Balkans. A group of Soviet intelligence officers that included Major General Solomon Milshtein and Vasily Zarubin was sent to Belgrade to assist in the coup. The activities of the USSR in Yugoslavia had been boosted by the establishment of a Soviet mission in Belgrade in 1940; the Soviet Union had been developing its intelligence network through left-wing journalists and academics at the University of Belgrade. The German embassy in Belgrade was certain that the coup had been organized by British and Soviet intelligence agencies.

    There are contradictory claims as to who was the leader of the coup, coming from Simović, Mirković, and Major Zivan Knezevic. Mirković claimed sole credit immediately after the coup and stated on its tenth anniversary that: "Only after I had informed General [Simović] about my idea and he had accepted it did I make the decision to undertake the planned revolt. I made the decision myself, and I also carried out the whole organization. I made the decision as to when the revolt would take place." It is likely that he had been a planning a coup since 1937 when an Italo-Yugoslav pact was signed. King Peter later credited simply the "younger and middle ranks [of officers] of the Yugoslav army" for the coup in a speech on 17 December 1941. Simović's response was published posthumously, he claimed that he "stood in the center of the whole undertaking" and "personally engaged his assistant Brigadier General Bora Mirković for the action". Tomasevich considers Mirković's account to be the more credible of the two, and points out it is corroborated from several sources, both Allied and Axis. The matter would play a role in the factionalism that would divide the soon-to-be Yugoslav government-in-exile during the war. At the time of the coup, Prince Paul was in Zagreb en route to a planned holiday in Brdo. On the morning of 27 March, Deputy Prime Minister Maček was informed of the coup and met Prince Paul at Zagreb's railway station to discuss the situation. Maček suggested that Paul stay in Zagreb, with the possibility of mobilizing army units in the Banovina of Croatia in his support. Prince Paul declined this offer, at least partially because his wife Princess Olga and children remained in Belgrade. He reached the capital by train that evening and was immediately ordered to sign papers abolishing the regency. He was subsequently exiled to Greece.

    On the morning of 27 March, the royal palace was surrounded and the coup's advocates issued a radio message that impersonated the voice of Peter with a "proclamation to the people", calling on them to support the new king. Pamphlets with the proclamation of the coup were subsequently dropped into cities from aircraft. Demonstrations followed in Belgrade and other large Yugoslav cities that continued for the next few days. Demonstrators frequently used the slogan that had been used by demonstrators the day before the coup, "Better the war than the pact, better the grave than a slave". Members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which had been outlawed since 1920, also took part in pro-putsch rallies all over the country. British Prime Minister Winston Churchill declared that "Yugoslavia has found its soul”. According to the memoirs of the Serbian Orthodox Patriarch, Gavrilo V, the putsch was immediately welcomed by the senior clergy of the church, as the Holy Assembly of Bishops was in session on 27 March in response to the coup. Patriarch Gavrilo also spoke publicly in support of the King and the new regime over the radio. For other nations in Yugoslavia, the prospect of war and the government's close ties to the Serbian Orthodox Church was not at all appealing. Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac, president of the Roman Catholic Conference of Bishops of Yugoslavia, bitterly wrote in his diary that, "All in all, Croats and Serbs are of two worlds... that will never move closer to one another without an act of God". He also wrote, "The Schism [Orthodoxy] is the greatest curse in Europe, almost greater than Protestantism. There is no morality, no principle, there is no truth, no justice, no honesty [in Orthodoxy]." On the same day, he publicly called on the Catholic clergy to pray for King Peter and that Croatia and Yugoslavia would be spared a war.

    In the wake of the coup, Simović's new government refused to ratify Yugoslavia's signing of the Axis Central Powers Pact, but did not openly rule it out. Hitler, angered by the coup and anti-German incidents in Belgrade, gathered his senior officers and ordered that Yugoslavia be crushed without delay. On the same day as the coup he issued Fall Sarajevo (Case Sarajevo) which called for Yugoslavia to be treated as a hostile state. Austria-Hungary and Italy was to be included in the operations and the directive made specific mention that "efforts will be made to induce Bulgaria to take part in operations by offering them the prospect of regaining Macedonia". Furthermore, the directive stated that "internal tensions in Yugoslavia will be encouraged by giving political assurances to the Croats". On 30 March, Foreign Minister Momcilo Nincic summoned the German ambassador Viktor von Heeren and handed him a statement which declared that the new government would accept all its international obligations, including accession to the Tripartite Pact, as long as the national interests of the country were protected. Von Heeren returned to his office to discover a message from Berlin instructing that contact with Yugoslav officials was to be avoided, and he was recalled to Berlin. No reply was given to Ninčić. On 2 April orders were issued for the evacuation of the German embassy, and the German charge d'affairs advised the diplomats of friendly countries to leave the country.

    On 3 April, Fall Sarajevo was issued, detailing the plan of attack and command structure for the invasion. Bulgaria was promised Yugoslav Macedonia respectively and the Romanian army was asked not to take part, holding its position at the countries' border. Internal conflict in Hungary over the invasion plans between the army and Teleki led to the Prime Minister's suicide that same evening. Also on 3 April, Edmund Veesenmayer, representing the Dienststelle Ribbentrop, arrived in Zagreb in preparation for a regime change. Croatian pilot Vladimir Kren, a captain in the Royal Yugoslav Air Force, defected to the Germans on 3 April taking with him valuable information about the country's air defenses. Simović named Maček as Deputy Prime Minister once again in the new government, but Maček was reluctant and remained in Zagreb while he decided what to do. While he considered the coup had been an entirely Serbian initiative aimed at both Prince Paul and the Cvetković–Maček Agreement, he decided that he needed to show HSS support for the new government and that joining it was necessary. On 4 April he travelled to Belgrade and accepted the post, on several conditions; that the new government respect the Cvetković–Maček Agreement and expand the autonomy of the Banovina Croatia in some respects, that the new government respect the country's accession to the Tripartite Pact, and that one Serb and one Croat temporarily assume the role of regents. That same day exiled Croatian politician and Ustase leader Ante Pavelic called for Croats to start an uprising against the government over his Radio Velebit program based in Italy.

    On 5 April the new cabinet met for the first time. While the first two conditions set by Maček were met, the appointment of regents was impracticable given Prince Peter had been declared to be of age. Involving representatives from across the political spectrum, Simović's cabinet was "extremely disunited and weak". Both Budisavljević and Cubrilović were re-instated to their former portfolios. The cabinet included members who fell into three groups; those who were strongly opposed to the Axis Central Powers and prepared to face war with Austria-Hungary and Germany, those who advocated peace with Austria-Hungary and Germany, and those that were uncommitted. The groups were divided as follows: On 5 April 1941, the post-coup government signed the Treaty of Friendship and Non-Aggression with the Soviet Union in Moscow, for which talks had been underway since March. The relevant final article of the treaty read as follows: ″In the event of aggression against one of the contracting parties on the part of a third power, the other contracting party undertakes to observe a policy of friendly relations towards that party″, which fell short of a commitment to provide military assistance. This was "an almost meaningless diplomatic move", which could have had no real impact on the situation in which Yugoslavia found herself.
    Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-2005-0621-500%2C_Reichsminister_Alfred_Hugenberg.jpg

    Unknown to German Chancellor Adolf Hitler the Coup in Yugoslavia wasn't the only one under way. Emperor Otto of Austria-Hungary was very displeased with his independent, unauthorized diplomatic actions and Wilhelm III, the new German Emperor felt the same. Wilhelm was in opposition of Chancellor Hitler ever since he inherited the crown from his father Wilhelm II and now it looked like Hitler's politics had driven Yugoslavia directly into the British and Soviet hands with this coup. With the Imperial German Army alarmed at this development and the aristocracy of Germany and Austria-Hungary having enough of Hitler the coup against him underwent the same day Axis Central Power forces attacked Yugoslavia. On the 6 April 1941 the remaining Nazi sympathizers and politicians were arrested or killed by the Imperial German Army. Hitler and Himmler were killed and other high ranking Nazis like Goebbels and Göring arrested during the coup. Wilhelm then offered Austria-Hungary, Italy and Bulgaria the participation of Yugoslavia according to the Axis Central Powers plans finished under Hitler. Alfred Hugenberg from the German National People's Party (German: Deutschnationale Volkspartei, DNVP) became the next Chancellor of the German Empire. The Coup and the death were announced to be done by the Socialists and Communists, but luckily the German Imperial Army stepped in to stop their coup halfway trough to save the Emperor and the German Empire.
     
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    Chapter 43: Japanese Colonialism and Hegemony in the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Yen-Block
  • Chapter 43: Japanese Colonialism and Hegemony in the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the Yen-Block:
    mukden15.jpg

    (Mukden)

    The Japanese Plan to reshape Asia and gain dominance in the region followed a few different steps. The first one was to open the markets of China and Asia for Japanese businesses and goods. The second one was to have new land where Japanese settlers could live because the Japanese population grew by one million people every year. This and the Japanese leading role in technological and cultural aspects as believed by the Japanese lead to their idea of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, were Japan like a wise Mentor or Father would guide the rest of the Asian nations. The muster for this new strategy was Manchukuo, where already Japanese settlement and colonization had began and was now even directed by the Japanese government to increase. Accordingly, to the census of 1936, of the Japanese population of Manchuko, 22% were civil servants and their families; 18% were working for the South Manchurian Railroad company; 25% had come to Manchukuo to establish a business; and 21% had come to work in industry. The Japanese working in the fields of transportation, the government, and in business tended to be middle class, white collar people such as executives, engineers, and managers, and those Japanese who working in Manchukuo as blue collar employees tended to be skilled workers. In 1934, it was reported that a Japanese carpenter working in Manchukuo with its growing economy could earn twice as much as he could in Japan. Japanese Farms in the colonies and the allied Co-Prosperity Sphere states were much bigger and the skilled Japanese citizens often got better jobs and leading roles as estate owners on the Asian mainland.
    800px-Fushun_Coal_Mine.jpg

    With its gleaming modernist office buildings, state of the art transport networks like the famous Asia Express railroad line, and modern infrastructure that was going up all over Manchukuo, Japan's fisrt chinese "colonial" and Co-Prosperity Sphere member state become a popular tourist destination for middle-class Japanese, who wanted to see the "Brave New Empire" that was going up in the mainland of Asia. At first only up to 400,000 Japanese lived in Manchukuo and 560,000 Japanese put of 72 million Japanese in the Home Islands lived in Chosen, but the Japanese Government planned to increase this number drastically. The Japanese government had official plans projecting the emigration of 5 million Japanese to Manchukuo between 1936 and 1956. Between 1938 and 1940 a batch of young farmers of 200,000 arrived in Manchukuo; joining this group after 1936 were 20,000 complete families. Of the Japanese settlers in Manchukuo, almost half came from the rural areas of Kyushu. Plans were made to settle up to 200,000 Japanese every year in Manchukuo and Chosen. Similar plans established the colonization of 100,000 Japanese each year to Yankoku, Taikoku, Wang Jingwei's China, Vietnam, or Cambodia. Menjiang, Yikoku, Laos or Siam far away from the coast, the Home Islands, or partly uncomly in other ways for new Japanese settlers and colonists were believed to attract far less Japanese on the long run for now. This plans for the japanisation (both by cultural domination and influence as by settlement of Japanese to these new states) were meant to create a block as the Co-Prosperity Sphere (also called the Yen-Block) of Asian nations led by the Japanese and free of foreign powers.
    Sui-ho_Dam_under_construction.JPG

    Besides farmers the greatest amount of Japanese worked for the Zaibatsu, Japanese companies or their offspring created in these new states. They were payed in Yen, even if the local currencies were individualized as Manchukuo Yuan, Yankoku Yuan, Taikoku Yuan and such because each of these currencies were depending 1:1 on the Japanese Yen at all times as a exchange rate. The goal was to create a Yen only currency block on the long run. To help this plan and to industrialize and strengthen these new member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere not only skilled Japanese settled there, but Central Banks and Industrial Development, Yard, Railway, Aviation and even Airplane Manufacturing Companies were established for each of this states. Most of them had a split control, half of these conglomerates hold by their respective state, the other half hold by the Empire of Japan or their Japanese parent companies. Branches like the Yankoku Steel Works, the Yellow River Cotton Company, Yankoku Coal Mining, Taikoku Tin Mining, Taikoku Wolfram Industries, Vietnam Chopper and many others expanded inside the Co-Prosperity Sphere and started or grew existing resource companies with the goal to support the states own, as well as the Japanese industry and armed forces.
     
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    Chapter 44: Axis Central Powers African Ambitions
  • Chapter 44: Axis Central Powers African Ambitions:
    african_ambitions_by_sheldonoswaldlee-dc07a0z.png

    Map 1:
    Africa before the Second Great War.

    Map 2:
    Africa during the Second Great War 1940-1941.

    Map 3:
    Fashist Italian plans for annexation in Africa, including Egypt, Tunesia, French and British Somalia, Kenia, Uganda, parts of French Equatorial Africa, parts of French West Africa and if possible ecen Algeria and Morocco.

    Map 4:
    Nationalist Spains plan to annex Morocco, Mauritania, parts of French West Africa and parts of French Equatorial Africa, maybe even Algeria and parts of Cameroon.

    Map 5:
    Germans plans for a Mittelafrika colonial empire, including the former German Colonies, Belgish Congo, Nigeria, Gold Coast, parts of French West Africa, parts of French Equatorial Africa, parts of Portuguese Angola and Mozambique, Uganda Kenia and Madagascar (where the European Jews were to be settled in a Jewish Colonial Exile State since the fall of France, thanks to shipping them on Fashist France Ships over the Atlantic, or across French Africa until Togoland or Cameroon from where they used French trade ships to get to Madagascar).

    Map 6:
    Austria-Hungarian ambitions in the Middle East and Egypt, mostly to secure their Balkan Peninsula against Turkey some more and because of Otto's Ambitions to give his great nation at least a partly Colonial Empire.

    Map 7:
    The Africa Conference in Berlin in 1941 dealt with the colonial dispute of the Italian Empire, Fascist France, Nationalist Spain and tried to negotiate a dividing of Africa that all Axis Central Powers could agree on the most. It was a compromise between the different claims and ambitions of the members of the Central Axis Powers against their enemies and each other, as well as a recognition of whom of them had supported the war to what extend until that date. Fascist French got most of French Northwest Africa (especially Algeria) Guaranteed, but still lost smaller parts to Italy and Spain after their defeat in the Battle of France. Italy got many of it's African ambitions with Egypt as a puppet state/province within it's Empire and the Suez Channel as a multi-national German secured Axis Central Power region. The German Madagascar plan was recognized by all Axis Central Powers and Franco's Spain got claim on most of the Portuguese Colonies too under the condition that he had a free hand to unite the Iberian Peninsula (Spain, Portugal and Gibralta under his state). Otto's wish for a African colony was acknowledged by giving him Sierra Leone and Liberia as a small Austrian-Hungarian Colony, while at the same time all members of the Axis Central Powers would recognize the Austrian-Hungarian hegemony over the Balkan Peninsula (with the exception of Italian Albania and Greece). It also included a fashist South African Apartheid state that would be expendet and compensated as a member of the Axis Central Powers by giving him former british territory.
     
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    Chapter 45: Kantokuen and Hachi Go Plans
  • Chapter 45: Kantokuen and Hachi Go Plans:
    Kangde_Emperor_of_Manchukuo.JPG

    Because of the rivalry between the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy as well as the ambitions and fears of the local members of the Co-Prosperity Sphere the planning for Kantokuen 2 or Hachi Go, the planned invasion for the Soviet Union and the Far East continued. While the Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere Navies planned for the strike against the Americans and the remaining European Colonial Powers, the Armies of Japan, Chosen, Mengjiang and Yankoku continued the war support in the Chinese Civil War and equally started a build up at the boarders towards the Soviet Union and the Mongolian People's Republic. Especially the the Japanese Kwantung Army, the armies in china and the newly trained and established armies of the Co-Prosperity Members of the regions this meant that they had to reorganize, because their plans and ambitions were much more then their industrial capacity would allow to build realistically. The Japanese forces in area were reformed, now grouping in new sizes and with other equipment. Japan used Infantry Division with up to 14,000 soldiers, partly motorized with supply vehicles as well as fully Motorized Divisions with up to 16,000 soldiers, 600 motorized (later mechanized) vehicles and additional artillery. Japanese Tank Divisions on the other hand had only 2,000-4,000 soldiers but 80-120 tanks (mostly light and some medium versions so far) with motorized fuel and supply vehicles. Later these Tank Divisions were expended with additional motorized (later even mechanized) vehicles. Depending on their need they were supported by Battalions or Companies of Artillery, anti-tank units, anti-aircraft, engineers, recon forces, maintenance forces and ever since Khalkhyn Gol also a Field Hospital, a Logistic Company and a Signal Company.

    In Chosen Emperor Ri Gin with the help of Japanese General Kuniaki Koiso and Japanese officers and commanders established the Chōsen-gun (Korean military) as a independent army of the Chosen member of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. Most of these forces were made up from the Chosen Garrison Army (Kankoku Chūsatsugun), made up by 40 District Guard Division each with 6,000 soldiers (including 600 Japanese officers and commanders) and motorized vehicles (240,000 soldiers in total). Along the small Chosen-Soviet border there was additionally the 1st Chosen Army with one Tank Division, one Motorized Division, one Cavalry Division and one Infantry Division in fortified positions. Their size and numbers were identical to these of regular Japanese divisions. The 2nd Chosen Army made up of lighter and fewer troops was positioned across the Chosen-Manchukuo border that followed the Yalu River to defeat the whole Korean Peninsula. Plans for a 3rd and 4th Chosen Army were made as Reserves or Support but lacked Equipment for the moment. In chase of war with the Soviet Union the 1st Chosen Army was supposed to participate in Kantokuen 2 or Hachi Go and take the land west of Vladivostok to help the Kwantung and Mandchukuo Army to surround the city. The Imperial Chosen Air Force had surprisingly new models, because Japan hoped to protect the Home Islands with additional fighters and bombers from Chosen against soviet forces in the Amur Province.
    250px-Postcard_of_Manchukuo_Soldiers.jpg

    Emperor Puyi of Manchukuo had his own plans, intentions and reasons to attack and annex the Soviet Russian Far East with the Amur Province. His states Ruling Council and his Japanese allies from the Kwantung Army under General Yoshijirō Umezu helped massively in the training and equipment of the Manchukuo Army and Air Force. This meant that up to 40 District Guard Division with 6,000 soldiers (including 600 Japanese officers and commanders) and motorized vehicles each helped to secure the new state against rebels, guerrillas and even help in police duties (240,000 soldiers total for all 16 Provinces). Regular Manshu Divisions used only 8,000 soldiers (including 800 Japanese officers and commanders), less then their Japanese counterparts. Manshu Cavalry Divisions had 5,000 soldiers and motorized support, while Manshu Tank Divisions had 80-120 (mostly light and some medium tanks). Besides the District Guard Division the regular Manchu Infantry Division made up the majority of their army. Seven to eight Manchu Infantry Divisions, one Tank Division, one Motorized Division and one Cavalry Division made up each Manchu/Manshu Army. The 1st Manshu Army was stationed in the southeast starting at the Chosen-Manchurian-Soviet border going up all the way to Lake Khanka. Their task was to push towards the coast, along the railways to surround Vladivastok and then take the city as Russia's most important harbor in the region. The 2nd Manshu Army was stationed from Lake Khanka northward to Suiyuan, their mission was to turn east to cut of the eastern Siberian-Railway to Vladivostok and follow the Amur river northward. Next was the 3rd Manshu Army had orders to attack between the Amur river and the Seja River towards the coast, additionally cutting of all soviet troops in the southeast and conquer the land Puyi had set his eyes on. The 4th Manshu Army meanwhile had orders to attack from the Seja river all the way to Mongol-Manshu border with the mission to cut off the railway there too but to also establish a security zone around the Manchurian heartland and state and just like the 3rd Manshu Army conquer the vast lands and their resources. The 5th Manshu Army meanwhile was stationed along the border towards the Mongolian People's Republic with the mission to support the main Mengjian offensive to conquer all mongol lands north and west, as well as to secure the Manchurian flank here.
    Inner_Mongolian_soldier_1937.jpeg

    Khan Demchugdongrub in Mengjiang hat the most ambitious plans to conquer northwest China, Mongolia and Sibieria for a new Mongolian Empire. To support him the Japanese had helped him build up six Guard Divisions with 4,000 soldiers each by now, many with cavalry or motorizes (including 400 Japanese officers and commanders). In addition to that the 1st Mengjiang Army was stationed across the boarder towards Mongolia to conquer the land there for the Khan. The 2nd Mengjiang Army meanwhile was stationed towards the front-line of the Chinese United Front to conquer and claim the land there for their Khan supported by a smaller Japanese Mengjiang Expedition Army. The 1st and 2nd Mengjiang Army had nearly no tank units so far because most of them were needed in Manchuria and China, but used eight Cavalry Divisions (5,000 soldiers, partly with cavalry or motorized) and two Infantry Divisions (6,000 soldiers, partly motorized).

