"Our Struggle": What If Hitler Had Been a Communist?
- Thread starter The Red
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Essentially, yes. Although the regime has gone for the azure shade given its anti-republican, quasi-monarchist, stance.
A friend made this as an example:
"We want an alliance with you... By the way, we have put your kind of work under the label 'communist shit'."
"Okay, what the fuck."
Nice chapter, and fast too! Heh, you are spoiling us.
Something I liked: the in-universe explanation about the state of the French Army ("tiger paper"), seamlessly fitting in the conversation between two "men of culture".
Minor criticism--the Chinese concept of the "paper tiger" didn't enter international consciousness until the latter part of the 20th century, so it's very unlikely that Marinetti would use it in his internal monologue.
I think that line is for us, readers in 2020, as he would use Italian analogue for it.
It looks fine, but France doesn't feel right without the Republican tri-colour. I suppose that's rather the point, given the whole fascism thing.
Could be worse, though. Could be the flag during the Bourbon Restoration: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flag_of_the_Kingdom_of_France_(1814-1830).svg
...For a moment, I thought someone was trolling me. But it is real.
"They were supposed to be surrendering! Why are they shooting at us!?"
It's actually not that far off what happened to Marinetti IOTL. When Italy joined the Anti-Comintern Pact it was at the same time as the Nazi Entartete Kunst exhibition, which included Futurist works, was touring. He'd already been fighting a losing battle for Futurism to be the official art movement of Italy but now domestically he faced attacks about being behind a Jewish plot and, after some comments about Picasso's work, in league with Republican Spain.
Thanks! Always glad to hear when things are flowing well.
Nice catch, thanks!
It is still a bit anachronistic when something else could fit so I've changed it to 'built on sand'.
I know what you mean but the regime is keen to emphasise itself as a clean break from what came before whilst emphasising it's anti-republicanism and, handily, not having to relate back to one claimant of the French throne or another.
France does not need a King!!! Only Faith in God and the Marcheal...not nessicarrily in that order.
Speaking of Faith, how is the Catholic Church reacting to this? Full support or are some of the Bishops who showed backbone during the Nazi Occupation trying to put some distance between themselves and the Regime by showing some disapproval?
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Chapter CXXIII
At the present time petty bourgeois democracy is protecting the safes draped with republican odours more effectively than would the rifles of the Hohenzollern vassals. But who can tell for how long?
The workers, though they have been tricked, have not been defeated.
Petty bourgeois democracy has gone on the rocks.
~ August Thalheimer, Three Weeks of the Way of the German Majority Socialists
Lindenstraße, Berlin; June 1934
The People’s Guard unit stationed outside of Social Democratic headquarters appeared to be struggling in the summer heat, their dark grey uniforms allowing the sun to bear down upon them with extra malice. Ernst Mehr nodded sympathetically to the sweating officer who waved him through to enter the building. Whether it was the heat, or nerves, the sight of them made Ernst sweat as well.
They had been stationed there since May, ever since the assassination attempt on Chancellor Hitler and President Zeigner had allowed the former to assume the powers of the latter whilst Zeigner remained comatose from the gunshot wounds he had received. A state of emergency had been declared, finally putting a legislative stamp on the war scare that had been plaguing the country ever since the French coup. Buildings of great importance to the republic or the United Front, those which a fascist co-conspirator of the demented Oskar Dirlewangler might attempt to attack next, had been placed under the protection of the People’s Guard.
The move hadn’t made Ernst feel safer. Ever since they had been placed outside the building he had even enjoyed a friendly rapport with those posted there, some members of the People’s Guard were formerly with the Social Democratic militias after all, but he dreaded the day he would arrive at party headquarters only to be told he was under arrest by order of the Chancellor.
Hitler had exploited the crisis with a ruthlessness that had divided the nation in a time of shock, using the assassination attempt as the impetus for proscribing the German People’s Freedom Party and affiliated organisations, on the basis of Dirlewangler’s loose connection to the party. He had subsequently spun a web of conspiracy which implicated almost the entirety of the German aristocracy which had remained within the country since the civil war and many in the bourgeoisie at the same time. Austrian and Bavarian independence movements were then also proscribed and every significant opposition party of the centre or right was placed under suspicion, Noske’s German Socialist Party most of all.
Ernst did not feel more secure for having returned to the Social Democrats however. The removal of the far-right and secessionist parties had finally given the United Front a stable majority in the Reichstag but Hitler had opted to instead exploit Zeigner’s powers to rule largely by decree. The Social Democrat members were left to carry out policies they had not been consulted with. Amongst these were the implementation of the People’s Guard report, the introduction of conscription, feelers sent out to the Soviet embassy regarding a formal alliance, the cancellation of all mortgages and rents, the freezing of all private assets above certain limits alongside confiscation of stocks and the nationalisation of the banks. It was a legislative flurry which he could only see as being built towards a dictatorship, one in which the Social Democrats would be surplus to requirements.
However the party itself was divided on how to respond. Ernst felt there was still a way out of this if the party was willing to make it clear to Hitler that they would not lose the republic they had created in the name of a temporary emergency. Those on the right of the party largely agreed with him as did some of the party leadership, however there were also those who believed a more diplomatic approach to Hitler would be the preferable option or at least more in keeping with the spirit of the United Front. Then there were those on the left of the party who actively agreed with Hitler’s program, if not trusting in him personally. Ernst remembered those who had walked out alongside the KPD from the Reichstag prior to the civil war and those who had cheered on Hitler a bit too energetically during it. He wondered how truly loyal to the party some of them were.
All the same the party couldn’t afford to be divided at this time, Ernst vehemently disagreed with the left’s position but it was at least more substantial than doing nothing. This was why they were meeting today, to try and work out a coherent policy going forward which the whole of the party could broadly agree on. One which would see them through Zeigner’s recovery. Or death.
The party offices were half empty and there was an uneasy quiet in dread of further events which seemed to be spiralling out of any control but this only gave Ernst a sense of anticipation. It was time to get a handle on things.
He was genuinely surprised to see the meeting room so empty as well, however, there were only a couple dozen representatives of the party at varying levels. Those of the left were grouped around Max Seydewitz, Zeigner’s Saxon protege whilst those closer to his own views were sat with Rudolf Hilferding, the party’s chief economist prior to the crash. Otto Wels, the party chairman, sat alongside his own group of party functionaries whilst Otto Braun sat in the corner. Braun remained the Minister-President of Prussia, even if he held court over a majority Communist cabinet ever since the civil war. In Zeigner’s present condition he was the second most powerful man in Germany and seemed unwilling to take any sides. Worryingly, there didn’t appear to be any trade unionists present.
Hilferding waved Ernst over to sit with him and Wels looked disappointedly at this watch.
“Well then Comrades, I think that’s everyone.” He finally said, calling the meeting to attention.
“Where is Bockler? Isn’t it best to have the ADGB sit in on this?” Ernst asked, wondering if it was just a matter of some people being delayed. The People’s Guard checkpoints around official and otherwise important buildings weren’t exactly helpful for a commute.
“The unions are having their own discussions.” Wels sighed. “The ADGB have informed us that whilst dialogue is important at this time, they are wary of it being undertaken in a format which other parties could view as...prejudiced.”
“Quite right too!” Seydewitz responded, “Comrade Wels, the reasons for having this meeting seem to have a stink of conspiracy around them.”
“There is nothing underhanded about seeing where we all stand.” Wels fired back, “If the unions want to wait to see the result of that rather than the formulation then that is their right.”
“And where do things stand, Comrade?” Seydewitz asked.
“The situation as far as I see it is twofold; matters of process and matters of policy with both ultimately leading back to the current Chancellor. Hitler has put through a large number of policies which, either due to our own misgivings or Reichstag arithmetic, haven’t been realised up until now. Rightly or wrongly, Reichstag arithmetic is no longer an issue but with that he has also dispensed with any process for debate, whether between our two parties or within cabinet. Personally I believe it is more important that we restore cabinet governance and a dialogue with the Communists until the…resolution of Comrade Zeigner’s situation.”
There was an awkwardness about Zeigner’s condition, it was perhaps the one thing the room was united on but few wanted to speak of it in any great detail.