    Yankoku's Army and military was created after the Japanese, Chosen and Manchurian forces and just like the Chosen, Manshu and Mengjiang Army they did not participate with the majority of their forces in China. Because of the huger threat of the Soviet Union and in Yankoku's chase the communist rebels largely supported by the nearby fought over border with the Chinsese United Front none of these states (or their own and japanese armed forces and commanders) supported the Co-Prosperity Sphere in China very much to help out Wang Jingwei's government, but focused more on pacifying and securing their own territory and borders. This slowed down Japan's, Wang's and the Co-Prosperity Sphere advance and supplies in the main Chinese theatre of war.
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    Chapter 46: The Invasion of Yugoslavia
  • Chapter 46: The Invasion of Yugoslavia:
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    The invasion of Yugoslavia, also known as the April War or Fall Sarajevo (Case Sarajevo), was a Austria-Hungarian and German-led attack on the Kingdom of Yugoslavia by the Axis Central Powers which began on 6 April 1941 during the Second Great War. The order for the invasion was put forward by German Chancellor Adolf Hitler on 27 March 1941, following the Yugoslav coup d'état. The invasion commenced with an overwhelming air attack on Belgrade and facilities of the Royal Yugoslav Air Force (VVKJ) by the Imperial German Air Force, the Austrian-Hungarian Air Force and attacks by Austrian-Hungarian and German land forces from southwestern Bulgaria. These attacks were followed by Austria-Hungary and German thrusts from Austria-Hungary and Romania. Italian forces were limited to air and artillery attacks until 11 April, when the Italian army attacked towards Ljubljana and through Istria and Lika and down the Dalmatian coast. On the same day, Hungarian forces entered Yugoslav Backa and Baranya, but like the Italians they faced practically no resistance. A Yugoslav attack into the northern parts of the Italian protectorate of Albania met with initial success, but was inconsequential due to the collapse of the rest of the Yugoslav forces. Scholars have proposed several theories for the Royal Yugoslav Army's sudden collapse, including poor training and equipment, generals eager to secure a quick cessation of hostilities, and a sizeable Croatian nationalist fifth column. The invasion ended when an armistice was signed on 17 April 1941, based on the unconditional surrender of the Yugoslav army, which came into effect at noon on 18 April. Yugoslavia was then occupied and partitioned by the Axis Central Powers. Some areas of Yugoslavia were annexed by neighboring Axis countries, some areas remained occupied. Along with Itaky's stalled invasion of Greece on 28 October 1940, and the German-led Austria-Hungarian and Bulgarian invasion of Greece (Operation Marita) and invasion of Crete (Operation Merkur), the invasion of Yugoslavia was part of the Austria-Hungarian and German Balkan Campaign (German: Balkanfeldzug). In October 1940, the Fascist Italian Empire had attacked the Kingdom of Greece only to be forced back into Albania. German Chancellor Adolf Hitler recognised the need to go to the aid of his ally, Italian dictator Benito Mussolini and Austria-Hungarian Emperor Otto. Hitler did this not only to restore diminished Axis Central Powers prestige, but also to prevent Britain from bombing the Romanian oilfields from which the Axis Central Powers obtained most of its oil at the moment. In 1940 and early 1941, Romania and Bulgaria all agreed to adhere to the Axis Central Powers. Hitler then pressured Yugoslavia to join as well. The Regent, Prince Paul, yielded to this pressure, and declared Yugoslavia's accessions to the Pact on 25 March 1941. This move was highly unpopular with the Serb-dominated officer corps of the military and some segments of the public: a large part of the Serbian population, as well as liberals and Communists. Military officers (mainly Serbs) executed a coup d'état on 27 March 1941, and forced the Regent to resign, while King Peter II, though only 17, was declared of age.

    Upon hearing news of the coup in Yugoslavia, Hitler called his military advisers to Berlin on 27 March. On the same day as the coup he issued Fall Sarajevo (Case Sarajevo) which called for Yugoslavia to be treated as a hostile state. Hitler took the coup as a personal insult, and was so angered that he was determined, in his words, "to destroy Yugoslavia militarily and as a state", and to do so "without waiting for possible declarations of loyalty of the new government". On 12 December the Austrian-Hungarian diplomacy also concluded a treaty with the Kingdom of Yugoslavia calling for "permanent peace and eternal friendship".The Austrian-Hungarian leadership was split after Germany's War Fall Sarajevo plan was delivered on 27 March 1941. After getting rid of Hitler, Emperor Wilhelm and Emperor Otto and the military favoured taking part in the invasion of Yugoslavia and mobilized the following day. Hungarian Prime Minister Pál Teleki sought to prevent German troops passing through Austria-Hungary and cited the peace treaty with Yugoslavia as an impediment to cooperation with the Germans. He was thereafter removed from office by Otto quickly after that while Yugoslavia was beaten and annexed. On 1 April Yugoslavia redesignated its Assault Command as the Chetnik Command, after the Serb guerrilla forces from the First Great War which had resisted the Central Powers. The command was intended to lead a guerillia war should the country be occupied. Its headquarters was transferred from Novi Sad to Kraljevo in south-central Serbia on 1 April. On 2 April, the German ambassador having already been recalled for "talks", the remaining embassy staff were ordered to leave the capital and to warn the embassies of friendly nations to likewise evacuate. This sent the unmistakable message that Yugoslavia was about to be invaded. On 3 April, Hitler issued War Directive 26 detailing the plan of attack and command structure for the invasion as well as promising Hungary territorial gains. The same day Teleki killed himself. Horthy, seeking a compromise, informed Hitler that evening that Hungary would abide by the treaty, though it would likely cease to apply should Croatia secede and Yugoslavia cease to exist.

    The invasion was spearheaded by the German 2nd Army with elements of the 12th Army, First Panzer Group, and an independent panzer corps combined with overwhelming Imperial German Air Force support. The 19 Austrian-Hungarian and German divisions included five panzer divisions, two motorized infantry divisions and two mountain divisions. The German force also included three well-equipped independent motorised infantry regiments and was supported by over 750 aircraft. The Italian 2nd Army and 9th Army committed a total of 22 divisions and 666 aircraft to the operation. The Austrian-Hungarian additionally supported over 1,000 aircraft to the Operation. After the Italian invasion in the northwest began, King Victor Emmanuel III moved to a villa owned by the Pirzio Biroli family at Brazzacco, near Moruzzo, in order to be close to the front. Austria-Hungary and Germany attacked Yugoslavia from bases in three countries: Austria-Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. Axis Central Power troops entered each of these countries under different pretenses and at different times. The first country to receive a German military mission was Romania. Ostensibly to train the Romanian armed forces, its real purpose was to protect Romania's petroleum resources and prepare for an attack on the Soviet Union. The German Imperial Army entered Bulgaria more circumspectly, first with the intention of provided aerial defense against any force attacking Romania's oilfields and later with that of invading Greece in support of Italy. German troops did not enter Austria-Hungary until the attack on Yugoslavia was already planned and Hungary's participation had been secured. King Carol II of Romania, smarting from the cession of Transilvania to Austria-Hungary, proposed in a letter to Wilhelm III on 2 July 1940 that Germany send a military mission to Romania. The Romanian government asked that a mission be sent urgently on 7 September 1940, the day after Carol's abdication. The decision to aid Romania was taken on 19 September, and Austria-Hungary was asked to provide transit to German soldiers on 30 September and to support them during their combined invasion. The first troops entered Romania on 10 October. They entered Buchatest two days later (12 October) to shouts of Heil! The official explanation for the presence of German and Austrian-Hungarian troops was that they were there to train the Romanian army. Wilhelm III's directive to the troops on 10 October had stated that "it is necessary to avoid even the slightest semblance of military occupation of Romania for now." In the second half of October, the Romanian leader, Ion Antonescu, asked that the military mission be expanded. The Germans and Austrian-Hungarians happily obliged the request, since the oil fields and refineries at Ploiesti were vital to their war effort. Romania was also an important launching point for an planned attack on the Soviet Union, which made the presence of German and Austrian-Hungarian a first step towards this goal. This made Romania a defacto a protected puppet state of Austria-Hungary by it's economical and military power over the Balkan peninsula.

    By the middle of November the 13th Motorised Infantry Division had been assembled in Romania, and reinforced by the 4th Panzer Regiment, engineers and signal troops, as well as six fighter and two reconnaissance Luftwaffe squadrons, and some antiaircraft artillery. A total of seventy batteries of artillery were moved into Romania. On 23 November, Romania signed the Tripartite Pact. At the time Germany informed Romania that she would not be expected to participate in an attack on Greece, but that Germany wanted to use Romanian territory to provide a base for a German attack. On 24 November, Antonescu met with Wilhelm Keitel, to discuss common defense. As a result of this meeting, the 16th Panzer Division was sent to Romania in late December. The 12th Army and First Panzer Group, along with heavy bridging equipment for the planned crossing of the Danube, followed in January 1941. By January 1941 the total number of German effectives in Romania was 170,639. Those elements of the 12th Army that were to invade Yugoslavia from Romania assembled near Timisoara (Temeschwar). Between November 1940 and February 1941 the Luftwaffe gradually moved 135 fighters and reconnaissance aircraft into Romania (in 22–26 squadrons). In early April 1941 they moved a further 600 aircraft from France, Africa, and Sicily into Romania and Bulgaria in a period of ten days. The fighter and reconnaissance craft were sent to fields in Arad, Deva and Turnu Severin. On 12 February Britain broke off diplomatic relations with Romania on the grounds that it was an enemy-occupied country.

    Two events in early November 1940 convinced Hitler of the need to station troops, especially the Luftwaffe, in Bulgaria. The first was false reports that the British were constructing an airfield on Lemnos, from which they could bomb Ploiesti. The second was the beginning of British air raids originating from Greek bases against Italian shipping on 6 November. Planning for the German invasion of Greece from Bulgaria began on 12 November. Already on 13 November, the Soviets were (incorrectly) accusing the Germans of having troops in neutral Bulgaria. On 18 November, Tsar Boris III of Bulgaria met with Hitler and promised to participate in an attack on Greece, but only at the last moment. Shortly thereafter a secret German team under Colonel Kurt Zeitzler entered Bulgaria to establish fuel depots, arrange for troop billeting and scout the terrain. They were soon followed by hundreds of Luftwaffe personnel to establish air observation stations. By the end of December over a thousand German troops in civilian clothing were active in Bulgaria, although the latter's government continued to deny it. Bombers and dive-bombers were also gradually moved into Bulgaria, beginning in November. By the end of March 1941, the Luftwaffe had 355 aircraft in the country. On 17 February 1941, Bulgaria signed a non-aggression pact with Turkey, paving the way for its adherence to the Axis Central Powers Pact, which was signed by Prime Minister Bogdan Filov in Vienna on 1 March. When Ivan V. Petrov, member of the National Assembly from Yablanitsa, asked why the Assembly had not been consulted, Filov pointed out that the constitution only required parliamentary approval prior to ratification. The signing was ratified by a vote in the Assembly of 140 to 20. The first German troops crossed the Danube from Romania on 28 February, a day before Bulgaria joined the pact. The greater part of the 12th Army, augmented by VIII. Fliegerkorps, crossed the Danube on 2 March. They were welcomed by the Russophile population, who believed that Germany and the Soviet Union were allied. The 12th Army was originally deployed solely for an attack on Greece. After receiving Directive No. 25, which projected an invasion of Yugoslavia in the direction of Belgrade on 8 April, the force was redeployed in three groups: one along the Turkish border, one along the Greek border and one along the Yugoslav border. Motorized transport was brought in from Romania to achieve this feat in a few days.

    Although German troops had been refused the right to transit Austria-Hungary, they were permitted to pass through Austria-Hungary as civilians on their way to Romania in 1940 to cover up their troop massing. In September 1940 the Hungarian legation in Berlin had granted over 6,500 transit visas to Germans traveling to Romania. On 30 September, shortly after the signing of the Tripartite Pact, Ribbentrop and General Keitel asked the Hungarian foreign minister, Istvan Scaky, who was in Vienna, to grant the Germans use of transit facilities for German military "study groups" to pass through to Romania. They were still awaiting final confirmation on 3 October. The arrangement agreed was that six trains would pass through Hungary at night carrying German soldiers in sealed cars. They would not be allowed out, and they would not have any rail transportation officers (RTOs) or supply officers with them. According to Gyorgy Barcza, the Hungarian ambassador in London, answering the British government's query, it was Romania that had made the request. In his notes, Barcza indicated that the British had declared that "if Hungary were to permit German troops to pass through Hungarian territory against Yugoslavia, Britain would break off diplomatic relations, indeed might declare war on us." The first German troops began their passage through Hungary on 8 October. Despite some official denials, the troops movements were reported by Reuters and the American ambassador received a full report. According to contemporary British intelligence, three divisions had passed through Hungary to Romania by 2 November. On 20 November, Hungarian Prime Minister Pál Teleki signed the Tripartite Pact after a meeting with Wilhelm III in Berlin. At the meeting, Hitler spoke of his intention to aid Italy against Greece, thereby preparing the Hungarians for his future demands. On 13 December 1940—the day after the Austria-Hungarian-Yugoslav Non-Agression Pact and the day Wilhelm issued the command for the assault, major German and Austrian-Hungarian troop movements began. The Germans had initially promised to supply 180 locomotives for the transfers, but later the Austria-Hungarians were complaining that only 130 had arrived. On 24 December, István Horthy, President of Hungarian State Railways (HSR), demanded negotiations before implementing requested German increases, but Ambassador Otto von Erdmannsdorf informed him that it had all been settled in Vienna by Keitel and Csáky. The German traffic was so large that on 28 December the HSR had to suspend travel on all its trains for several days on account of a shortage of coal. Hungarian officials tried to meet all German demands without going further than the governments had agreed. Even sabotage was used on occasion to prevent having to give the Germans more support than required. On 18 January 1941 an agreement was reached to store German supplies in Hungarian warehouses under Hungarian guard, with only a German officer in Budapest to serve as a liaison. These supplies were to be used in the campaign against Greece.

    On the day of the coup in Belgrade, Wilhelm III informed the Hungarian ambassador, Döme Sztójay, that events in Yugoslavia might necessitate intervention and that Hungary's help would in such a case be desired. A Hungarian response was hammered out in council and delivered the following day (28 March). On 30 March, General Friedrich Paulus arrived in Budapest and met with Henrik Werth, chief of the Hungarian general staff, and Major General László Deseö. The Hungarians proposed they mobilize five divisions for the attack on Yugoslavia. Two were to be held in reserve, while the First, Fifth and Mobile Corps were to conduct the main attack on Subotica (Szabadka), with a secondary operation east of the river Tisza. Because of Romania's request that Hungarian troops not operate in the Banat, Paulus modified the Hungarian plan and kept their troops west of the Tisza. This final plan "was put down in map form", according to Paulus' account, and must have been telephoned to Berlin immediately so as to make into Operational Order No. 25, issued by Walther von Brauchitsch that same day. This final plan committed one Hungarian corps of three brigades west of the Danube from Lake Balaton to Barcs, and twelve brigades (nine on the front and three in reserve) for an offensive in Backa (Bácska). The Danube Flotilla was to cover the flanks, and the air force was to stand by for orders. The "Carpathian Group", composed of Eight Corps, the 1st Mountain Brigade and the 8th Border Guard (Chasseur) Brigade, was mobilized on the Soviet border, with the Mobile Corps held in reserve. These arrangements were agreed to by Werth, he later claimed, "on the basis of the authorization received" on 28 April—although this was not the government's view of what had been authorized. Werth applied for permission to mobilize on 1 April, since a mobilization order had to be approved by the cabinet and issued by the regent over the signature of the minister of defense. Werth expected the Germans to begin operations, with the use of Hungarian territory and communications, on 12 April and the Hungarians to complete mobilization by 6 April and begin their offensive on the 15th. A meeting of the Supreme Defense Council was convened for 1 April to discuss Werth's request. After a long debate, it approved his mobilization plan, but refused to place Hungarian troops under German command and restricted Hungarian operations to the occupation of territory abandoned by the Yugoslavs. On 2 April Germany responded that the Paulus–Werth agreement was final, and German staff officers began arriving in Budapest that day. That same the British informed Hungary that she would be treated as an enemy state if Germany made use of her territory or facilities in an attack on Yugoslavia. On the morning of 3 April, Pál Teleki committed suicide; the regent immediately cancelled the mobilization order already given except for the Border Guard and the Mobile Corps, which prompted Werth to resign. Horthy then authorized the mobilization of the Forth and Fifth Corps and the Mountain Brigade, and Werth withdrew his resignation. This occurred so late in the day that zero hour for mobilization to begin was given as midnight of 5 April. On the morning of 3 April, German units, including tanks and aircraft, bound for Romania passed openly through Budapest.