“As such I propose we approach him, together with the unions ideally, and communicate that the United Front which Comrade Zeigner’s Presidency has so far exemplified must be returned to immediately.”
“On the governance issue, we’re all agreed, I think.” Seydewitz said with some hesitation. “Such an approach could work as long as the unions are with us, if it was made clear to Hitler that we are all serious about the maintenance of the United Front. But we would have to embrace that by meeting together. I realise that Zeigner’s unification proposals did not sit well with everyone here but functionally, some sort of joint forum would see us through this crisis together.”
“The problem isn’t merely one of governance however,” Hilferding responded, “such as the way policy is linked to it with disastrous consequences. As a nation we already face being expelled from the League of Nations, this proposal of alliance with the Soviet Union will only ensure that. Even if Hitler isn’t willing to take the Stalin line directly, this sudden militarism and officially sanctioned paranoia over threats to the revolution means to return us to the regimented society of the world war. The economic policies he has put forward, they ensure this will happen. Hitler is going to tear the current economic model to pieces and it appears to be deliberate. In a few short months we may be faced with total state control of what’s left of the economy and there is no doubt where he will build from there!” It seemed to Ernst that Hilferding’s exasperation had gotten the better of him but he went on regardless,
“If we agree to a forum with which to implement this direction for Germany, we will be doing so at a Kremlin level. The current crackdown of conservatives will give way to liberals, then Catholics, and perhaps some of our own number as well. Comrades, I fear we would only be dipping our hands in the blood to come.”
“It’s a grim picture you paint, Comrade.” Seydewitz snapped, but a melodramatic one. You are allowing your own beliefs to get in the way of the situation. Need I remind you that we are a Marxist party?”
“Marx didn’t see only one road to Socialism, Comrade, and he certainly did not have Lenin’s in mind for Germany.”
“And what would your solution be?”
Hilferding seemed to regain his confidence at that and Ernst smiled as well. The initiative was theirs for the moment.
“We walk out of government whilst at the same time Comrade Braun expels the Communists from his cabinet who do not immediately pledge loyalty to Prussia. At the Prussian level we replace Communists with Trade Unionists and other democratically minded individuals whilst at the German level we build a unified opposition of the same groups. We dissolve the Reichstag and if Hitler refuses to hold new elections then his designs towards dictatorship will become clear for all to see. At that point, if necessary, we organise a general strike.”
It was then that Braun, the key to all this, made his own thoughts known.
“As it appears such a gambit would rely principally on myself becoming dictator of Prussia, I must admit I am more than hesitant. Such maneuvering at the Prussian level would be likely to erupt into an immediate collision with the Reichstag. What would stop Hitler accusing us of launching a coup of our own?”
“We would be honest in our intentions, in comparison to Hitler’s tales about Franco-Italian plots and fascists around every corner.”
“And who would tolerate such honesty?” Seydewitz spat back. “Dividing the workers once more in favour of these ‘democratically minded’ elements. Which would be whom exactly? Noske?”
“Primarily the Centre and Democrats. Regarding the German Socialist Party, a dialogue could be helpful.” Ernst admitted.
Seydewitz slammed the table at that.
“And there we have it! The exact same scheme Noske tried to pull in ‘31 reheated. Do tell us, Comrade Mehr, is it true that he had offered to make you Chancellor if your man Marx had defeated Comrade Zeigner? Is that the sort of Marxism Comrade Hilferding professes to uphold?”
Ernst blushed a fiery red, unable to contain his embarrassment even as Wels called for order.
“And I wonder what Cabinet position Hitler will offer you, until it is your turn for the gulag?”
At that Wels banged his own hand on the table until it was quiet in the room. Although he had extinguished the argument the acrimony remained, as did the impasse. To some it was a conclusive one.
Ernst left the meeting dejected and he was dismayed to see the offices as quiet as when he had entered. Devoid of the energy and life which had once made them central to the workers movement, and Germany’s future.
The People’s Guard unit stationed outside were relieved from the sun having disappeared behind the tall buildings surrounding them but Ernst felt a chill in the air. He went back home to put on a heavier coat. And to pack a suitcase.
Onkel Tom’s Hütte was no longer the remarkable site it had once been, such housing projects now lined the outskirts of Berlin and most other German cities in the name of a new way forward; housing for everyone and communal living. He had been bought into it for so long that he no longer recognised the difference between such imagined communities and reality. From his apartment he gathered his best clothes and the small amount of gold he had secreted away ever since the hyperinflation. From his personal items he took a few books and some papers, those with which he had borne witness to the creation of the republic.
He held the suitcase close to himself in taking the underground back into the city centre, not that anyone seemed to notice. Those who knew him as a Reichstag deputy long having lost interest, he tried to remain an individual in the crowd.
It was a crowd which went on with life regardless of his own fears, the thoroughfares of the city remained packed with the rush to get back home, one to which he wasn’t going to return. He could already hear jazz music from some of the cafes and he hesitated on whether or not to stay a moment, before heading to the bank to withdraw his savings account before it closed for the day. There was barely a queue at the bank and his assets, well below the level which were now subject to being frozen, fit bearably within the remaining space of his suitcase.
Minus the amount required to buy a train ticket to Prague, which he placed into an envelope. He dwelled upon spending one more night of the city which had reflected the republic more than any other, its electric light already breathing new life upon the darkening sky. It was with this notion Germany had embarked on the direction he had tried one last time to steer it away from. He was confident in his rejection.
Ernst wondered how and when life would bring him back here, whether his type would ever be welcome again in a city which now belonged to those he had rejected and abandoned. All he got in response was a big band starting up for the night in a nearby beer hall.
He took in the glitter around him once more before heading towards Potsdamer Platz Banhof.
---
The picture is Ex Libris by Miles Aldridge
The doomed Sons and Daughters of Liberty trying to do the best they can to stop the Wolves already in the house... Let the Blood Bath Begin
The center cannot hold. More than ability to resist Hitler, the United Front is lacking in interest to resist Hitler. That being said, I'm still curious if the People's Fuhrer is going to create a 1:1 replica of Stalin's Russia or if he'll give his the people's dictatorship some more personal spins on a communist state.
In any case, another wonderful update, and this remains top 5 ongoing TL material for me.
In any case, another wonderful update, and this remains top 5 ongoing TL material for me.
The inability of the anti-communist circle of social democrats to see that the republic died the moment the third reich was baptized, their own unpopularity amongst the groups that are supposed to be their core or that they already lost shines through real good in this chapter. The rest of the social democrats aren't agreeing with them simply because the lack of a plan; they aren’t agreeing with them because they aren’t going to jeopardize the strives (as they see it) towards socialism that are being done just because certain somebodies aren’t in charge whilst it is happening.
Also I like how the unions seem to be ready to run their own race in this, independent of the SPD. As a social democrat I know that we at time take the unions for granted and give them shity deals with the argument of;
''Who are you going to support if not us? The right?
''
Apperantly the answer in this TL is Hitler.
Also I like how the unions seem to be ready to run their own race in this, independent of the SPD. As a social democrat I know that we at time take the unions for granted and give them shity deals with the argument of;
''Who are you going to support if not us? The right?
''Apperantly the answer in this TL is Hitler.
Probably would be for Petain himself, he was a bit wary of the cult of personality when Vichy was formed IOTL and felt it was getting out of hand. Granted by 1944 he likely regretted that.
Glad to have the Christianissimus back, mainly. Somewhat wary of the involvement of AF but as they're in a subordinate role to what is an overtly Catholic regime the censure issue isn't as important as it previously was.
Can you recall the Marx quote Klaus reminded Peter of whilst they were in the forest?
The inability of the anti-communist circle of social democrats to see that the republic died the moment the third reich was baptized, their own unpopularity amongst the groups that are supposed to be their core or that they already lost shines through real good in this chapter. The rest of the social democrats aren't agreeing with them simply because the lack of a plan; they aren’t agreeing with them because they aren’t going to jeopardize the strives (as they see it) towards socialism that are being done just because certain somebodies aren’t in charge whilst it is happening.
Also I like how the unions seem to be ready to run their own race in this, independent of the SPD. As a social democrat I know that we at time take the unions for granted and give them shity deals with the argument of;
''Who are you going to support if not us? The right?