    The Yugoslav forces consisted of more than 33 divisions of the Royal Yugoslav Army (Serbo-Croatian: Vojska Kraljevska Jugoslavije, VKJ), four air brigades of the Royal Yugoslav Air Force (Serbo-Croatioan: Vazduhoplovstvo Vojske Kraljevine Jugoslavije, VVKJ) with more than 400 aircraft, and the small Royal Yugoslav Navy (Serbo-Croatian: Kraljevska Jugoslovenska Ratna Mornarica, KJRM) centered around four destroyers and four submarines based on the Adriatic coast and some river monitors on the Danube. The VKJ was heavily reliant on animal-powered transport, was only partly mobilized at the time of the invasion, and had only 50 tanks that could engage German tanks on an equal basis. The VVKJ was equipped with a range of aircraft of Yugoslav, German, Italian, French and British design, including less than 120 modern fighter aircraft. Formed after the First Great War, the VKJ was still largely equipped with weapons and material from that era, although some modernization with Czech equipment and vehicles had begun. Of about 4,000 artillery pieces, many were aged and horse-drawn, but about 1,700 were relatively modern, including 812 Czech 37mm and 47mm anti-tank guns. There were also about 2,300 mortars, including 1600 modern 81mm pieces, as well as twenty-four 220 and 305mm pieces. Of 940 anti-aircraft guns, 360 were 15 mm and 20 mm Czech and Italian models. All of these arms were imported, from different sources, which meant that the various models often lacked proper repair and maintenance facilities. The only mechanized units were six motorized infantry battalions in the three cavalry divisions, six motorized artillery regiments, two tank battalions equipped with 110 tanks, one of which had Renault FT models of First World War origin and the other 54 modern French Renault R35 tanks, plus an independent tank company with eight Czech SI-D tank destroyers. Some 1,000 trucks for military purposes had been imported from the United States of America in the months just preceding the invasion. Fully mobilized, the Yugoslav Army fielded 28 infantry divisions, three cavalry divisions, and 35 independent regiments. Of the independent regiments, 16 were in frontier fortifications and 19 were organized as combined regiments, or "Odred", around the size of a reinforced brigade. Each Odred had one to three infantry regiments and one to three artillery battalions, with three organised as "alpine" units. The German attack, however, caught the army still mobilizing, and only some 11 divisions were in their planned defense positions at the start of the invasion. The Yugoslavs had delayed full mobilisation until 3 April in order not to provoke Hitler. The units were filled to between 70 and 90 percent of their strength as mobilization was not completed. The Yugoslav Army was about 1,200,000 in total as the German invasion commenced. The VVKJ had a strength of 1,875 officers and 29,527 other ranks, including some 2,000 pilots, had over 460 front-line aircraft of domestic (notably the IK-3), German, Italian, French, and British origin, of which most were modern types. Organized into 22 bomber squadrons and 19 fighter squadrons, the main aircraft types in operational use included 73 Messerschmitt Bf 109 E, 47 Hawker Hurricane I (with more being built under licence in Yugoslavia), 30 Hawker Fury II, 11 Rogozarski IK-3 fighters (plus more under construction), 10 Ikarus IK-2, 2 Potez 63, one Messerschmitt Bf 110C-4 (captured in early April due to a navigational error) and one Rogozarski R 313 fighters, 69 Dornier Do 17 K (including 40 plus licence-built), 61 Bristol Blenheim I (including some 40 licence-built) and 40 Savoia Marchetti SM-79 K bombers. Army reconnaissance units consisted of seven Groups with 130 obsolete Yugoslav-built Breguet 19 and Potez 25 light bombers. There were also some 400 trainer and auxiliary aircraft. The Naval Aviation units comprised 75 aircraft in eight squadrons equipped with, amongst other auxiliary types, 12 German-built Dornier Do 22 K and 15 Rogozarski SIM-XIV-H locally designed and built maritime patrol float-planes. The aircraft of the Yugoslav airline Aeroput, consisting mainly of six Lockheed Model 10 Electras, three Spartan Cruisers, and one de Havilland Dragon were mobilised to provide transport services to the VVKJ. The KJRM was equipped with one elderly ex-German light cruiser (suitable only for training purposes), one large modern destroyer flotilla leader of British design, three modern destroyers of French design (two built in Yugoslavia plus another still under construction), one seaplane tender, four modern submarines (two older French-built and two British-built) and 10 modern motor torpedo boats (MTBs), of the older vessels, there were six ex-Austrian Navy medium torpedo boats, six mine-layers, four large armored river monitors and various auxiliary craft.

    The Yugoslav Army was organized into three army groups and the coastal defense troops. The 3rd Army Group was the strongest with the 3rd, 3rd Territorial, 5th and 6th Armies defending the borders with Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. The 2nd Army Group with the 1st and 2nd Armies, defended the region between the Iron Gates and the Drava River. The 1st Army Group with the 4th and 7th Armies, composed mainly of Croatian troops, was in Croatia and Slovenia defending the Italian, German (Austrian) and Hungarian frontiers. The strength of each "Army" amounted to little more than a corps, with the Army Groups consisting of the units deployed as follows:

    3rd Army Group's 3rd Army consisted of four infantry divisions and one cavalry odred; the 3rd Territorial Army with three infantry divisions and one independent motorized artillery regiment; the 5th Army with four infantry divisions, one cavalry division, two odred and one independent motorized artillery regiment and the 6th Army with three infantry divisions, the two Royal Guards brigades (odred) and three infantry odred.

    2nd Army Group's 1st Army had one infantry and one cavalry divisions, three odred and six frontier defence regiments; the 2nd Army had three infantry divisions and one frontier defence regiment.

    1st Army Group consisted of the 4th Army, with three infantry divisions and one odred, whilst the 7th Army had two infantry divisions, one cavalry division, three mountain odred, two infantry odred and nine frontier defence regiments.

    The Strategic, "Supreme Command" Reserve in Bosnia comprised four infantry divisions, four independent infantry regiments, one tank battalion, two motorized engineer battalions, two motorized heavy artillery regiments, 15 independent artillery battalions and two independent anti-aircraft artillery battalions.

    Coastal Defence Force, on the Adriatic opposite Zader comprised one infantry division and two odred, in addition to fortress brigades and anti-aircraft units at Sibenik and Kotor.

    On the eve of invasion, clothing and footwear were available for only two-thirds or so of the potential front-line troops and only partially for other troops; some other essential supplies were available for only a third of the front-line troops; medical and sanitary supplies were available for only a few weeks, and supplies of food for men and feed for livestock were available for only about two months. In all cases there was little or no possibility of replenishment. Beyond the problems of inadequate equipment and incomplete mobilization, the Yugoslav Army suffered badly from the Serbo-Croat schism in Yugoslav politics. "Yugoslav" resistance to the invasion collapsed overnight. The main reason was that none of the subordinate national groups, including Slovenes and Croats, were prepared to fight in defense of a Serbian Yugoslavia. Also, so that the Slovenes did not feel abandoned, defenses were built on Yugoslavia's northern border when the natural line of defense was much further south, based on the rivers Sava and Drina. The only effective opposition to the invasion was from wholly Serbian units within the borders of Serbia itself. The Austrian-Hungarians and Germans, thrusting north-west from Skoplje, were held up at Kacanik Pass and lost several tanks. In its worst expression, Yugoslavia's defenses were badly compromised on 10 April 1941, when some of the units in the Croatian-manned 4th and 7th Armies mutinied, and a newly formed Croatian government hailed the entry of the Austria-Hungarian troops into Zagreb the same day. The Serbian General Staff were united on the question of Yugoslavia as a "Greater Serbia", ruled, in one way or another, by Serbia. On the eve of the invasion, there were 165 generals on the Yugoslav active list. Of these, all but four were Serbs.

    The first phase of the invasion encompasses the Austrian-Hungarian and German Imperial Air-Forces devastating air assault on Belgrade and airfields of the Royal Yugoslav Air Force of 6 April, and an initial thrust of the German XL Panzer Corps from Bulgaria towards Skopje that commenced the same day. This was followed by the assault of the German XIV Panzer Corps from Bulgaria towards Nis on 8 April. On 10 April, four more thrusts struck the Yugoslav Army; the XLI Panzer Corps from Romania towards Belgrade, the XLVI Panzer Corps from Hungary across the Drava, the LI Infantry Corps from Austria towards Zagreb, and the XLIX Mountain Corps from Austria towards Celje. While otherwise not directly involved in the invasion, Romanian artillery from the Romanian bank of the Danube shelled and sank a Yugoslav tug, after the latter was damaged by German armed tugs while attempting to install a blockship in the form of a cement-filled barge. By the end of that day, the Yugoslav Army was disintegrating, and was in retreat or surrendering right across the country, with the exception of the forces on the Albanian frontier. Italy joined this Austrian-Hungarian and German ground offensive on 11 April. The Italian part in the ground offensive began when their 2nd Army attacked from northeastern Italy towards Ljubjana and down the Dalmatian coast, meeting virtually no resistance. On the same day, the Austrian-Hungarian 3rd Army crossed the Yugoslav border and advanced toward Novi Sad, but like the Italians, they met no serious resistance. On 12 April, Germanand Austrian-Hungarian troops captured Belgrade, and Ljubljana fell to the Italians and Austrian-Hungarians. On 14 and 15 April, King Peter and the government flew out of the country, and the Yugoslav Supreme Command was captured by the Germans near Sarajevo. The surrender was signed on 17 April, and came into effect at noon on 18 April.

    The British, Greek and Yugoslav high commands had intended to use Niš as the lynch-pin in their attempts to wear down Austrian-Hungarian and German forces in the Balkans and it is for this reason that the locality was important. When the Axis Central Powers broke through in this sector– a sector which was essential if stability was to be maintained on the front – The Yugoslav Supreme Command committed numerous forces from its strategic reserves, including the 2nd Cavalry Division, but these were harassed by the Axis Central Powers air forces during transit to the front and did not get through in any real quantities. Having reached Niš from its initial attacks from Bulgaria and broken the Yugoslav defences, the German 14th Motorised Corps headed north in the direction of Belgrade. The Austrian-Hungarian army and the German 46th Panzer Corps had advanced across the Slavonian plain from Austria to attack Belgrade from the west, whilst parts of the Australian-Hungarian army and the 41st Panzer Corps threatened the city from the north after launching their offensive drive from Romania and Hungary. By 11 April, Yugoslavia was criss-crossed by Austrian-Hungarian and German armored columns and the only resistance that remained was a large nucleus of the Yugoslav Army around the capital. On April 11, a German Officer, Fritz Klingenberg with 5 men, moved into Belgrade to reconnoiter the city. However, after some scattered combat with Yugoslav troops, they entered the centre of the city, whereupon they bluffed about their size and incoming threats of bombardment. The city, represented by the Mayor, surrendered to them at 18:45 hours on the 12 of February Later more forces moved to consolidate the position. After a day of heavy fighting German armored forces broke through these Yugoslav defenses and Belgrade was occupied on the night of 12 April. On 12 April the Austrian-Hungarian Third Army crossed the border with one cavalry, two motorized and six infantry brigades. The Third Army faced the Yugoslavian First Army. By the time the Hungarians crossed the border, the Germans had been attacking Yugoslavia for over a week. As a result, the Yugoslavian forces confronting them put up little resistance, except for the units in the frontier fortifications, who had held up the Hungarian advance for some time. and inflicted some 350 casualties. Units of the Austrian-Hungarian Third Army advanced into southern Baranja, located between the rivers Danube and Drava, and occupied the Backa region in Vojvodina with Hungarian relative majority. The Hungarian forces occupied only those territories which were part of Hungary before the Treaty of Trianon.

    In accordance with the Yugoslav Army's war plan, R-41, a strategy was formulated that, in the face of a massive Axis Central Powers attack, a retreat on all fronts except in the south be performed. Here the 3rd Yugoslav Army, in cooperation with the Greek Army, was to launch an offensive against the Italian forces in Albania. This was in order to secure space to enable the withdrawal of the main Yugoslav Army to the south. This would be via Albanian territory in order to reach Greece and the Allied forces to be based there. The strategy was based on the premise that the Yugoslav Army would, together with the Greek and British Armies, form a new version of the Salonika Front from the First Great War. On 8 April the hard-pressed VVKJ sent a squadron of fourteen Breguet 19 light bombers to the city of Florina in northern Greece to provide assistance to both the Yugoslav and Greek Armies on the Macedonian front. The squadron performed numerous bombing and strafing missions during the course of the campaign. The 3rd Yugoslav Army of the 3rd Army Group was tasked with conducting offensive operations against the Italian army in northern Albania. For this purpose the 3rd Army had concentrated four infantry divisions and one combined regiment (Odred) in the Montenegro and Kosovo regions:
    • 15th Infantry Division "Zetska"
    • 13th Infantry Division "Hercegovacka"
    • 31st Infantry Division "Kosovska"
    • 25th Infantry Division "Vardarska"
    • "Komski" cavalry Odred.
    The strategic reserve of the 3rd Army Group, the 22nd Infantry Division "Ibarska", was situated around Urosevac in the Kosovo region. In addition, offensive operations against the Italian enclave of Zara (Zadar) on the Dalmatian coast were to be undertaken by the 12th Infantry Division "Jadranska". The first elements of the 3rd Army launched their offensive operations in North Albania on 7 April 1941, with the Komski Odred covering the Gusinje-Prokletije mountains area advancing towards the village of Raja-Puka. The Kosovska Division crossed the border in the Prizren area of Kosovo and was advancing through the Drin River valley valley. The Vardarska Division gained some local success at Debar, while the rest of the army's units were still assembling. The next day, the 8th, found the Zetska Division steadily advancing along the Podgorica-Shkoder road. The Komski cavalry Odred successfully crossed the dangerous Prokletije mountains and reached the village of Koljegcava in the Valjbone River Valley. South of them the Kosovska Division broke through the Italian defences in the Drin River Valley, but due to the fall of Skopje to the attacks by the German Army, the Vardarska Division was forced to stop its operations in Albania. There was little further progress for the Yugoslavs on 9 April 1941, because although the Zetska Division continued advancing towards Shkodër and the Komski Odred reached the Drin River, the Kosovska Division had to halt all combat activities on the Albanian Front due to the appearance of German troops in Prizren. On 10 April 1941 the Zetska Division was still steadily fighting its way towards Shkodër and had advanced 50 km in some places. These advances had been supported by aircraft of the VVKJ's 66th and 81st Bomber Groups, who attacked airfields and Italian troop concentrations around Shkodër, as well as the port of Durres. The Komski Odred and the right column of the Kosovska Division advanced along the right bank of the Drin River towards Shkodër in order to link with Zetska Division, but the central and left column of the Kosovska Division were forced to take a defensive perimeter to hold off the increasing pressure by German troops. Between 11–13 April 1941, with German and Italian troops advancing on its rear areas, the Zetska Division was forced to retreat back to the Pronisat River by the Italian 131st Centauro Armoured Division, where it remained until the end of the campaign on 16 April. The Centauro Division then advanced upon the Yugoslav fleet base of Kotor in Montenegro, also occupying Cettinje and Podgorica.

    At the local level infighting by Yugoslav citizens started even prior to the arrival of Axis Central Power troops. Croats in the 108th Infantry Regiment of the 40th Infantry Division "Slavonska" rebelled on the evening of 7–8 April near Grubisno Polje, taking command of the regiment from its Serb officers. They were subsequently joined by the 40th Auxiliary Regiment and elements of the 42nd Infantry Regiment (also from the "Slavonska" Division). With the deteriorating situation in the area, the Yugoslav 4th Army's headquarters was moved from Bjelovar to Popovača. The rebelling regiments then entered Bjelovar, with the city's mayor Julije Makanec proclaiming an Independent State of Croatia as a Austrian-Hungarian protectorate on 8 April. Vladko Maček and ban Ivan Subasic sent messages to the city urging the regiments to maintain their positions, but this was disobeyed by the rebelling military and civil officials who waited for the arrival of the German army. On 10 April there were clashes between Ustaša supporters and Yugoslav troops in Mostar, the former taking control of the city. Several VVKJ aircraft were damaged and disabled on Jasenica airfield near Mostar, including several Dornier Do-17Ks and Sovoia Marchetti SM-79 K bombers. On 11 April domestic Ustaša agents took power in Caplijina. They intercepted Yugoslav troops headed by rail from Mostar to Trebinje and disarmed them. A backup Yugoslav force from Bileca was sent in which retook the town on 14 April, before the arrival of the Germans in the coming days.

    Yugoslav Navy ships captured by the Italian Regia Marina in April 1941. They are, from left, a Malinska-class mine-layer, the light cruiser Dalmacija and the submarine depot ship Hvar. When Germany and Italy attacked Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, The Yugoslav Royal Navy had available three destroyers, two submarines and 10 MTBs as the most effective units of the fleet. One other destroyer, Ljubljana was in dry-dock at the time of the invasion and she and her anti-aircraft guns were used in defence of the fleet base at Kotor. The remainder of the fleet was useful only for coastal defence and local escort and patrol work. Kotor was close to the Albanian border and the Italo-Greek front there, but Zara (Zadar), an Italian enclave, was to the north-west of the coast and to prevent a bridgehead being established, the destroyer Beograd, four of the old torpedo boats and 6 MTBs were despatched to Šibenik, 80 km to the south of Zara, in preparation for an attack. The attack was to be co-ordinated with the 12th "Jadranska" Infantry Division and two "Odred" (combined regiments) of the Yugoslav Army attacking from the Benkovac area, supported by air attacks by the 81st Bomber Group of the VVKJ. The Yugoslav forces launched their attack on 9 April but by 13 April the Italian forces had counter-attacked and were in Benkovac by 14 April. The naval prong to this attack faltered when the destroyer Beograd was damaged by near misses from Italian aircraft off Šibenik when her starboard engine was put out of action, after which she limped to Kotor, escorted by the remainder of the force, for repair. Italian air raids on Kotor badly damaged the minelayer Kobac, that was beached to prevent sinking. The maritime patrol float-planes of the Royal Yugoslav Air Force flew reconnaissance and attack missions during the campaign, as well as providing air cover for mine-laying operations off Zara. Their operations included attacks on the Albanian port of Durres, as well as strikes against Italian re-supply convoys to Albania. On 9 April, one Dornier Do 22K floatplane notably took on an Italian convoy of 12 steamers with an escort of eight destroyers crossing the Adriatic during the day, attacking single-handed in the face of intense AA fire. No Italian ships, however, were sunk by Yugoslav forces; an Italian tanker was claimed damaged by a near miss off the Italian coast near Bari.

    The Royal Yugoslav Navy also had at its disposal four large, heavily armed and armored river monitors in its riverine flotilla. They were used to patrol the Danube, Drava and Sava rivers in the northern parts of Yugoslavia and its border with Hungary. These monitors, Drava, Sava, Morava and Vardar, had been inherited from the Austrian Navy at the end of World War I. All were of around 400-500t with a main armament of two 120 mm guns, two or three 66 mm guns, 120 mm mortars, 40 mm AA guns and machine guns. At the start of the campaign they had carried out offensive operations by shelling the airfield at Mohács in Austria-Hungary on 6 April and again two days later, but had to begin withdrawing towards Novi Sad by 11 April after coming under repeated attack by German dive-bombers. Early in the morning of 12 April, a squadron of German Ju 87 dive-bombers attacked the Yugoslav monitors on the Danube. Drava, commanded by Aleksandar Berić, was hit by several of them but they were unable to penetrate Drava's 300 mm thick deck armour, until, by chance, one put a bomb straight down the funnel, killing 54 of the 67-man crew. During the attack anti-aircraft gunners on the monitors claimed three dive-bombers shot down. The remaining three monitors were scuttled by their crews later on 12 April as German and Hungarian forces had occupied the bases and the river systems upon which they operated. The losses sustained by the German attack forces were unexpectedly light. During the twelve days of combat the total casualty figures came to 558 men: 151 were listed as killed, 392 as wounded, and 15 as missing in action. During the XLI Panzer Corps drive on Belgrade, for example, the only officer killed in action fell victim to a civilian sniper's bullet. The Luftwaffe lost approximately 60 aircraft shot down over Yugoslavia, costing the lives of at least 70 aircrew. The Italian Army took heavier casualties in northern Albania from the Yugoslav offensive there, whilst the Italian Air Force lost approximately 10 aircraft shot down, with a further 22 damaged. The Austrian-Hungarian Army suffered some 1,350 casualties (620 killed, 523 wounded and 113 missing in action) from the shelling by Yugoslav riverine forces of its frontier installations and in its attacks upon the Yugoslav frontier forces in Vojvodina, with one quarter of a Hungarian parachute 'battalion' becoming casualties when a transport aircraft filled with 30 troops went down during an abortive drop on 12 April. The Austrian-Hungarians also lost five Fiat fighters and one Weiss WM-21 Solyom reconnaissance aircraft during the fighting.

    The Germans took between 254,000 and 345,000 Yugoslav prisoners (excluding a considerable number of ethnic Germans, Hungarians and Croats who had been conscripted into the Yugoslav Army and who were quickly released after screening) and the Italians took 30,000 more. Approximately 1,000 army and several hundred VVKJ personnel (including one mobile-workshop unit of six vehicles) escaped via Greece to Egypt. In their brief fight, the VVKJ suffered the loss of 49 aircraft to Axis fighters and anti-aircraft fire, with many more damaged beyond repair. These losses had cost the lives of 27 fighter pilots and 76 bomber aircrew. 85 more aircraft had been destroyed on the ground by air attack, while many others had been destroyed or disabled by their own crews, or had crashed during operations, or in evacuation flights. Despite these losses, more than 70 Yugoslav aircraft escaped to Allied territory, mostly to Greece, but eight Dornier and Savoia Marchetti bombers set course for the USSR, with four making it safely. Several dozen of the escapee aircraft were destroyed in a devastating strafing attack by the Italian air force on Paramitia airfield in Greece, with nine bombers and transports making it to Egypt. More than 300 operational, auxiliary and training aircraft were captured and passed on to Austria-Hungary to serve as a in parts newly created Air Force of the Croatian Protectorate of Austria-Hungary.

    The Italians captured most of the Yugoslav Navy (one of its four destroyers, the Ljubljana, had spent the campaign in dry-dock). However, another destroyer, the Zagreb, was blown up at Kotor by two of its officers to prevent capture and one of the British-built submarines and two MTBs succeeded in escaping to Alexandria in Egypt to continue to serve with the Allied cause. A fourth destroyer was captured while under construction in the Kotor shipyard, the Split, but the Regia Marina was not able to finish her before the armistice in 1943. Eventually, she was recovered after the war by the Yugoslavians and completed under the original name. Ten Yugoslav Navy maritime patrol float-planes escaped to Greece, with nine making it to Egypt, where they formed a squadron under RAF command.
    yugoslawia_partition2_by_sheldonoswaldlee-dc0xdmn.png

    The Axis victory was swift. As early as 14 April the Yugoslav high command had decided to seek an armistice and authorised the army and army group commanders to negotiate local ceasefires. That day the commanders of the 2nd and 5th Armies asked the Germans for terms, but were rejected. Only unconditional surrender could form the basis for negotiations they were told. That evening, the high command sent an emissary to the headquarters of Panzer Group Kleist to ask for armistice, and in response General von Kleist sent the commander of the 2nd Army, von Weichs, to Belgrade to negotiate terms. He arrived on the afternoon of 15 April and drew up an armistice based on unconditional surrender. On 16 April, a Yugoslav delegate arrived in Belgrade, but as he did not have authority to sign the document, he was given a draft of the agreement and an aircraft was placed at his disposal to bring in authorised representatives of the government. Finally, on 17 April, after only eleven days of fighting, the pre-coup Foreign Minister Aleksandar Cincar-Markovic and General Milojko Jankovic signed the armistice and unconditionally surrendered all Yugoslav troops. It came into effect the following day (18 April) at noon. At the signing, the Austrian-Hungarians and Bulgarians were represented by liaison officers, but the Bulgarians did not sign the document because their countries were not officially at war with Yugoslavia. The Italian representative, Colonel Luigi Buonofati, signed the document after noting that "the same terms are valid for the Italian army". Scholars have proposed a number of theories for the Royal Yugoslav Armys sudden collapse, including poor training and equipment, generals eager to secure a quick cessation of hostilities, and a sizeable Croatian and other non-Serb fifth column. According to Tomasevich, the insistence of the Yugoslav Army on defending all the borders assured its failure from the start. After the surrender, Yugoslavia was subsequently divided among Austria-Hungary, Italy and Bulgaria, with most of the state being occupied by Austria-Hungary. The Emperor Otto-backed Croatian fascist leader Ante Pavelic declared an Independent State of Croatia as a Austrian-Hungarian Protectorate before the invasion was even over. While Italy gained most Yugoslavian isles and some border regions, Macedonia was annexed by Bulgaria. The rest of former Yugoslavia became a part of Austria-Hungary with (Croatia and Slavonia) Slovenia reintegrated into Austria and the Banat reintegrated into Hungary. Dalmatia became a part of Austria again, Croatia and Slovenia was reintegrated into Hungary and Bosnia-Herzegovina was administrated dual as before. In a similar manner Serbia-Montenegro was administrated from now on as a new imperial dual administrated province. During their rule the Austrian-Hungarians would support anti-Serbian groups and deport many Serbian minorities from Banat, Slovenia, Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina were deported throughout the war into Serbia and Montenegro. With both France, Yugoslawia (Serbia) and later Greece fallen on the continent the British Empire was left alone with their biggest fearfrom the First Great War now a reality.
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    Chapter 47: The Co-Prosperity Sphere Uniforms and Military
  • Chapter 47: The Co-Prosperity Sphere Uniforms and Military:
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    The Co-Prosperity Sphere military Uniforms differed much in between each member state to support the claim that they were all independent nations, but still largely relied on Japanese supplies and models to create a unified force that could recognize each other during the war in china and have a feeling of connection. Therefore many uniforms of the member states were very similar to the ones of the Japanese Army and Navy. Most of the equipment used by these states was also coming from Japan no matter if rifles, artillery cannons, tanks, airplanes and ships (even if most were older, outdated Japanese versions most were still superior to hat these groups used before).

    Chosen:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Manchukuo was led by Chosen (Korean) and Japanese officers and commanders, but consisted mostly of Koreans, even if very few Japanese, Han Chinese and even Manchu served as well. Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army the Chosen Uniforms were close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but in a darker red color with even darker red helmets, modelled after the red color sheme of the Imperial Chosen Flag (the Yang). This Ying part of the flag and the Kun (Heaven) and Yi (Fire) sign it pointed from represented the new Imperial Chosen Army and the Chosen Peninsula and the air space of the new “independent” member State of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, it protected.

    Manchukuo:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Manchukuo was led by Manchu and Japanese officers and commanders, but the majority of their officially all Manchu troops were Mongols or Koreans as well as Han Chinese (most of them served the Fengtian Clique before). Supported, trained and supplied by the Kwantung Army the Imperial Manchukuo Uniforms after before using these of the warlord cliques with just a differed arm batch (leading to some confusion in battles with the rebells), became close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but slighter yellow with darker yellow helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Manchu used yellow, the Japanese red, the Han Chinese blue, the Mongols white and the Koreans Black. A lighter white-blue was also used for the White Russians fighting and serving as officers in the Manchukuo Army as sworn enemies of the Red Russian Soviets.

    Mengjiang (Mengguguo or Mengkukuo):
    The Army and Air Force of Mengjiang was led by Mengjiang (Mongol) and Japanese officers and commanders, but consisted mostly of Mongols, even if very few Han Chinese (some former members of the Fengtian Clique) and even some Hui served as well. Supported, trained and supplied by the Japanese Mengjian Expeditionary Army the Mengjiang Uniforms were close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but in a darker blue color with even darker blue helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Mengjiang used blue, the Japanese red, the Han Chinese yellow and the Hui white. A lighter white-blue was also used for the White Russians fighting and serving as officers in the Mengjiang Army as sworn enemies of the Red Russian Soviets and their Mongolian puppet Soviet vassal.

    Yankoku (also Yankukuo or Yanjiang):
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Yankoku was led by Yan (Han Chinese) and Japanese officers and commanders and the majority of the troops were Yan or Koreans as well as Han Chinese (most of them served the Fengtian Clique before). Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army the Yankoku Uniforms were close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but had a lighter blue tone with nearly white-blue helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Yan (Han Chinese) used blue, the Japanese red, the Manchu white and the Hui yellow.

    Taikoku (also Taikukuo or Taijiang, former Guangxi Clique):
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Taikoku was led by Tai and Japanese officers and commanders, the majority of the troops were Tai, Yao and Miao with some Yue Han Chinese) serving as well (most of them served the Guangxi Clique before). Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy the Yankoku Uniforms were close to uniforms used by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy, but had were mostly light black with dark black helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Tai used black, the Japanese red, the Yue (Han Chinese) used white, the Mia yellow and the Yao blue.

    Yikoku (also Yyikukuo or Yijiang, former Yunnan Clique):
    The Army, Air Force and Navy (mostly rive boats) of Yankoku was led by Yi and Japanese officers and commanders and the majority of the troops were Yi, even if some Bai, Miau and even Han Chinese served as well (most of them served the Yunnan Clique before). Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army the Yikoku Uniforms were close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but had a lighter blue tone with nearly white helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Yi used white, the Japanese used their imperial sun red, the Bai yellow, the Miau red and the Han Chinese blue.

    Wang Jingwei's Nationalist Government (Kuomintang):
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Wang Jingwei's Nationalist Government was led by Han Chinese and Japanese officers and commanders and the majority of the troops were Han Chinese, but even some Tujia, Hui, Shu and Miau served in the forces. Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy the Nationalist Chinese Army of Wang Jingwei long time used the same uniforms then the Nationalists under Chiang leading to some confusion in battle. To stop this mess new Uniforms close to the green and brown ones used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but had a lighter red tone with nearly dark red helmets. To distinct the ethnics fighting together in this multicultural army the badges, insignia and rank signs used for the groups differed. The Han Chinese used red, the Japanese their imperial sun red, the Tujia yellow, the Hui blue, the Shu white and the Miau black.

    Vietnam:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of the newly independent Vietnam was led by Vietnamese and Japanese officers and commanders and the majority of the troops were Vietnamese, but even some Muong, Yao (Man), Tribal Tai, Tribal Malayo-Polynesian and Cham served in their forces. Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army and mostly the Imperial Japanese Navy (that saw Vietnam as a major base of operations against the Philippines, Malaysia and Dutch East India), the Imperial Vietnamese Army used many old, left over French Colonial equipment and uniforms at first. To stop this reminder of their colonial past new Uniforms close to these used by the Imperial Japanese Navy, but had a yellow and red tone with nearly dark yellow-red helmets were introduced.

    Laos:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy (mostly on rivers) of the newly united and independent Laos was led by Laotian and Japanese officers and commanders, while the majority of the troops were Lao (Tai), Tribal Tai, Tribal Mon-Khmer and even some Tibeto-Burman that served in their forces. Supported, trained and supplied only poorly by the Imperial Japanese Army at first the Laotian forces had problems to fight off the communist rebels in their mountainous region. Depending on mostly old, left over French Colonial equipment and uniforms at first, the Japanese supported Laos further when the anti-Japanese communist rebels became a problem for their trade and supply lines in the region and used the Laotian mountains as backup bases to strike into Vietnam and Cambodia. The Laotians even got new Uniforms then, very close to these used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but had a darker blue and red tone with lighter blue and red helmets.

    Cambodia:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of the newly independent Cambodia was led by Cambodian (Mon-Khmer) and Japanese officers and commanders, with the majority of the troops being Cambodian (Mon-Khmer) or Tribal Mon-Khmer forces. Supported, trained and supplied by the Imperial Japanese Army and the Imperial Japanese Navy the Cambodian stopped to use mostly old, left over French Colonial equipment and uniforms and got new Uniforms then, very close to these used by the Imperial Japanese Army, but had a medium blue and red tone with slightly darker blue and red helmets.

    Siam:
    The Army, Air Force and Navy of Siam while supported by the Japanese and later inspired by their uniforms and equipment (that was leased to them) maintained most of their old command structure, uniforms and ranks throughout the war, even if they later adapted much of the Japanese uniforms, equipment, strategies and tactics during their combined campaigns in Burma and Malaya.

    Tibet:
    As a mostly observer of the Co-Prosperity Sphere at first Tibet was supported with a Japanese Brigade that had orders to help them with modern troop training to modernist their army. Despite the creation of a Tibetan Air Force with Japanese help, the building of roads, railways and airfields together with incoming Japanese equipment, the Tibetans for now remained only a observer of the Co-Prosperity Sphere and neutral to their powerful neighbors Britain (with British India) and the Soviet Union with their Second East Turkestan Republic in western China. Still the Tibetans and Yikoku were important to the Chinese Civil war and the involvement of the Co-Prosperity Sphere there when they stopped all land and air trade from the British and French over the Burma road across or over their territory so that the Chinese United Front was no longer supported directly from the south.
     
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    TL time planning
  • AH has been down yesterday for me, so I used the time to start a schedule for my TL's:

    Monday: Amra - Expedition to the Southlands
    Tuesday: Avatar: Fire and Earth
    Wednesday: The Co-Prosperity Sphere
    Thursday: Earth Lost
    Friday: Star Wars: A Galaxy Divided
    Saturday: Star Wars: The Reign of Empress Amidala
    Sunday: Mystica (coming soon a A Alien Space Bats Alternate History of WW1 and beyond)

    That means less updates a day but more constantly work on all my mayor TL's
     
    Chapter 48: The Battle of Greece
  • Chapter 48: The Battle of Greece:
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    The Battle of Greece (also known as Operation Victoria Louise, German: Unternehmen Victoria Louise) is the common name for the invasion of Allied Greece by Austrian-Hungarian, German, Italian and Bulgarian forces of the Axis Central Powers. The Italian invasion in October 1940, which is usually known as the Geco-Italian War, was followed by the German invasion in April 1941. The Imperial German landings on the island of Crete (May 1941) came after Allied forces had been defeated in mainland Greece. These battles were part of the greater Balkan Campaign of the Axis Central Powers. Following the Italian invasion on 28 October 1940, Greece repulsed the initial Italian attack and a counter-attack in March 1941. When the German invasion, known as Operation Victoria Louise, began on 6 April, the bulk of the Greek Army was on the Greek border with italian Albania, then a protectorate of Italy, from which the Italian troops had attacked. Austrian-Hungarian and German troops invaded from Bulgaria, creating a second front. Greece had already received a small, inadequate reinforcement from British, Australian and New Zealand forces in anticipation of the German attack, but no more help was sent afterward. The Greek army found itself outnumbered in its effort to defend against both Italian and German troops. As a result, the Metaxas defensive line did not receive adequate troop reinforcements and was quickly overrun by the Germans, who then outflanked the Greek forces at the Albanian border, forcing their surrender. British, Australian and New Zealand forces were overwhelmed and forced to retreat, with the ultimate goal of evacuation. For several days, Allied troops played an important part in containing the Austrian-Hungarian and German advance on the Thermopylae position, allowing ships to be prepared to evacuate the units defending Greece. The Imperial German Army reached the capital, Athens, on 27 April, and Greece's southern shore on 30 April, capturing 7,000 British, Australian and New Zealand personnel and ending the battle with a decisive victory. The conquest of Greece was completed with the capture of Crete a month later. Following its fall, Greece was occupied by the military forces of Germany, Italy and Bulgaria. The theory that the Battle of Greece delayed the planned invasion of the Soviet Union and many Germans and Austrian-Hungarians blamed their ally, Italy. It nevertheless had serious consequences for the Axis war effort in the North African theatre. Enno von Rintelen, who was the military attaché in Rome, emphasizes from the German point of view, the strategic importance of taking Malta soon after.
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    At the outbreak of the Second Great War, Ioannis Metaxas—the fascist-style dictator of Greece and former general—sought to maintain a position of neutrality. Greece was subject to increasing pressure from Italy (and later Austria-Hungary), culminating in the Italian submarine Delfino sinking the cruiser Elli on 15 August 1940. Italian leader Benito Mussolini was irritated that the Germans had not consulted him on his war policy and wished to establish his independence. He hoped to match German military success by taking Greece, which he regarded as an easy opponent. On 15 October 1940, Mussolini and his closest advisers finalised their decision. In the early hours of 28 October, Italian Ambassador Emanuele Grazzi presented Metaxas with a three-hour ultimatum, demanding free passage for troops to occupy unspecified "strategic sites" within Greek territory, also to take advantage of the Situation before Otto and Austria-Hungary could claim all of the Balkan. Metaxas rejected the ultimatum but even before it expired, Italian troops had invaded Greece through Albania.The principal Italian thrust was directed toward Epirus. Hostilities with the Greek army began at the Battle of Elaia-Kalamas, where they failed to break the defensive line and were forced to halt. Within three weeks, the Greek army launched a counter-offensive, during which it marched into Albanian territory, capturing significant cities such as Korca and Sarande. Neither a change in Italian command nor the arrival of substantial reinforcements improved the position of the Italian army. On 13 February, General Papagos, the Commander-in-Chief of the Greek army, opened a new offensive, aiming to take Tepelene and the port of Vlore with British air support but the Greek divisions encountered stiff resistance, stalling the offensive that practically destroyed the Cretan 5th Division. After weeks of inconclusive winter warfare, the Italians launched a counter-offensive on the centre of the front on 9 March 1941, which failed, despite the Italians' superior forces. After one week and 12,000 casualties, Mussolini called off the counter-offensive and left Albania twelve days later. Modern analysts believe that the Italian campaign failed because Mussolini and his generals initially allocated insufficient resources to the campaign (an expeditionary force of 55,000 men), failed to reckon with the autumn weather, attacked without the advantage of surprise and without Bulgarian support. Elementary precautions such as issuing winter clothing had not been taken. Mussolini had not considered the warnings of the Italian Commission of War Production, that Italy would not be able to sustain a full year of continuous warfare until 1949. During the six-month fight against Italy, the Hellenic army made territorial gains by eliminating Italian salients. Greece did not have a substantial armaments industry and its equipment and ammunition supplies increasingly relied on stocks captured by British forces from defeated Italian armies in North Africa. To man the Albanian battlefront, the Greek command was forced to withdraw forces from Eastern Macedonia and Western Thrace, because Greek forces could not protect Greece's entire border. The Greek command decided to support its success in Albania, regardless of the risk of a German attack from the Bulgarian border.

    Whilhelm III intervened on 4 November 1940, four days after British troops arrived at Crete and Lemnos. Although Greece was neutral until the Italian invasion, the British troops that were sent as defensive aid created the possibility of a frontier to the German southern flank. They endangered the oil support from Romania and also were problematic for Wilhelms plans to continue the war against Great Britain and the Soviet Union (that already lead to steel supply problems between the German Tank Army aiming against Russia and the Imperial German Navy aiming against Britain). He ordered his Army General Staff to attack Northern Greece from bases in Romania and Bulgaria in support of his master plan to deprive the British of Mediterranean bases. On 12 November, the German High Command issued Directive No. 18, in which they scheduled simultaneous operations against Gibralta and Greece for the following January. However, in December 1940, German ambition in the Mediterranean underwent considerable revision when Spain's General Francisco Franco rejected the Gibraltar attack for now. Consequently, Germany's offensive in southern Europe was restricted to the Greek campaign. The Armed Forces High Command issued Directive No. 20 on 13 December 1940, outlining the Greek campaign under the code designation Operation Victoria Louise. The plan was to occupy the northern coast of the Aegean Sea by March 1941 and to seize the entire Greek mainland, if necessary. During a hasty meeting of Wilhelm II's staff after the unexpected 27 March Yugoslav coup d'état against the Yugoslav government, orders for the campaign in Kingdom of Yugoslavia were drafted, as well as changes to the plans for Greece. On 6 April, both Greece and Yugoslavia were to be attacked.

    Britain was obliged to assist Greece by the Declaration of 1939, which stated that in the event of a threat to Greek or Romanian independence, "His Majesty's Government would feel themselves bound at once to lend the Greek or Romanian Government... all the support in their power." The first British effort was the deployment of Royal Air Force (RAF) squadrons commanded by Air Commodore John D'Albiac that arrived in November 1940. With Greek government consent, British forces were dispatched to Crete on 31 October to guard Souda Bay, enabling the Greek government to redeploy the 5th Creztan Division to the mainland. On 17 November 1940, Metaxas proposed a joint offensive in the Balkans to the British government, with Greek strongholds in southern Albania as the operational base. The British were reluctant to discuss Metaxas' proposal, because the troops necessary for implementing the Greek plan would seriously endanger operations in North Africa. During a meeting of British and Greek military and political leaders in Athens on 13 January 1941, General Alexandros Papagos – Commander-in-Chief of the Hellenic Army - asked Britain for nine fully equipped divisions and corresponding air support. The British responded that all they could offer was the immediate dispatch of a token force of less than divisional strength. This offer was rejected by the Greeks, who feared that the arrival of such a contingent would precipitate a German attack without giving them meaningful assistance. British help would be requested if and when German troops crossed the Danube from Romania into Bulgaria.