Apperantly the answer in this TL is Hitler.
I'm glad this came across. The fundamental problem of the SPD was that it wedded itself far too closely to the ethos of reforming capitalism to the extent that it became dogmatic and when the crash came they were left with little else other than to react to events. Whilst they were willing to fight for the republic, the subsequent agreement to the United Front and it's mish-mash economic strategy of corporatism, mutualism and peasant proprietorship has ticked over without any real soul searching. Thanks to Brandler and Hitler's initiatives, they can't even rely on having the unions to fall back on. The response to this by some is just to continue plodding along even whilst events reach a crescendo and for others there is a question now as to whether there might be a brighter future on the horizon with the direction the Chancellor seems to be going in.
Quite a bit different, the fears about Germany being run on a Kremlin level are largely unfounded but that is the analogy Hilferding was wont to make. Not that Ernst & Co. will necessarily be happy with what is coming their way.
Thanks!
He does have a knack for landing on his feet but karma does also tend to catch up to people eventually.
For the first time in this story, I agree with Ernst on something. (Though not with his decision that the response to it should be to flee like a coward.)
One-man rule by decree is what we call "dictatorship". The fact that it's being done when the government's supporters have a legislative majority anyway, constitutes absolute proof that Hitler has no interest in any but a façade of democracy anymore.
People should be consistent. I don't support presidential dictatorship when it's a right-wing one under Hindenburg (or, indeed, OTL Hitler) and I'm not going to conveniently change my mind just because this one happens to be a left-wing one more aligned to my politics.
The resisters to Hitler among the Social Democrats are doomed, of course. Hitler's grip on power is too strong to be dislodged when much of the SPD is on Hitler's side. And of course Ernst is characteristically cowardly in abandoning ship when he sees which way the wind is blowing. But for those in the SPD who do oppose Hitler's takeover, they can at least have the comfort of knowing that they stood up against autocracy, when the curtains fall and the darkness of dictatorship descends upon Germany. And if alt-Hitler's dictatorship is anything like Stalin's, let alone if it's anything like OTL Hitler's, history will be kinder to the resisters than to those who stayed loyal to Hitler & "just followed their orders".
One-man rule by decree is what we call "dictatorship". The fact that it's being done when the government's supporters have a legislative majority anyway, constitutes absolute proof that Hitler has no interest in any but a façade of democracy anymore.
People should be consistent. I don't support presidential dictatorship when it's a right-wing one under Hindenburg (or, indeed, OTL Hitler) and I'm not going to conveniently change my mind just because this one happens to be a left-wing one more aligned to my politics.
The resisters to Hitler among the Social Democrats are doomed, of course. Hitler's grip on power is too strong to be dislodged when much of the SPD is on Hitler's side. And of course Ernst is characteristically cowardly in abandoning ship when he sees which way the wind is blowing. But for those in the SPD who do oppose Hitler's takeover, they can at least have the comfort of knowing that they stood up against autocracy, when the curtains fall and the darkness of dictatorship descends upon Germany. And if alt-Hitler's dictatorship is anything like Stalin's, let alone if it's anything like OTL Hitler's, history will be kinder to the resisters than to those who stayed loyal to Hitler & "just followed their orders".
I remember listening to some sort of podcast that was discussing how people could go along with nazi atrocities, and it mentioned one officer who was participating in a massacre while sobbing and reassuring himself that he was ordered to do this. The podcast asserted that men like this were far more of a problem than the truly monstrous die-hard believers.
Hmm, do you have a link to this podcast? It sounds interesting in a very morbid way
Bookmark1995
Banned
The problem is obvious: a lot of us don't like to imagine ourselves as evil. We look for others on which to blame our problems rather than ourselves. Studies related to obedience often come to his conclusion: people who do atrocities aren't brainwashed drones, but people who see themselves as agents of authority. They do it because the person watching over their shoulder told them too.
Hitler's secretary, in her own words, had this attitude in the postwar period, and it took learning about Sophie Scholl to make her realize she could've seen Hitler for the madman he was.
Ernst seems to be the only member of the SPD with the knack to make the right decision. I hope the ravages of the coming conflict will leave him relatively unscathed.