    Little more than a month later, the British reconsidered. Winston Churchill aspired to recreate a Balkan Front comprising Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey, and instructed Anthony Eden and Sir John Dill to resume negotiations with the Greek government. A meeting attended by Eden and the Greek leadership, including King George II, Prime Minister Alexandros Koryzis—the successor of Metaxas, who had died on 29 January 1941—and Papagos took place in Athens on 22 February, where it was decided to send an expeditionary force of British and other Commonwealth forces. Their losses at Dunkirk meant that they had too few forces for Africa and the Balkan together, but the British hoped and planned that aiming for the weak underbelly of the Axis Central Powers and their oil supply in Romania. German troops had been massing in Romania and on 1 March, the Imperial German Army forces began to move into Bulgaria. At the same time, the Bulgarian Army mobilised and took up positions along the Greek frontier.

    On 2 March, Operation Lustre—the transportation of troops and equipment to Greece—began and 26 troopships arrived at the port of Piraeus. On 3 April, during a meeting of British, Yugoslav and Greek military representatives, the Yugoslavs promised to block the Struma valley in case of a German attack across their territory. During this meeting, Papagos stressed the importance of a joint Greco-Yugoslavian offensive against the Italians, as soon as the Germans launched their offensive. By 24 April more than 62,000 Empire troops (British, Australians, New Zealanders, Palestine Pioneer Corps and Cypriots), had arrived in Greece, comprising the 6th Australian Divisions, the New Zealand 2nd Division and the British 1st Armored Brigade. The three formations later became known as 'W' Force, after their commander, Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Maitland Wilson. Air Commodore Sir John D'Albiac commanded British air forces in Greece.To enter Northern Greece, the German army had to cross the Rhodope Mountains, which offered few river valleys or mountain passes capable of accommodating the movement of large military units. Two invasion courses were located west of Kyustendil; another was along the Yugoslav-Bulgarian border, via the Struma river valley to the south. Greek border fortifications had been adapted for the terrain and a formidable defense system covered the few available roads. The Struma and Nestos rivers cut across the mountain range along the Greek-Bulgarian frontier and both of their valleys were protected by strong fortifications, as part of the larger Metaxas Line. This system of concrete pillboxes and field fortifications, constructed along the Bulgarian border in the late 1930s, was built on principles similar to those of the Maginot Line. Its strength resided mainly in the inaccessibility of the intermediate terrain leading up to the defense positions.

    Winston Churchill believed it was vital for Britain to take every measure possible to support Greece. On 8 January 1941, he stated that "there was no other course open to us but to make certain that we had spared no effort to help the Greeks who had shown themselves so worthy." Greece's mountainous terrain favored a defensive strategy and the high ranges of the Rhodope, Epirus, Pindus and Olympus mountains offered many defensive opportunities. However, air power was required to protect defending ground forces from entrapment in the many defiles. Although an invading force from Albania could be stopped by a relatively small number of troops positioned in the high Pindus mountains, the northeastern part of the country was difficult to defend against an attack from the north. Following a March conference in Athens, the British believed that they would combine with Greek forces to occupy the Haliacmon Line—a short front facing north-eastwards along the Vermio Mountains and the lower Hailiacmon river. Papagos awaited clarification from the Yugoslav government and later proposed to hold the Metaxas Line—by then a symbol of national security to the Greek populace—and not withdraw divisions from Albania. He argued that to do so would be seen as a concession to the Italians. The strategically important port of Thessaloniki lay practically undefended and transportation of British troops to the city remained dangerous. Papagos proposed to take advantage of the area's terrain and prepare fortifications, while also protecting Thessaloniki.

    General Dill described Papagos' attitude as "unaccommodating and defeatist" and argued that his plan ignored the fact that Greek troops and artillery were capable of only token resistance. The British believed that the Greek rivalry with Bulgaria—the Metaxas Line was designed specifically for war with Bulgaria—as well as their traditionally good terms with the Yugoslavs—left their north-western border largely undefended. Despite their awareness that the line was likely to collapse in the event of a German thrust from the Struma and Axios rivers, the British eventually acceded to the Greek command. On 4 March, Dill accepted the plans for the Metaxas line and on 7 March agreement was ratified by the British Cabinet. The overall command was to be retained by Papagos and the Greek and British commands agreed to fight a delaying action in the north-east. The British did not move their troops, because General Wilson regarded them as too weak to protect such a broad front. Instead, he took a position some 40 miles (64 kilometres) west of the Axios, across the Haliacmon Line. The two main objectives in establishing this position were to maintain contact with the Hellenic army in Albania and to deny German access to Central Greece. This had the advantage of requiring a smaller force than other options, while allowing more preparation time. However, it meant abandoning nearly the whole of Northern Greece, which was unacceptable to the Greeks for political and psychological reasons. Moreover, the line's left flank was susceptible to flanking from Germans operating through the Monastir Gap in Yugoslavia. However, the rapid disintegration of the Yugoslav Army and a German thrust into the rear of the Vermion position was not expected.

    The German strategy was based on using so-called "blitzkrieg" methods that had proved successful during the invasions of Western Europe. Their effectiveness was confirmed during the invasion of Yugoslavia. The German command again coupled ground troops and armor with air support and rapidly drove into the territory. Once Thessaloniki was captured, Athens and the port of Piraeus became principal targets. Piraeus, was virtually destroyed by bombing on the night of the 6/7 April. The loss of Piraeus and the Istmus of Corinth would fatally compromise withdrawal and evacuation of British and Greek forces. Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Blamey, commander of Australian I Corps, Lieutenant General Sir Henry Maitland Wilson, commanding general of the Empire expeditionary force ('W' Force) and Major General Bernard Freyberg, commander of the New Zealand 2nd Division, in 1941 in Greece. The Fifth Yugoslav Army took responsibility for the south-eastern border between Kriva Palanka and the Greek border. However, the Yugoslav troops were not fully mobilized and lacked adequate equipment and weapons. Following the entry of German forces into Bulgaria, the majority of Greek troops were evacuated from Western Thrace. By this time, Greek forces defending the Bulgarian border totaled roughly 70,000 men (sometimes labeled the "Greek Second Army" in English and German sources, although no such formation existed). The remainder of the Greek forces—14 divisions (often erroneously referred to as the "Greek First Army" by foreign sources)—was committed in Albania.

    On 28 March, the Greek Central Macedonian Army Section—comprising the 12th and 20th Infantry Divisions—were put under the command of General Wilson, who established his headquarters to the north-west of Larissa. The New Zealand division took position north of Mount Olympus, while the Australian division blocked the Haliacmon valley up to the Vermion range. The RAF continued to operate from airfields in Central and Southern Greece; however, few planes could be diverted to the theater. The British forces were near to fully motorised, but their equipment was more suited to desert warfare than to Greece's steep mountain roads. They were short of tanks and anti-aircraft guns and the lines of communication across the Mediterranean were vulnerable, because each convoy had to pass close to Axis-held islands in the Aegean; despite the British Royal Navy's domination of the Aegean Sea. These logistical problems were aggravated by the limited availability of shipping and Greek port capacity.

    The German Twelfth Army—under the command of Field Marshal Wilhelm List— together with a supporting Austrian-Hungarian Army was charged with the execution of Operation Victoria Louise. His army was composed of six units:
    • First Panzer Group, under the command of General Ewald von Kleist.
    • XL Panzer Corps, under Lieutenant General George Stumme.
    • XVIII Mountain Corps, under Lieutenant General Franz Böhme.
    • XXX Infantry Corps, under Lieutenant General Otto Hartmann.
    • L Infantry Corps, under Lieutenant Genera Georg Lindemann.
    • 16th Panzer Division, deployed behind the Turkish-Bulgarian border to support the Bulgarian forces in case of a Turkish attack.
    The German plan of attack was influenced by their army's experiences during the Battle of France. Their strategy was to create a diversion through the campaign in Albania, thus stripping the Hellenic Army of manpower for the defense of their Yugoslavian and Bulgarian borders. By driving armored wedges through the weakest links of the defense chain, penetrating Allied territory would not require substantial armor behind an infantry advance. Once Southern Yugoslavia was overrun by German armor, the Metaxas Line could be outflanked by highly mobile forces thrusting southward from Yugoslavia. Thus, possession of Monastir and the Axios valley leading to Thessaloniki became essential for such an outflanking maneuver. The Yugoslav coup d'état led to a sudden change in the plan of attack and confronted the Twelfth Army with a number of difficult problems. According to the 28 March Directive No. 25, the Twelfth Army was to create a mobile task force to attack via Nis and Belgrade. With only nine days left before their final deployment, every hour became valuable and each fresh assembly of troops took time to mobilise. By the evening of 5 April, the forces intended to enter southern Yugoslavia and Greece had been assembled.

    At dawn on 6 April, the German armies invaded Greece, while the Imperial German Air Force began an intensive bombardment of Belgade. The XL Panzer Corps—planned to attack across southern Yugoslavia—began their assault at 05:30. They pushed across the Bulgarian frontier at two separate points. By the evening of 8 April, the 73rd Infantry Division captured Prilep, severing an important rail line between Belgrade and Thessaloniki and isolating Yugoslavia from its allies. On the evening of 9 April, Stumme deployed his forces north of Monastir, in preparation for attack toward Florina. This position threatened to encircle the Greeks in Albania and W Force in the area of Florina, Edessa and Katerini. While weak security detachments covered his rear against a surprise attack from central Yugoslavia, elements of the 9th Panzer Division drove westward to link up with the Italians at the Albanian border. The 2nd Panzer Division (XVIII Mountain Corps) entered Yugoslavia from the east on the morning of 6 April and advanced westward through the Struma Valley. It encountered little resistance, but was delayed by road clearance demolitions, mines and mud. Nevertheless, the division was able to reach the day's objective, the town of Strumica. On 7 April, a Yugoslav counter-attack against the division's northern flank was repelled, and the following day, the division forced its way across the mountains and overran the thinly manned defensive line of the Greek 19th Mechanized Division south of Dorian Lake. Despite many delays along the mountain roads, an armored advance guard dispatched toward Thessaloniki succeeded in entering the city by the morning of 9 April. Thessaloniki was taken after a long battle with three Greek divisions under the command of General Bakopoulos, and was followed by the surrender of the Greek Eastern Macedonian Army Section, taking effect at 13:00 on 10 April. In the three days it took the Germans to reach Thessaloniki and breach the Metaxas Line, some 60,000 Greek soldiers were taken prisoner. The British and Commonwealth forces then took over the defense of Greece, with the bulk of the Greek Army fighting to maintain their old positions in Albania.

    In early April 1941, Greek, Yugoslav and British commanders met to set in motion a counteroffensive, that planned to completely destroy the Italian army in Albania in time to counter the German invasionand allow the bulk of the Greek army to take up new positions and protect the border with Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. On 7 April, the Yugoslav 3rd Army in the form of five infantry divisions (13th "Hercegovacka", 15th "Zetska", 25th "Vardarska", 31st "Kosovska" and 12th "Jadranska" Divisions, with the "Jadranska" acting as the reserve), after a false start due to the planting of a bogus order, launched a counteroffensive in northern Albania, advancing from Debar, Prisren and Podgorica towards Elbasan. On 8 April, the Yugoslav vanguard, the "Komski" Cavalry Regiment crossed the treacherous Prokletije Mountains and captured the village of Koljegcava in the Valjbone River Valley, and the 31st "Kosovska" Division, supported by Savoia-Marchetti S.79K bombers from the 7th Bomber Regiment of the Royal Yugoslav Air Force (VVKJ), broke through the Italian positions in the Drin River Valley. The "Vardarska" Division, due to the fall of Skopje was forced to halt its operations in Albania. In the meantime, the Western Macedonian Army Section under General Tsolakoglou, comprising the 9th and 13th Greek Divisions, advanced in support of the Royal Yugoslav Army, capturing some 250 Italians on 8 April. The Greeks were tasked with advancing towards Durres. On 9 April, the Zetska Division advanced towards Shkodër and the Yugoslav cavalry regiment reached the Drin River, but the Kosovska Division had to halt its advance due to the appearance of German units near Prizren. The Yugoslav-Greek offensive was supported by S.79K bombers from the 66th and 81st Bomber Groups of the VVKJ, that attacked airfields and camps around Shkoder, as well as the port of Durrës, and Italian troop concentrations and bridges on the Drin and Buene rivers and Durrës, Tirana and Zara. Between 11–13 April 1941, with German and Italian troops advancing on its rear areas, the Zetska Division was forced to retreat back to the Pronisat River by the Italian 131st armored Division Centauro, where it remained until the end of the campaign on 16 April. The Italian armored division along with the 18th Infantry Division Messina then advanced upon the Yugoslav fleet base of Kotor in Montenegro, also occupying Cettinje and Podgorica. The Yugoslavs lost 30,000 men captured in the Italian counterattacks.

    The Metaxas Line was defended by the Eastern Macedonian Army Section (Lieutenant General Konstantinos Bakopoulos), comprising the 7th, 14th and 18th Infantry divisions. The line ran for about 170 km (110 mi) along the river Nestos to the east and then further east, following the Bulgarian border as far as Mount Beles near the Yugoslav border. The fortifications were designed to garrison over 200,000 troops but there were only about 70,000 and the infantry garrison was thinly spread. Some 950 men under the command of Major George Douratsos of the 14th Division (Major-General Konstantinos Papakonstantinou) defended Fort Rupel. The Germans had to break the line to capture Thessaloniki, Greece's second-largest city, with a strategically-important port. The attack started on 6 April with one infantry unit and two divisions of the XVIII Mountain Corps. Due to strong resistance, the first day of the attack yielded little progress in breaking the line. A German report at the end of the first day described how the German 5th Mountain Division"was repulsed in the Rupel Pass despite strongest air support and sustained considerable casualties". Two German battalions managed to get within 600 ft (180 m) of Fort Rupel on 6 April, but were practically destroyed. Of the 24 forts that made up the Metaxas Line, only two had fallen and then only after they had been destroyed. In the following days, the Germans pummelled the forts with artillery and dive bombers and reinforced the 125th Infantry Regiment. A 7,000 ft (2,100 m) high snow-covered mountainous passage considered inaccessible by the Greeks was crossed by the 6th Mountain Division, which reached the rail line to Thessaloniki on the evening of 7 April.

    The 5th Mountain Division, together with the reinforced 125th Infantry Regiment, crossed the Struma river under great hardship, attacking along both banks and clearing bunkers until they reached their objective on 7 April. Heavy casualties caused them to temporarily withdraw. The 72nd Infantry Division advanced from Nevrokop across the mountains. Its advance was delayed by a shortage of pack animals, medium artillery and mountain equipment. Only on the evening of 9 April did it reach the area north-east of Serres. Most fortresses—like Fort Roupel, Echinos, Arpalouki, Paliouriones, Perithori, Karadag, Lisse and Istibey—held until the Germans occupied Thessaloniki on 9 April, at which point they surrendered under General Bakopoulos' orders. Nevertheless, minor isolated fortresses continued to fight for a few days more and were not taken until heavy artillery was used against them. This gave time for some retreating troops to evacuate by sea. Although eventually broken, the defenders of the Metaxas Line succeeded in delaying the German advance.The Metaxas Line, requiring 150,000 men, could have held out longer, but the bulk of the Greek army was facing the Italians in Albania. The XXX Infantry Corps on the left wing reached its designated objective on the evening of 8 April, when the 164th Infantry Division captured Xanthi. The 50th Infantry Division advanced far beyond Komotini towards the Nestos river. Both divisions arrived the next day. On 9 April, the Greek forces defending the Metaxas Line capitulated unconditionally following the collapse of Greek resistance east of the Axios river. In a 9 April estimate of the situation, Field Marshal List commented that as a result of the swift advance of the mobile units, his 12th Army was now in a favorable position to access central Greece by breaking the Greek build-up behind the Axios river. On the basis of this estimate, List requested the transfer of the 5th Panzer Division from First Panzer Group to the XL Panzer Corps. He reasoned that its presence would give additional punch to the German thrust through the Monastir Gap. For the continuation of the campaign, he formed an eastern group under the command of XVIII Mountain Corps and a western group led by XL Panzer Corps.

    By the morning of 10 April, the XL Panzer Corps had finished its preparations for the continuation of the offensive and advanced in the direction of Kozani. The 5th Panzer Division, advancing from Skopje encountered a Greek division tasked with defending Monastir Gap, rapidly defeating the defenders. First contact with Allied troops was made north of Vevi at 11:00 on 10 April. German SS troops seized Vevi on 11 April, but were stopped at the Klidi Pass just south of town, where a mixed Empire-Greek formation—known as Mackay Force—was assembled to, as Wilson put it, "...stop a blitzkrieg down the Florina valley." During the next day, the SS regiment reconnoitered the Allied positions and at dusk launched a frontal attack against the pass. Following heavy fighting, the Germans broke through the defense. On 13 April, 70 supporting German bombers attacked Volos, the port almost being completely destroyed. By the morning of 14 April, the spearheads of the 9th Panzer Division reached Kozani. Wilson faced the prospect of being pinned by Germans operating from Thessaloniki, while being flanked by the German XL Panzer Corps descending through the Monastir Gap. On 13 April, he withdrew all British forces to the Haliacmon river and then to the narrow pass at Thermophylae. On 14 April, the 9th Panzer Division established a bridgehead across the Haliacmon river, but an attempt to advance beyond this point was stopped by intense Allied fire. This defense had three main components: the Platamon tunnel area between Olympus and the sea, the Olympus pass itself and the Servia pass to the south-east. By channeling the attack through these three defiles, the new line offered far greater defensive strength. The defenses of the Olympus and Servia passes consisted of the 4th New Zealand Brigade, 5th New Zealand Brigade and the 16th Australian Brigade. For the next three days, the advance of the 9th Panzer Division was stalled in front of these resolutely held positions.

    A ruined castle dominated the ridge across which the coastal pass led to Platamon. During the night of 15 April, a German motorcycle battalion supported by a tank battalion attacked the ridge, but the Germans were repulsed by the New Zealand 21st Battalion under Lieutenant Colonel Neil Macky, which suffered heavy losses in the process. Later that day, a German armored regiment arrived and struck the coastal and inland flanks of the battalion, but the New Zealanders held. After being reinforced during the night of the 15th–16th, the Germans assembled a tank battalion, an infantry battalion and a motorcycle battalion. The infantry attacked the New Zealanders' left company at dawn, while the tanks attacked along the coast several hours later. The New Zealanders soon found themselves enveloped on both sides, after the failure of the Western Macedonia Army to defend the Albanian town of Koritsa that fell unopposed to the Italian 9th Army on 15 April, forcing the British to abandon the Mount Olympus position and resulting in the capture of 20,000 Greek troops. The New Zealand battalion withdrew, crossing the Pineios river; by dusk, they had reached the western exit of the Pineios Gorge, suffering only light casualties. Macky was informed that it was "essential to deny the gorge to the enemy until 19 April even if it meant extinction". He sank a crossing barge at the western end of the gorge once all his men were across and set up defenses. The 21st Battalion was reinforced by the Australian 2/2nd Battalion and later by the 2/3rd. This force became known as "Allen force" after Brigadier “Tubby” Allen. The 2/5th and 2/11th battalions moved to the Elatia area south-west of the gorge and were ordered to hold the western exit possibly for three or four days.
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    On 16 April, Wilson met Papagos at Lamia and informed him of his decision to withdraw to Thermopylae. Lieutenant-General Thomas Blamey divided responsibility between generals Mackay and Freyberg during the leapfrogging move to Thermopylae. Mackay's force was assigned the flanks of the New Zealand Division as far south as an east-west line through Larissa and to oversee the withdrawal through Domokos to Thermopylae of the Savige and Zarkos Forces and finally of Lee Force; Brigadier Harold Charrington's 1st armored Brigade was to cover the withdrawal of Savige Force to Larissa and thereafter the withdrawal of the 6th Division under whose command it would come; overseeing the withdrawal of Allen Force which was to move along the same route as the New Zealand Division. The British, Australian and New Zealand forces remained under attack throughout the withdrawal.

    On the morning of 18 April, the Battle of Tempe George, the struggle for the Pineios Gorge, was over when German armored infantry crossed the river on floats and 6th Mountain Division troops worked their way around the New Zealand battalion, which was subsequently dispersed. On 19 April, the first XVIII Mountain Corps troops entered Larissa and took possession of the airfield, where the British had left their supply dump intact. The seizure of ten truckloads of rations and fuel enabled the spearhead units to continue without ceasing. The port of Volos, at which the British had re-embarked numerous units during the prior few days, fell on 21 April; there, the Germans captured large quantities of valuable diesel and crude oil. As the invading Germans advanced deep into Greek territory, the Epirus Army Section of the Greek army operating in Albania was reluctant to retreat. However, by the middle of March, especially after the Tepelene offensive, the Greek army had suffered, according to British estimates, 5,000 casualties. The Italian offensive revealed a "chronic shortage of arms and equipment." The Greeks were fast approaching the end of their logistical tether.

    General Wilson described this unwillingness to retreat as "the fetishistic doctrine that not a yard of ground should be yielded to the Italians." Churchill also criticized the Greek Army commanders for ignoring British advice to abandon Albania and avoid encirclement. Lieutenant-General George Stumme's Fortieth Corps captured the Florina-Vevi Pass on 11 April, but unseasonal snowy weather then halted his advance. On 12 April, he resumed the advance, but spent the whole day fighting Brigadier Charrington's 1st armored Brigade at Proastion. It was not until 13 April that the first Greek elements began to withdraw toward the Pindus mountains. The Allies' retreat to Thermopylae uncovered a route across the Pindus mountains by which the Germans might flank the Hellenic army in a rearguard action. An elite Imperial German elite brigade was assigned the mission of cutting off the Greek Epirus Army's line of retreat from Albania by driving westward to the Metsovon pass and from there to Ioannina. On 13 April, attack aircraft from 21, 23 and 33 Squadrons from the Hellenic Air Force (RHAF), attacked Italian positions in Albania. That same day, heavy fighting took place at Kleisoura pass, where the Greek 20th Division covering the Greek withdrawal, fought in a determined manner, delaying Stumme's advance practically a whole day. The withdrawal extended across the entire Albanian front, with the Italians in hesitant pursuit. On 15 April, Regia Aeronautica fighters attacked the (RHAF) base at Paramythia, 30 miles south of Greece's border with Albania, destroying or putting out of action 17 VVKJ aircraft that had recently arrived from Yugoslavia. General Papagos rushed Greek units to the Metsovon pass where the Germans were expected to attack. On 14 April a pitched battle between several Greek units and the LSSAH brigade—which had by then reached Grevena—erupted. The Greek 13th and Cavalry Divisions lacked the equipment necessary to fight against an armored unit but nevertheless fought on till the next day, when the defenders were finally encircled and overwhelmed. On 18 April, General Wilson in a meeting with Papagos, informed him that the British and Commonwealth forces at Thermopylai would carry on fighting till the first week of May, providing that Greek forces from Albania could redeploy and cover the left flank. On 21 April, the Germans advanced further and captured Ioannina, the final supply route of the Greek Epirus Army. Historian and former war-correspondent Christopher Buckley—when describing the fate of the Hellenic army—stated that "one experience a genuine Aristotelian catharsis, an awe-inspiring sense of the futility of all human effort and all human courage."

    On 20 April, the commander of Greek forces in Albania—General Georgios Tsolakoglou—accepted the hopelessness of the situation and offered to surrender his army, which then consisted of fourteen divisions. Generals Ioannis Pitsikas and Georgis Bakos had already warned General Papagos on 14 April that morale in the Epirus Army was wearing thin, and regrettably combat stress and exhaustion had resulted in officers taking the decision to put deserters before firing squads. Nevertheless, Papagos condemned Tsolakoglou for his decision to not continue fighting. General Blamey also criticized at the time, Tsolakoglou's decision to surrender without permission from General Papagos. Historian John Keegan writes that Tsolakoglou "was so determined... to deny the Italians the satisfaction of a victory they had not earned that... he opened [a] quite unauthorised parley with the commander of the German Imperial Guard division opposite him, to arrange a surrender to the Germans alone." On orders from Wilhelm and Otto, negotiations were kept secret from the Italians and the surrender was accepted. Outraged by this decision, Mussolini ordered counter-attacks against the Greek forces, which were repulsed, but at some cost to the defenders. The Germans Air Force intervened in the renewed fighting, and Ioannina was practically destroyed by Stukas. It took a personal representation from Mussolini to Wilhelm to organize Italian participation in the armistice that was concluded on 23 April. Greek soldiers were not rounded up as prisoners of war and were allowed instead to go home after the demobilisation of their units, while their officers were permitted to retain their side arms.

    As early as 16 April, the German command realised that the British were evacuating troops on ships at Volos and Piraeus. The campaign then took on the character of a pursuit. For the Germans, it was now primarily a question of maintaining contact with the retreating British forces and foiling their evacuation plans. German infantry divisions were withdrawn due to their limited mobility. The 2nd and 5th Panzer Divisions, the 1st Imperial Motorised Infantry Regiment and both mountain divisions launched a pursuit of the Allied forces. To allow an evacuation of the main body of British forces, Wilson ordered the rearguard to make a last stand at the historic Thermopylae pass, the gateway to Athens. General Freyberg's 2nd New Zealand Division was given the task of defending the coastal pass, while Mackay's 6th Australian Division was to hold the village of Brallos. After the battle Mackay was quoted as saying "I did not dream of evacuation; I thought that we'd hang on for about a fortnight and be beaten by weight of numbers." When the order to retreat was received on the morning of 23 April, it was decided that the two positions were to be held by one brigade each. These brigades, the 19th Australian and 6th New Zealand were to hold the passes as long as possible, allowing the other units to withdraw. The Germans attacked at 11:30 on 24 April, met fierce resistance, lost 15 tanks and sustained considerable casualties. The Allies held out the entire day; with the delaying action accomplished, they retreated in the direction of the evacuation beaches and set up another rearguard at Thebes. The Panzer units launching a pursuit along the road leading across the pass made slow progress because of the steep gradient and difficult hairpin bends.

    After abandoning the Thermopylae area, the British rearguard withdrew to an improvised switch position south of Thebes, where they erected a last obstacle in front of Athens. The motorcycle battalion of the 2nd Panzer Division, which had crossed to the island of Euboea, to seize the port of Chalcis and had subsequently returned to the mainland, was given the mission of outflanking the British rearguard. The motorcycle troops encountered only slight resistance and on the morning of 27 April 1941, the first Germans entered Athens, followed by armored cars, tanks and infantry. They captured intact large quantities of petroleum, oil and lubricants ("POL"), several thousand tons of ammunition, ten trucks loaded with sugar and ten truckloads of other rations in addition to various other equipment, weapons and medical supplies. The people of Athens had been expecting the Germans for several days and confined themselves to their homes with their windows shut. The previous night, Athens Radio had made the following announcement:
    “You are listening to the voice of Greece. Greeks, stand firm, proud and dignified. You must prove yourselves worthy of your history. The valor and victory of our army has already been recognised. The righteousness of our cause will also be recognised. We did our duty honestly. Friends! Have Greece in your hearts, live inspired with the fire of her latest triumph and the glory of our army. Greece will live again and will be great, because she fought honestly for a just cause and for freedom. Brothers! Have courage and patience. Be stout hearted. We will overcome these hardships. Greeks! With Greece in your minds you must be proud and dignified. We have been an honest nation and brave soldiers.”

    The Germans drove straight to the Acropolis and raised the Imperial German flag. According to the most popular account of the events, the Evzone soldier on guard duty, Konstantinos Koukidis, took down the Greek flag, refusing to hand it to the invaders, wrapped himself in it, and jumped off the Acropolis. Whether the story was true or not, many Greeks believed it and viewed the soldier as a martyr. General Archibald Wavell, the commander of British Army forces in the Middle East, when in Greece from 11–13 April had warned Wilson that he must expect no reinforcements and had authorized Major General Freddie de Guingand to discuss evacuation plans with certain responsible officers. Nevertheless, the British could not at this stage adopt or even mention this course of action; the suggestion had to come from the Greek Government. The following day, Papagos made the first move when he suggested to Wilson that W Force be withdrawn. Wilson informed Middle East Headquarters and on 17 April, Rear admiral H. T. Baillie-Grohman was sent to Greece to prepare for the evacuation. That day Wilson hastened to Athens where he attended a conference with the King, Papagos, d'Albiac and Rear admiral Turle. In the evening, after telling the King that he felt he had failed him in the task entrusted to him, Prime Minister Koryzis committed suicide. On 21 April, the final decision to evacuate Empire forces to Crete and Egypt was taken and Wavell—in confirmation of verbal instructions—sent his written orders to Wilson. 5,200 men, mostly from the 5th New Zealand Brigade, were evacuated on the night of 24 April, from Porto Rafti of East Attica, while the 4th New Zealand Brigade remained to block the narrow road to Athens, dubbed the 24 Hour Pass by the New Zealanders. On 25 April, the few RAF squadrons left Greece (D'Albiac established his headquarters in Heraklion, Crete) and some 10,200 Australian troops evacuated from Nafplio and Megara. 2,000 more men had to wait until 27 April, because Ulster Prince ran aground in shallow waters close to Nafplio. Because of this event, the Germans realised that the evacuation was also taking place from the ports of the eastern Peloponnese. The Greek Navy and Merchant Marine played an important part in the evacuation of the Allied forces to Crete and suffered heavy losses as a result.

    On 25 April the Germans staged an airborne operation to seize the bridges over the Corinth canal, with the double aim of cutting off the British line of retreat and securing their own way across the isthmus. The attack met with initial success, until a stray British shell destroyed the bridge. The 1st Imperial Motorised Infantry Regiment, assembled at Ioannina, thrust along the western foothills of the Pindus Mountains via Arta to Missolonghi and crossed over to the Peloponnese at Patras in an effort to gain access to the isthmus from the west. Upon their arrival at 17:30 on 27 April, the imperial german forces learned that the paratroops had already been relieved by Army units advancing from Athens.

    The Dutch troop ship Slamat was part of a convoy evacuating about 3,000 British, Australian and New Zealand troops from Nafplio in the Peloponnese. As the convoy headed south in the Argolic Gulf on the morning of 27 April, it was attacked by a Staffel of nine Junker Ju87s of Sturzkampfgeschwader 77, damaging Slamat and setting her on fire. The destroyer HMS Diamond rescued about 600 survivors and HMS Wryneck came to her aid, but as the two destroyers headed for Souda Bay in Crete another Ju 87 attack sank them both. The total number of deaths from the three sinkings was almost 1,000. Only 27 crew from Wryneck, 20 crew from Diamond, 11 crew and eight evacuated soldiers from Slamat survived. The erection of a temporary bridge across the Corinth canal permitted 5th Panzer Division units to pursue the Allied forces across the Peloponnese. Driving via Argos to Kalamata, from where most Allied units had already begun to evacuate, they reached the south coast on 29 April, where they were joined by SS troops arriving from Pyrgos. The fighting on the Peloponnese consisted of small-scale engagements with isolated groups of British troops who had been unable to reach the evacuation point. The attack came days too late to cut off the bulk of the British troops in Central Greece, but isolated the Australian 16th and 17th Brigades. By 30 April the evacuation of about 50,000 soldiers was completed, but was heavily contested by the German Luftwaffe, which sank at least 26 troop-laden ships. The Germans captured around 8,000 Empire (including 2,000 Cypriot and Palestinian) and Yugoslav troops in Kalamata who had not been evacuated, while liberating many Italian prisoners from POW camps.

    On 13 April 1941, Wilhelm II issued Directive No. 28, including his occupation policy for Greece. He finalized jurisdiction in the Balkans with Directive No. 32 issued on 9 June. Mainland Greece was divided between Austria-Hungary, Italy and Bulgaria, with Austria-Hungary and Italy occupying the bulk of the country. Originally most of the balkan peninsula was promised to Otto and the new Greek Axis Central Powers puppet state was a vassal of Austria in his foreign and military policy. Despite this the Germans and Austrian-Hungarians allowed Italy to share the occupation zone, so that Austria-Hungary would have more forces left and ready against the planned eastern front with the Soviet Union. The city of Florina, which was claimed by both Italy and Bulgaria. Bulgaria, which had not participated as a major force in the invasion of Greece, occupied most of Thrace on the same day that Tsolakoglou offered his surrender. The goal was to gain an Aegean Sea outlet in Western Thrace and Eastern Macedonia. The Bulgarians occupied territory between the Struma river and a line of demarcation running through Alexandroupoli and Svilengrad west of the Evros River. Italian troops started occupying the Ionian and Aegean islands on 28 April. On 2 June, they occupied the Peloponnese; on 8 June, Thessaly; and on 12 June, most of Attica. The occupation of Greece—during which civilians would suffer terrible hardships, many dying from privation and hunger—proved to be a difficult and costly task. Several resistance groups launched guerrilla attacks against the occupying forces and set up espionage networks.
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    On 25 April 1941, King George II and his government left the Greek mainland for Crete, which was attacked by Nazi forces on 20 May 1941. The Germans employed parachute forces in a massive airborne invasion and attacked the three main airfields of the island in Maleme, Rethymno and Heraklion. After seven days of fighting and tough resistance, Allied commanders decided that the cause was hopeless and ordered a withdrawal from Sfakia. During the night of 24 May, George II and his government were evacuated from Crete to Egypt. By 1 June 1941, the evacuation was complete and the island was under German occupation. In light of the heavy casualties suffered by the elite 7th Fliegerdivision, Wilhelm II became skeptical of further large-scale airborne operations. General Kurt Student would dub Crete "the graveyard of the German paratroopers" and a "disastrous victory."
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    The fall of Greece and the end of the Balkan Campaign for the Axis Central Powers had serious long term effects on the war in general. While the German Emperor Wilhelm III already kept important resources from the army and air force for his prestige project of a new High Sea Fleet, the similar attack on Great Britain (Luftschlacht um England/ Battle of Britain) and the planned invasion of Russia (Soviet Union) focused on two very different strategies, tactics and plans. They also split up the Axis Central Powers resources in this war, that the allies already had a superiority thanks to their colonies. Despite this the German and Austrian-Hungarian Emperors viewed their First Great War goals mostly accomplished after the fall of France, Serbia (Yugoslavia) and Greece. In their mind the only true enemy left on the continent for their dominance was the Soviet Union and without it even Great Britain would be forced to surrender soon. Also as a reason from the First Great War, the Germans, Italians and even Franco Spain started a joined operation in Africa to defeat Great Britain and Free France there. One of the goals of this upcoming African Campaign was not only the securing of the Mediterranean for Italy and the rest of the Axis Central Powrs, but also to take the African colonies for their resources, strategic locations and a better claim on them when Britain would finally be forced into a peace conference. This meant that Germany divided it's resources, manpower and planning between the planned Invasion of Great Britain (Meerjungfrau/ Mermaid), the African Campaign and the planned invasion of the Soviet Union. But at the moment the loss of Greece to the Axis Central Powers looked like a Allied disaster only and British Premier Winston Churchill was beaten. Many called for his resigning and he himself considered doing so, but because of the lack of alternate candidates willing to fight, he decided to stay in office for now until the queen and government would demand otherwise. With all the increasing protest against him and his decisions in the war so far, this moment didn't seem too far in the future.
     
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    Imperial Armored Samurai pictures
  • For later use TTL; the Imperial Armored Samurai (Japanese and Co-Prosperity Sphere):
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    others:
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    Chapter 49: The new Japan
  • Chapter 49: The new Japan:
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    The creation of the Co-Prosperity Sphere had a great influence on the 1940 Olympic games in Tokio. For Japan the games were not only a show to ensure the world of their peaceful attempts for East Asia, but also to get more international recognition and legitimacy for the new smaller states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere they had created out of China and Indochina. Originally Manchukuo was to compete in the 1932 Summer Olympic Games, but one of the athletes who intended to represent Manchukuo, Liu Changchun, refused to join the team and instead joined as the first Chinese representative in the Olympics. There were attempts by Japanese authorities to let Manchukuo join the 1936 games, but the Olympic Committee persisted in the policy of not allowing an unrecognized state to join the Olympics. Manchukuo then had a chance to participate in the planned 1940 Tokio Olympics, that taking place. While Chiang's China did not recognize Manchukuo but the two sides established official ties for trade, communications and transportation. Unlike Chiang all other Japanese allies and small states crated out of former China one after another recognised each other. In 1933, the League of Nations adopted the Lytton Report, declaring that Manchuria (Manchukuo) remained rightfully part of China, leading Japan to resign its membership. The Manchukuo case persuaded the United States to articulate the so-called Stimson Doctrine, under which international recognition was withheld from changes in the international system created by force of arms. In spite of the League of Nations' approach, the new Co-Prospherity state were at first only diplomatically recognised by El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Costa Rics (all 1934), Italy, Spain (both 1937), Germany (1938), Austria-Hungary (1939). The Soviet Union extended de facto recognition of Manchukuoon 23 March 1935, but explicitly noted that this did not mean de jure recognition. However, upon signing the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact that ended their border skirmishes in Manchukuo, Mengjiang, Mongolia and the Soviet Far East after the Battles of Khalkhyn Gol, the Soviet Union recognized the member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere in their existing borders claimed by Japan de jure in exchange for Japan recognizing the integrity of the neighboring Mongolian People's Republic. The USSR did maintain consulates-general in the member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere, as did other nations that recognize these states soon.
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    Still the Far Eastern Games in Tokio on 6 October 1940 were controversial. Japan allowed all member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere to participate openly in the games, leading to the withdraw and boycott of the games from Chiang's National Chinese Government as well as these of the American team. While protests from the British and French delegations came, they still participated in the games. Still many other countries and participants friendly to Chiang's China boycott the games or suggested different sides for the game because of Japans heavy involvement in the Chinese Civil War. Tokio as a place for the game was chosen in 1936 after a campaign beginning in 1932 between Barcelona, Rome, Helsinki and Tokio. Because the Chinese Civil War was viewed mostly as internal struggle like the Spanish Civil War before the Summer and Winter Olympics of 1940 took both place in Tokio, unlike they most likely would have otherwise with a open Japanese intervention into China. Even heavier protests and even the threat of withdrawing from the games came from Britain and France after Japan had invited many participants from colonial or depending nations of American, European and overall Colonial powers. While the Philippines participated in the games showing the close connections that both Japan and the Philippines shared as island nations and Japan openly supported the Philippines full independence, despite it further endangering the US-Japanese relations. Tensions rose once again as some of the colonies and depending territories were forbidden by their colonial masters to participate as independent states rather than a part of their team and some participants were spotted flying the flag of their independence movement rather than the flag of their colonial governments. During the games the Co-Prosperity Sphere propaganda like Asia for the Asians, as well as Anti-Colonial and Anti-Communist propaganda was dialed down heavily.

    Koichi Kido, Lord Keaper of the Privy Seal of Japan announced the forfeiture on July 16 1938. A few weeks before that Judo creator Kano Jigoro died under suspicious circumstances. His concern that his Judo school, the Kodokan would be used as a military training center even if the Emperor promised to not do so would soon became true.
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    The overall games were closely watched and guarded by the Kenpeitai, a military police that was the military police arm of the Imperial Japanese Army since 1881 onward. It was not a conventional military police, but more of a secret police. While it was institutionally part of the Imperial Japanese Army, it also discharged the functions of the military police for the Imperial Japanese Navy under the direction of the Admiralty Minister (although the IJN had its own much smaller Tokkeitai), those of the executive police under the direction of the Interior Minister, and those of the judicial police under the direction of the Justice Department. The Kenpeitai was established in 1881 by a decree called the Kenpei Ordinance, figuratively "articles concerning gendarmes". Its model was the Gendarmerie of France. Details of the Kenpeitai's military, executive, and judicial police functions were defined by the Kenpei Rei of 1898. The force initially consisted of 349 men. The enforcement of the new conscription legislation was an important part of their duty, due to resistance from peasant families. The Kenpeitai's general affairs branch was in charge of the force's policy, personnel management, internal discipline, as well as communication with the Ministries of the Admiralty, the Interior, and Justice. The operation branch was in charge of the distribution of military police units within the army, general public security and intelligence. In 1907, the Kenpeitai was ordered to Chosen where its main duty was legally defined as "preserving the peace", although it also functioned as a military police for the Japanese army stationed there. This status remained basically unchanged after Japan's annexation of Korea and it's later liberation as the Empire of Chosen later.

    The Kenpeitai maintained public order within Japan under the direction of the Interior Minister, and in the occupied territories under the direction of the Minister of War. Japan also had a civilian secret police force, Tokkō, which was the Japanese acronym of Tokubetsu Koto Kaisatsu ("Special Higher Police") part of the Interior Ministry. However, the Kenpeitai had a Tokkō branch of its own, and through it discharged the functions of a secret police. When the Kenpeitai arrested a civilian under the direction of the Justice Minister, the arrested person was nominally subject to civilian judicial proceedings. The Kenpeitai's brutality was particularly notorious in Korea and the other occupied territories. The Kenpeitai were also abhorred in Japan's mainland as well, especially during World War II when Prime Minister Hideki Tojo, formerly the Commander of the Kenpeitai of the Japanese Army in Manchuria from 1935 to 1937, used the Kenpeitai extensively to make sure that everyone was loyal to the Co-Prosperity Sphere and the war.
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    Tojo soon expended the Kaisatsu and the Kenpeitai to the other member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere. There they served to support the local police and army keeping up public order. They also organized the Co-Prosperity Sphere propaganda they teach in schools. They also supported nationalist, fascist and aristocratic elements in this states that made up the new governments under emperors, kings or authoritarian leaders that were aiming to something similar to a aristocratic family dynasty. Tojo also promoted that every Japanese women should have six to eight children so that there would be enough soldiers for future campaigns and plans as well as enough Japanese to colonize the Co-Prosperity Sphere with them. The program itself took inspiration from Germany where Hitler, then Wilhelm II and later Wilhelm III started a similar program with similar goals in mind. The Japanese own organization was lead by Katseko Tojo, Prime-minister Tojo's wife and his daughter Kimiye was supposed to become the perfect role model together with her husband for the new Japanese Imperial Family and the new Japanese Imperial State citizen that would serve it in the future.
     
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    Chapter 50: A French King or Emperor?
  • Chapter 50: A French King or Emperor?
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    Louis, Prince Napoléon (Louis Jérôme Victor Emmanuel Léopold Marie; born 23 January 1914) was a member of the Bonaparte dynasty. He was the pretender to the Imperial throne of France, as Napoléon VI, from 1926 onward. Louis was born in Brussels, Belgium due to the law which then banned heirs of the former French ruling dynasties from residing in France. He was the son of Victor, Prince Napoléon and his wife Princess Clémentine of Belgium, daughter of King Leopold II of the Belgians and Archduke Marie Henriette of Austria. Leopold II's mother, Prince Louise-Marie of Orléons, was the eldest daughter of King Louis Philippe I, ruler of France during the July Monarchy. As a child, Prince Louis spent some time in England, where he stayed with Empress Eugénie, the widow of Napoleon III. He was educated in Leuven, Belgium, and in Lausanne Switzerland. When his father died on 3 May 1926, the 12-year-old Prince Louis succeeded as the Bonapartist pretender to the Imperial throne of France, his mother acting as regent until he came of age.

    On the outbreak of the Second Great War, Prince Louis wrote to the French prime minister, Édouard Daladier, offering to serve in the French Army. His offer was refused, and so he assumed the nom de guerre of Louis Blanchard and joined the French Foreign Legion, seeing action in North Africa before being demobilized in 1941, following the Second Armistice at Compiègne. He then joined the French Resistance and was arrested by the Germans after attempting to cross the Pyrenees on his way to London to join Free French leader Charles de Gaulle. Following his arrest, he spent time in various prisons, including Fresnes. Wilhelm III dreamed of a continental monarchist block of Mitteleurope (Middle Europe) and he as well as some french fascists, monarchists and bonapartists could see Napoléon VI as the new ruler of France. The Germans quickly declared that if Prince Louis would agree to their demands and lead the new french government, then they could lower reparations and the overall occupation of France. Wilhelm even agreed that France would keep most of it's colonial empire (unlike Germany after the First Great War as Wilhelm III mentioned) and could even hope to gain some of the British colonies if Fascist France openly joined the Axis Central Powers. While the step mostly intended to focus on getting french to openly join the war against the remaining allies, it also hoped to fuel the anger many french had after the British attacked their fleet at Mers-el.Kabir to prevent it from falling into German hands.
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    Because of this the treaty that allowed Louis to become King Napoléon VI with the support of the aristocratic, national and fascist coalition government in Fascist France and the support of the Germans had some conditions. First of all Alsace-Lorraine (Elsas-Lothringen) was to be fully reintegrated with the German Empire together with Luxembourg and parts of Belgium. Second the german puppet state of Flandria & Wallonia gained parts of the french region of Picardy in order to get a hold on the rich Belgian and french ore in the region, as well as bases at the English Channel. The Italian Empire was allow to claim former Italian land in Savoy and Provence, as well as to occupy parts of the remaining border region for the same time the Rhineland was occupied after the First Great War in Germany. The German Empire also remained troops in the Coastal Military Zone, as well as the rest of Lorraine, Burgundy and Champagne (as a demilitarized french border), but would withdrew of the rest of France once the Fascist Government openly joined the Axis Central Powers in their fight. Wilhelm III just like Bismark before hoped that this rather calm annexations of regions in Central France and the french homeland would make them more accepting towards an alliance and a few losses in the colonies once the war was over. Corsica was directly annexed by Italy and Germany kept a guard and security army (GSA / Gardesicherheitsarmee) inside of french to guard strategic important locations and to prevent it from joining the allies.

    In the colonies Fascist France lost Marocco to Nationalist Spain, who joined Germany in the Operation against Gibraltar and just like Portugal had close economic and political ties to the new Axis Central Powers. The Capture of Gibralta would be the start of the so called Axis Central Powers Africa Campaign. Knowing how long and how many German colonial troops had tied down allied troops in Africa in the First Great War, the German High Command hoped to do the same once again an at the same time help the Italien allies as well as to bribe Nationalist Spain into joining the fight by giving them French Marocco as a appetizer. The German West Africa Army under General Wilhelm Ritter von Thoma (who had also fought in the Spanish Civil War together with the Nationalists) helped replacing Fascist France Guards with Spanish Army troops there and prepared to defend and fight in west Africa (later including Mauretania, Senegal, Guinea and French West Africa/ French Sudan) against the remaining allied colonies and troops. In Tunis the Germans helped with the Italian occupation and the replacing of Fascist France troops under General Walther Nehring, while Hans-Karl Freiherr von Esebeck got the command of the forces brought to once again german Togoland. Coming by planes and even airship, the Togo Armee (Togoarmee) aimed to fight against the British and Allies along the Ivory coast in the arts of Togoland and Nigeria still under british colonial control to extend the war in Africa. In Libya the German General Erwin Rommel joined the Italian forces in their defense of the Italian north african colonies Libya and Tunis as well as Fascist French Algeria with the German North Africa Army. At the same time Emperor Wilhelm II and Emperor Otto had ordered General Ludwig Crüwell who was formerly fighting during the Invasion of Yugoslavia. His mission was to join with Mohammedan and Neo-Ottoman elements in the Turkish Republic in hopes of them taking over the government. Then so hoped Wilhelm III they could attack the allies in Iraq and also in Syria and Libya, former Ottoman Territory these nationalist claimed back for their state.
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    To all of this Louis agreed to become King Napoléon VI and even allowed for Axis Central Power troops to freely pass and access all Fascist French Territory. With a German gun near his head he didn't have much of a choice and this way he hoped to prevent a even harsher peace enforced on France as well as aiding the allies from the inside as good as possible in his new situation at Versailles, constantly guarded by German troops, that also had the de facto control over Paris itself left in their hands. With this new allies Wilhelm proclaimed the restoration of a monarchistic Europe and while the new french King dreamed to crown himself Emperor of this new French Empire again his national monarchist and the fascist had some things in common with the former German and Axis Central Power enemies. For example they all viewed the Soviet Union as the by far greatest possible danger for their titles, powers and political systems then the new German Empire could ever be. This also allowed Fascist France (from now on called the French Empire) to have officially French Algeria guaranteed as a integrated part of the French Home- and Motherland on the continent that would just like the rest of the France on the continent remain theirs. Nearly immediatly after taking Tunesia the Italians started to increae the numbers of Italian residents there, just like they had hoped for so long after france took the region before them as a colony.
     
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    Chapter 51: Rebellion and Resistance on the Philippines
  • Chapter 51: Rebellion and Resistance on the Philippines:
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    While the Japanese tried to fuel the anti-colonial movements, mostly the communist ones by no to divide the Soviet Union and Comintern from the Allies and Western Powers like the USA, they knew how dangerous their game was. So just like the Kuomintang with Sun Yat-sen's teachings of he Three Principles of the People, the Japanese and the Co-Prosperity Sphere developed the Five Noble Truths in an ideology that was supposed to counter capitalism, democracy and communism. The Five Noble Truths that would become the ideology of the Co-Prosperity Sphere (Coprospism) were Aristocracy, Traditionalism, Pan-Asian-Nationalism/Populism, National Governments by the People and finally the People's welfare/livelihood, a concept best understood as social welfare and security and as a direct criticism of the inadequacies of both socialism and capitalism.

    One of the rebel movements on the Philippines supported was the militant arm of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 (PKP-1930) (Filipino, Communist Party of the Philippines-1930). The idea of this guerrilla organization was conceived as early as October 1941, months before the Philippines' entry to World War II. As early as 1941, Juan Feleo, a well-known peasant leader and member of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas, had begun to mobilize peasants in his home province of Nueva Ecija for the conflict. Pedro Abad Santos, founding member of the Socialist Party of the Philippines, had also ordered Luis Taruc to mobilize forces in Pampanga. The Japanese and other member states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere were not the only ones secretly supporting this movements by smuggling supplies and weapons aboard their civil trade ships for them, but also the Soviet Union and the Comintern. In the End the Communists hoped for a Revolution to liberate the Philippines, while the Japanese only used this movements to spread anti-colonial ideals and to also get the American public to leave the Philippines sooner so they become fully independent. In the southern islands of the Philippines the Moro Liberation Army fought against the central government too, but not to liberate all of the islands, but just to establish a Sultanate in the southern ones.

    This growing resistance was also supported by newspapers in the Co-Prosperity Sphere to further fuel these incidents and to make them more public known across the Philippines, where the Japanese and the Co-Prosperity Sphere sponsored a few local nationalist newspapers. They even supported some of the rebel's propaganda with this newspapers and because of that the government of the Philippines soon outlawed some of them and forced them underground. But while the majority of the Philippine people wished for independence, not all of them supported the socialists and communists. There were a few national and fascist movements and even the new ideology of the Co-Prosperity Sphere quickly gained ground. There even were more neutral independence movements that focused just on their own Independence no matter the costs, while others propagated to work closely with the Americans for this goal and the future relations between both nations after that.
     
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    Chapter 52: The Neo-Ottoman Empire
  • Chapter 52: The Neo-Ottoman Empire:
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    Because Wilhelm III intended to hit the Allies hard in Africa and to distract forces from the Battle of Britain, he had tried to get Turkey into the Axis Central Power camp for the last months. But even the promise to regain Syria and the Lebanon as well as Iraq and Palestine from Great Britain and France in chase of a Axis Central Powers victory was not enough to get the Turks to join their side. However the Neo-Ottoman Movement, a fascist-nationalist group was eager to listen to these promises and dreamed of reestablishing the Ottoman Sultanate. In hopes that Wilhelm III would be as great of a ally and friend to the Ottomans and the Mohammedans then his father Wilhelm II they saw a potential helper in him for their own ambitions. Seeing a rare opportunity Wilhelm III ordered Operation: Baghdad to be prepared and executed. It was the start of a secret involvement and support of the German Empire, the Austrian-Hungarian Empire and the Italian Empire for the Neo-Ottoman Movement inside Turkey.

    Secretly the Neo-Ottoman Movement used the harboring of some Austrian-Hungarian, Italian and even German ships in Istanbul as support for their coup against the government in Ankara. Their militant rebellion quickly captured Istanbul and most cities across the Adriatic Sea with support of the Axis Central Powers and even managed to attack the democratic government in Ankara thanks to it's supporters. A majority of the democratic government and it's ministers in Ankara were killed in the process and the Neo-Ottoman Movement also managed to cut off many communication and supply lines in hopes that the democratic government would be unable to organize any resistance. Thanks to the help of General Ludwig Crüwell, the Mohammedan and Neo-Ottoman supporters inside the Turkish Republic were well organized and trained over the last few months. Because of that they manged to get parts of the military to secretly support their coup and to cripple any resistance the remands of the government in Ankara could come up with. Thanks to the German Turkey Army under General Ludwig Crüwell training the Turkish one, the Axis Central Powers even had a few troops already in Turkey helping with the coup and were quickly supported by more forces coming in over the Adriatic Sea and the Greek and Italian islands. Most of this support was from the Imperial German Air Force, but also more ground troops pored into Turkey, to support the Neo-Ottomans as well as to prepare a later attack on the British Colonies or the Soviet Union from Syria and Iraq. The situation was further complicated when the Soviet Union used it's border troops to support the communist inside Turkey to call out for a Turkish Soviet Republic shortly after the Neo-Ottoman had propagated their Neo-Ottoman Empire in the new capital Istanbul.

    Fascist French troops in Syria and Lebanon as well as the Kingdom of Iraq and the British Colonial authorities were quiet scared by this Ottoman and Soviet coups, fearing that their nearby territories could now very easily be in danger from a attack from Turkey. Because the Neo-Ottomans quickly joined the Axis Central Powers and the Turkish Soviet Republic in Turkish Western Armenia had joined the Comintern the escalating global conflict seamed to spill over in the Middle East. Thanks to the more direct and heavy involvement of the Axis Central Powers, the Neo-Ottoman Empire quickly seized control of the majority of the land, with the exception of the Turkish Soviet Republic. But despite the Turkish Soviet Republic being backed by the Soviet Union, the Soviets did not cross the border directly with their forces, because they still were involved in Finland and concentrated most of their forces in Eastern Europe against the Axis Central Powers and to support their claims and ambitions there. Another major problem for the legitimization of the Turkish Soviet Republic was that the rest of the Turkish Republican Government that had survived was now in exile in British Cyprus, where a Turkish minority lived and supported them. This led to a only minimal Soviet and Comintern involvement and support of the Turkish Soviet Republic, because the Neo-Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic both still claimed the region. Stalin even went so far as to guarantee the independence of the Turkish Soviet Republic, but he knew that the Neo-Ottomans would use the first chance in a direct war against the Axis Central Powers to reclaim the region. Stalin's original plan to use a bigger Turkish Soviet Republic to claim all of Turkey and to gain ice free harbors and ports in the Mediterranean for his Black Sea Fleet had failed.
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    Chapter 53: The planning for the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor
  • Chapter 53: The planning for the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor:
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    War between Japan and the United States had been a possibility that each nation had been aware of (and developed contingency plans for) since the 1920s, though tensions did not begin to grow seriously until Japan's 1931 invasion of Manchuria and even further after Japan's 1940 invasion and “liberation” of French Indochina. Over the next decade after Manchuria, Japan continued to expand into China, leading to all-out war between the Chinese under Chiang and Wang with heavy japanese support for the later one. Japan spent considerable effort trying to isolate China and achieve sufficient resource independence to attain victory on the mainland; the "Southern Operation" was designed to assist these efforts. From December 1937, events such as the Japanese attack on USS Pana and the Allison incident as well as the war-crimes committed in china by expeditionary troops of the Co-Prosperity Sphere swung public opinion in the West against Japan. Fearing Japanese expansion and complete dominance over China, the United States, the United Kingdom, and France provided loan assistance for war supply contracts to China. In 1940, Japan invaded and “freed” French Indochina in an effort to control supplies reaching China and use the region for their own needs of resources and strategic and tactical uses. The United States halted shipments of airplanes, parts, machine tools and aviation gasoline to Japan, which was perceived by Japan as an unfriendly act. The U.S. did not stop oil exports to Japan at that time in part because prevailing sentiment in Washington was that such an action would be an extreme step that Japan would likely consider a provocation, given Japanese dependence on U.S. Oil.

    Early in 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt moved the Pacific Fleet to Hawaii from its previous base in San Diego and ordered a military buildup in the Philippines in the hope of discouraging Japanese aggression in the Far East. Because the Japanese high command was (mistakenly) certain that any attack on the UK's and Dutch Southeast Asian colonies, including Singapore, would bring the U.S. into war, a devastating preventive strike appeared to be the only way to avoid U.S. naval interference. An invasion of the Philippines was also considered necessary by Japanese war planners. The U.S. War Plan Orange had envisioned defending the Philippines with a 40,000-man elite force. This was opposed by Douglas MacArthur, who felt that he would need a force ten times that size, and was never implemented. By 1941, U.S. planners anticipated abandonment of the Philippines at the outbreak of war and orders to that effect were given in late 1941 to Admiral Thomas Hart, commander of the Asiatic Fleet. The U.S. ceased oil exports to Japan in July 1941, following Japanese expansion into French Indochina after the Fall of France, in part because of new American restrictions on domestic oil consumption. This in turn caused the Japanese to proceed with plans to take the Dutch East Indies, an oil-rich territory. On August 17, Roosevelt warned Japan that the U.S. was prepared to take steps against Japan and the Co-Prosperity Sphere if they attacked "neighboring countries". The Japanese were faced with the option of either withdrawing from China and losing face or seizing and securing new sources of raw materials in the resource-rich, European-controlled colonies of Southeast Asia. At the same time the Imperial Japanese Navy proposed to go after the European and American Colonies in Southeast Asia, but the Imperial Japanese Army still supported a attack on the Soviet Union (that was occupied with the Axis Central Powers in what soon looked to be a direct war between both powers) and Mongolia, to finally cut off the last supplies for the Chinese United Front to finally win the Chinese Civil War for the Co-Prosperity Sphere.

    Japan and the U.S. engaged in negotiations during the course of 1941 in an effort to improve relations. During these negotiations, Japan offered to withdraw from most of China and Indochina when peace was made with the Chiang Nationalist government in favor of Wang's Nationalist government, and not to discriminate in trade provided all other countries reciprocated. Washington rejected these proposals. Japanese Prime Minister Konoye then offered to meet with Roosevelt, but Roosevelt insisted on coming to an agreement before any meeting. The U.S. ambassador to Japan repeatedly urged Roosevelt to accept the meeting, warning that it was the only way to preserve the conciliatory Konoye government and peace in the Pacific. His recommendation was not acted upon. The Konoye government collapsed the following month when the Japanese military refused to agree to the withdrawal of all troops from China. Japan's final proposal, on November 20, offered to withdraw their forces from southern Indochina and not to launch any attacks in Southeast Asia provided that the U.S., the UK, and the Netherlands ceased aiding Chiang's China no longer, neither with supplies nor diplomatically, and lifted all their sanctions against Japan. The American counter-proposal of November 26 (November 27 in Japan) (the Hull note) required Japan to evacuate all of China without conditions and conclude non-aggression pacts with Pacific powers. However the day before the Hull Note was delivered, on November 26 in Japan, the main Japanese attack fleet was supposed to left port for Pearl Harbor.

    Preliminary planning for an attack on Pearl Harbor to protect the move into the "Southern Resource Area" (the Japanese term for the Dutch East Indies and Southeast Asia generally) had begun very early in 1941 under the auspices of Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto, then commanding Japan's Combined Fleet. He won assent to formal planning and training for an attack from the Imperial Japanede Navy General Staff only after much contention with Naval Headquarters, including a threat to resign his command. Full-scale planning was underway by early spring 1941, primarily by Rear Admiral Ryunosuke Kusaka, with assistance from Captain Minoru Genda and Yamamoto's Deputy Chief of Staff, Captain Kameto Kuroshima. The planners studied the 1940 British air attack on the Italian fleet at Tarento intensively.

    Over the next several months, pilots were trained, equipment was adapted, and intelligence was collected. Japanese citizens in Hawaii and Japanese Merchant Ships supported them with intel and even brought Japanese spies to the area. Thanks to that the Japanese were able to create a very detailed Pearl Harbor Sandpit model and even trained in a Japanese bay that had very close resemblance to the target harbor in Hawaii. Despite all these preparations, Emperor Hirohito did not approve the attack plan until November 5, after the third of four Imperial Conferences called to consider the matter. Final authorization was not given by the emperor until December 1, after a majority of Japanese leaders advised him the "Hull Note" would "destroy the fruits of the Co-Prosperity Sphere incident in China, endanger and undermine Japanese control of Manchukuo and Chosen."

    By late 1941, many observers believed that hostilities between the U.S. and Japan were imminent. A Gallup poll just before the attack on Pearl Harbor found that 52% of Americans expected war with Japan, 27% did not, and 21% had no opinion. While U.S. Pacific bases and facilities had been placed on alert on many occasions, U.S. officials doubted Pearl Harbor would be the first target; instead, they expected the Philippines would be attacked first. This presumption was due to the threat that the air bases throughout the country and the naval base at Manila posed to sea lanes, as well as to the shipment of supplies to Japan from territory to the south. They also incorrectly believed that Japan was not capable of mounting more than one major naval operation at a time and were soon proven wrong.

    The Japanese attack had several major aims. First, it intended to destroy important American fleet units, thereby preventing the Pacific Fleet from interfering with Japanese conquest of the Dutch East Indies and Malaya and to enable Japan to conquer Southeast Asia without interference. Second, it was hoped to buy time for Japan to consolidate its position and increase its naval strength before shipbuilding authorized by the 1940 Vinson-Walsh Ast erased any chance of victory. Third, to deliver a blow to America's ability to mobilize its forces in the Pacific, battleships were chosen as the main targets, since they were the prestige ships of any navy at the time. Finally, it was hoped that the attack would undermine American morale such that the U.S. government would drop its demands contrary to Japanese interests, and would seek a compromise peace with Japan. Striking the Pacific Fleet at anchor in Pearl Harbor carried two distinct disadvantages: the targeted ships would be in very shallow water, so it would be relatively easy to salvage and possibly repair them; and most of the crews would survive the attack, since many would be on shore leave or would be rescued from the harbor. A further important disadvantage would be the absence from Pearl Harbor of all three of the U.S. Pacific Fleet's aircraft carriers (Enterprise, Lexington and Saratoga).

    IJN top command was so imbued with Admiral Mahan's "decisive battle" doctrine (especially that of destroying the maximum number of battleships) that, despite these concerns, Yamamoto decided to press ahead. Japanese confidence in their ability to achieve a short, victorious war also meant other targets in the harbor, especially the navy yard, oil tank farms, and submarine base, would most likely be ignored, since—by their thinking—the war would be over before the influence of these facilities would be felt. Other Japanese Admirals demanded that these targets would be included for massive damage and to increase the shock and crippling this attack was suppose to leave the United States in. The IJA still opposed the overall plan of the IJN to attack Pearl Harbor and favored to focus on the Soviet Union in Northern and Central Asia and China, as well as the British Colonies of Burma and India.
     
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    Chapter 54: The African Campaign – Part 1, the Battles of Gabon and Cyrenaica
  • Chapter 54: The African Campaign – Part 1, the Battles of Gabon and Cyrenaica:
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    The Battle of Gabon (French: bataille du Gabon), also called the Gabon Campaign (campagne du Gabon) or the Battle of Libreville, occurred in November 1940 during the Second Great War. The battle resulted in the Free French Forces taking the colony of Gabon and its capital, Libreville, from the Fascist French Empire forces. On the evening of 28 August, 1940, Governor Georges Masson pledged Gabon's allegiance to Free France. He met immediate opposition from much of Libreville's French population and from Gabon's influential bishop, Louis Tardy, who favoured Vichy France's conservative policies. Facing pressure, Masson was forced to rescind his pledge. Free French sympathizers were arrested by the colonial administration and imprisoned on board the auxiliary cruiser Cap des Palmes. On 8 October 1940, General Charles de Gaulle arrived in Douala, in French Cameroon. On 12 October, he authorised plans for the invasion of French Equatorial Africa. De Gaulle also wanted to use French Equatorial Africa as a base to launch attacks into Axis Central Powers-controlled Libya. For this reason, he personally headed northward to survey the situation in Chad, located on the southern border of Libya. On 27 October, Free French forces crossed into French Equatorial Africa and took the town of Mitzic. On 5 November, the Fascist French garrison at Lambaréné capitulated. Meanwhile, the main Free French forces under General Philippe Leclerc and Battalion Chief (major) Marie Pierre Koenig departed from Douala, French Cameroon. Their goal was to take Libreville, French Equatorial Africa. The British expressed doubt in De Gaulle's ability to establish control over the Fascist French territory, but they eventually agreed to lend naval support to the Free French.

    On 7 November 1940, the Shoreham-class sloop HMS Milford discovered the Fascist French Redoutable-class submarine Poncelet shadowing the Anglo-French task force and gave chase. The sloop was too slow to intercept the submarine, so Admiral Cunningham ordered his flagship, HMS Devonshire, to launch its Submarine Walrus biplane. Piloted by David Corkhill, the aircraft straddled the submarine with two salvos of 100 lb depth charges as it attempted to dive, damaging it. It was then scuttled off Port-Gentil. Koenig's forces landed at Pointe La Mondah on the night of 8 November. His forces included French Legionnaires (including the 13th Foreign Legion Demi-Brigade), Senegalese and Cameroonian troops. On 9 November, Free French Westland Lysander aircraft operating out of Douala bombed Libreville aerodrome. The aerodrome was eventually captured, despite stiff resistance met by Koenig's force in its approach. Free French naval forces consisting of the minesweeper Commandant Dominé and the cargo vessel Casamance were led by Georges Thierry d'Argenlieu aboard the Bougainville-class aviso Sovorgnan de Brazza in conducting coastal operations. De Brazza attacked and sank her sister ship, the Fashist French Bougainville. Libreville was captured on 10 November. On 12 November, the final Vichy forces at Port Gentil surrendered without a fight. Governor Masson — despairing of his actions — committed suicide.

    The Free French lost four aircraft and six aircrew in the campaign. On 15 November, de Gaulle made a personal appeal that failed to persuade most of the captured Vichy soldiers — including General Marcel Tetz — to join the Free French. As a result, they were interned as prisoners of war in Brazzaville, French Congo for the duration of the war. With their control consolidated in Equatorial Africa, the Free French began focusing on the campaign in Italian Libya. De Gaulle relieved General Leclerc of his post in Cameroon and sent him to Fort Lamy, Chad to oversee offensive preparations. The conflict in Gabon triggered a mass migration of Gabonese to Spanish Guinea, that would later attack Free French Gabon as a new member of the Axis Central Powers. French Equatorial Africa cut its ties with the Vichy-controlled West African territories, and rebuilt its economy around trade with nearby British possessions, namely Nigeria. Tensions remained long after the invasion between Vichy sympathizers and the new administration. The seizure of Gabon and the rest of French Equatorial Africa gave Free France new-found legitimacy. No longer was it an organization of exiles in Britain, as it now had its own sizable territory to govern.

    Soon after the British carried out Operation Crusader as a military operation during the Second Great War by their Eighth Army against the Axis Central Power forces in North Africa between 18 November and 30 December 1941. The operation was intended to relieve the 1941 Siege of Tobruk; the Eighth Army tried to destroy the Axis armored force before advancing its infantry. The plan failed when, after a number of inconclusive engagements, the British 7th Armored Division was defeated by the German Northern Afrika Army at Sidi Rezegh, by german General Erwin Rommel and his allied Italian forces . Lieutenant General Erwin Rommel had ordered German armored divisions to the Axis Central Powers fortress positions on the Egyptian border but failed to find the main body of the Allied infantry, which had bypassed the fortresses and headed for Tobruk. Rommel had to withdraw from the frontier to Tobruk and achieved some tactical success during this fighting. Thanks to the great numbers of supplies and soldiers from Germany, Italy and even Austria-Hungary ordered there by Wilhelm III, Rommel managed to hold the siege of Tobruk and drive the British back towards the Egyptian border.
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    The Allies were happy that the Free French had won at Gabon (extending their african territory larger then the Axis Central Powers managed to expand theirs in Africa for now), revenging the poor french performance during the Fall of France as some spotted. The British meanwhile had jet to gain their first victory against the German ground forces in this war. Their fight in Cyrenaica also prevented them to send more forces (with they lacked by now until new recruits were trained, or more forces from the Commonwealth, mainly Canada, India, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa could arrive) to secure Syria and Lebanon. This lead to the attack of german General Ludwig Crüwell with the Orient Armee (Orient Army) together with the Ottoman Syria Army into Syria and Lebanon without much allied resistance, quickly claiming the region and annexing it for the Neo-Ottoman Empire, threatening the British and their allies Iraq, Palestine and maybe even Egypt from a whole new front. At the same time the German West Africa Army under General Wilhelm Ritter von Thoma supported by Nationalist Spanish and Fascist French Troops conquered British Gambia and planned to take Portuguese Guinea too, but quickly had massive supply and support problems because of the logistics and terrain. At the Ivory, Slave and Gold Coast General Hans-Karl Freiherr von Esebeck and the Togo Army (Togoarmee) attacked British Togo to reclaim the former lost German colony, accompanied by some Fascist French Troops from all other sides of the colonies. Together with his french allies General Freiherr von Esebeck hoped to take out the British Gold Coast Colony before turning east towards Nigeria and the Free French Colonies. He had to be patient and tactical, since his supplies were thin and mostly by air, so the Togo Army had to capture British supplies and equipment during this first phase of the fight. Capturing Salaga near the Volta river the German Togo Army even managed to besiege Accra, the capital of the british colony, but meat heavy resistance. In the north the Fascist French troops managed to take Gambaga from the British and marched onto Ashantee and C. Coast Castle, from where most British colonial troops had already retreated to defend the colonials capital successfully against the first German assault.
     
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    Chapter 55: Return of the Shinobi (Ninja)
  • Chapter 55: Return of the Shinobi (Ninja):
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    For the Imperial Japanese Army Fujita Seiko had taught ninjutsu at Rikugun Nakano Gakko (Nakano School for Military Intelligence). The program to train certain soldiers (at least the officers and special corps and spies in some kind of martial arts was later extant to other parts of the Co-Prospherity Sphere as well. The secret military spy school taught ninjutsu, martial arts techniques used by ninjas, as part of its curriculum. The Rikugun Nakano Gakko was later run solely by the Japanese Imperial Army, and was used to train military intelligence operatives in secret. Kept a secret not even many inside the Imperial Japanese Army and the Japanese Government knew about the facility. The initial graduating classes thought the student how to sneak around in their black footed-pajamas with a katana and throwing stars like the Shinoby in the old tales. They also learned more practical methods of gathering intelligence and sabotage, including bomb-making and photography. It was intendet that the school would train soldiers who would be serving behind enemy lines. A total of roughly 2,500 soldiers are believed to have graduated from the training facility over the course of the Second Great War, most would continue to train their knowledge and skills there as officers and instructors to others.

    They were partly infiltrators that tried to cause havoc for their enemies during the ongoing operations in china and these planned in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. The teams close to the front, or even behind enemy lines were supposed to operated in duos and tried to infiltrate enemy positions at night, often using only bayonets and avoiding the use of firearms to remain stealthy. They used regular soldiers uniforms, but also had specialized uniforms for their stealth missions and sometimes even used captured enemy uniforms later during the war. Their main goals was pick off men in their foxholes to torture them for information and enemy plan as well as to assassinate high ranking enemy commanders if possible. This strategy and tactic would lead to many enemies of the Co-Prosperity Sphere responded by simply shooting anyone outside their foxholes at night near the front. This meant that of the enemy got into the trench/foxhole, the enemy soldiers were left to fend for themselves, leading to situations, where their comrades were sitting in their holes listening to life and death struggles of their comrades in the hole next to them when infiltrators did get in. Friendly fire casualties also occurred when the panicking enemies of this new Shinobi ran out of their trenches/foxholes to escape infiltrators, and were shot by their comrades, mistaking them for the Shinobi.

    Because of their secret techniques and stealthy approaches many Shinobi at first only lead to several 'odd' accounts of their enemy soldiers and servicemen being attacked and 'taken away' at night near the front where fighting took place. On one this stories involved a Chiang Nationalist Chinese soldier that was taken at night and woke several hours later quite a 'long distance' into the mountains, totally unaware how that could have occurred and far away from the entrenched position he had been stationed in. This soldier was clearly tortured (mostly by hand/knife) from a single individual for some time and then surprisingly, abandoned once this small group he believed that had took him found out he was not the person that they had sought to capture. He assumed so, due to specific questions being asked of him by this masked attackers. This soldiers was always 'alone' while being tortured and the face of his attacker was shown to him, to intimidate him while he was captures. The man however was blindfolded whenever anyone other than the sole 'torturer' was present at their camp they had brought him too. While the Nationalist Chinese soldier of Chiang was happy to have survived the incident the commanding officer did not believe his story and it would take up to 1941, when similar events occurred to European and American troops and their allies in the colonies, before the Allied Forces and their own spies, intelligence and secret services ever heard of this new form of Shinobi or even expect their existence that was kept a perfect secret until then.
     
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    Chapter 56: The Battle of Britain aka the Blitz
  • Chapter 56: The Battle of Britain aka the Blitz:
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    The Battle of Britain (German: Luftschlacht um England, literally "the air battle for England") was a military campaign during the Second Great War, in which the Royal Air Force (RAF) tried to defended the United Kingdom (UK) against large-scale attacks by the Imperial German Air Force (IGAF). It would late be described as the first major military campaign fought entirely by air forces. The primary objective of the Imperial German forces was to compel Britain to agree to a negotiated peace settlement. In July 1940 the air and sea blockade began, with the Imperial German Air Force mainly targeting coastal-shipping convoys, ports and shipping centers, such as Porthsmouth. On 1 August, the Imperial German Air Force was directed to achieve air superiority over the RAF with the aim of incapacitating RAF Fighter Command; 12 days later, it shifted the attacks to RAF airfields and infrastructure. As the battle progressed, the Imperial German Air Force also targeted factories involved in aircraft production and strategic infrastructure to bring Britain to it's knees.

    The Germans had rapidly overwhelmed France and the Low Countries, leaving Britain to face the threat of invasion by sea. The German high command knew the difficulties of a seaborne attack and its impracticality while the Royal Navy controlled the English Channel and the North Sea. Wilhelm II already had planned for the expansion of the High Sea Fleet and the Imperial German Air Force, but knew it would take time and that Britain would remain superior over the coarse of the war, because of their superior starting numbers and later his needs to focus parts of his resources on the African Campaign and most of them on his preparations to attack the Soviet Union, the last remaining European Power to challenge Germans domination of the continent. Because of that Wilhelm II ordered the preparation of Operation Meerjungfrau (Operation Mermaid) as a potential amphibious and airborne assault on Britain, to follow once the Imperial German Air Force had air superiority over the UK. In September RAF Bomber Command night raids disrupted the German preparation of converted barges, and the Imperial German Air Force failure to overwhelm the RAF forced Wilhelm III and later his son Wilhelm III to postpone and eventually cancel Operation Mermaid.

    The Battle of Britain took its name from a speech by British Premier Winston Churchill to the House of Commons on 18 June: "What General Weygnand has called The Battle of France is over. The Battle of Britain is about to begin."
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    The Imperial German Air Force later proved unable to sustain daylight raids, but their continued night-bombing operations on Britain became known as the Blitz. Because the German failure to destroy Britain's air defenses to force an armistice (or even outright surrender) this was the first major defeat of Imperial Germany and the Axis Central Powers in the Second Great War and a turning point in the conflict.

    The Blitz was a German bombing offensive against Britain in 1940 and 1941, during the Second Great War. The term was first used by the British press and is the German word for 'lightning'. The Germans conducted mass air attacks against industrial targets, towns and cities, beginning with raids on London towards the end of the Battle of Britain in 1940, a battle for daylight air superiority between the Imperial German Air Force and the Royal Air Force over the United Kingdom. By September 1940, the Imperial German Air Force had failed and the German Air Fleets (GAF, Luftflotten) were ordered to attack London, to draw RAF Fighter Command into a battle of annihilation. The German commander-in-chief of the German Air Force, ordered the new policy on 6 September 1940. From 7 September 1940, London was systematically bombed by the German Air Force for 56 out of the following 57 days and nights. Most notable was a large daylight attack against London on 15 September

    The Imperial German Air Force gradually decreased daylight operations in favor of night attacks to evade attack by the RAF, and the Blitz became a night bombing campaign after October 1940. The Imperial German Air Force attacked the main Atlantic sea port of Liverpool in the Liverpool Blitz and the North Sea port of Hull, a convenient and easily found target or secondary target for bombers unable to locate their primary targets, suffered the Hull Blitz. Cardiff, Portsmouth, Plymouth, Southampton and Swansea were also bombed, as were the industrial cities of Birmingham, Belfast, Coventry, Glasgow, Manchester and Sheffield. More than 40,000 civilians were killed by German Air Force bombing during the war, almost half of them in the capital, where more than a million houses were destroyed or damaged.

    In early July 1940 the German High Command began planning for the assault on the Soviet Union. Bombing of Britain failed to demoralize the British into surrender or do much damage to the war economy; eight months of bombing never seriously hampered British war production which continued to increase. The greatest effect was to force the British to disperse the production of aircraft and spare parts. British wartime studies concluded that cities generally took 10 to 15 days to recover when hit severely but exceptions like Birmingham took three months. The German air offensive failed because the Imperial German Air Force High Command (Oberkommando der Imperialen Luftwaffe, OKIL) did not develop a methodical strategy for destroying British war industry. Poor intelligence on British industry and economic efficiency led to OKIL concentrating on tactics rather than strategy. The bombing effort was diluted by attacks against several sets of industries instead of constant pressure on the most vital. The Axis Central Powers starting the African Campaign as a Second Front against Britain and the Commenwealth/ Allies as well as their preparations against the Soviet Union was drawing fighters and bombers as well as skilled pilots away from the Blitz and the Battle of Britain, much to the relief of the Royal Air Force.
     
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