'My idea of feminism is self-determination, and it's very open-ended: every woman has the right to become herself, and do whatever she needs to do.'
~ Ani Difranco
Although the Bavarian Soviet Republic’s revolution was of a far larger extent to the Spartacist’s revolt in Berlin, a combination of distraction, ignorance, and eventually over-caution on behalf of the Weimar government had stalled any meaningful response till the late spring.
Though a communist insurgency taking over large parts of an entire region would have been enough to cause major panic in the governments of most nations, the provisional republic remained focused on the formation of its own institutions and how the new regime would face the victorious Allied powers who were already busily redrawing the map of Europe in the wake of the First World War.
The persistence of revolutionary Bavaria and the government’s distraction proved to be a boon for those who had survived the massacre of the Spartacists and their allies across Germany. Hitler would famously remark later on in his life that had Weimar chosen to fully crush the KPD in this moment of weakness it is unlikely that the party could have ever rebuilt itself.
Nonetheless, for a brief period it did seem as though the party might simply wither away. Given the sorry state of the KPD in the early months of 1919 is perhaps understandable why contemporary Weimar politicians saw no need to put more stress on the proclaimed liberalism of the new state by removing a newly formed parent. Regardless of its complicity in the Bavarian revolution, the KPD was given space to rebuild and reorganise. It is also possible that this apprehension by Weimar was strengthened by the party’s electoral irrelevance.
Amidst two revolutions and a lack of local organisation across much of the country, the KPD did not run in the 1919 elections. Officially they rejected the ballot as an endorsement of a bourgeois state though plans for future Reichstag elections were already underway even whilst the Bavarian revolutionaries were still executing “gendarmes and saboteurs” and preparing for the government’s inevitable response.
~ Andrea Clark, “
The Revolutionary Hammer”: A History of the RFB
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The square was one of Berlin’s rowdiest, though Gerda was keen to keep her head down all the same. Despite the fact that the Spartacists had been defeated months beforehand, the agents of the republic remained paranoid about any potential resurgence. Though she hoped that the stories of comrades disappearing were exaggerated she did not wish to put the rumours to the test. It certainly wouldn’t be the worst thing she’d seen supporters of the republic do.
The Freikorps had been adamant that the Spartacists would never rise up again in the wake of their victory and that meant that taking prisoners was to be frowned upon. Even after the last elements of resistance had been declared crushed there had been days of gunshots in the city. It seemed that anyone who had fought for the ‘Socialist Republic’ was being executed on the spot if they had been captured. Gerda had jumped whenever she had heard even a faint gunshot, imagining that it could have been Christina, or Hilda, or perhaps herself. She couldn’t sleep for the anxiety, anything she ate would immediately come back up when another gunshot rang out. For a brief time, she was even afraid that her fear of death would lead to a form of self-destructive paranoia that would do her in anyway.
Gerda felt better now, but she continued to watch her back for recently that had been good for her health. The Freikorps were gone but their atrocities continued to hang over the city, and that was even if there weren’t any plain clothes agents lurking around her now. She heard they had even infiltrated the party, if that was true Gerda would have preferred them in their shabby uniforms from the war they had lost. At least that way she would know who was after her. Discharged soldiers continued to fill the streets but these men weren’t Freikorps, they were trying to rebuild their lives only to realise that their former comrades in arms had left their homes in ruins.
Those who had selflessly taken her in during the chaos had reassured her that there was nothing to worry about. The Linges were refreshingly upbeat in that sense. The old couple were far from devout communists though they seemed to hate the Freikorps even more. Both of them had called out and waved her towards them as she had hid from the Freikorps advance and when the soldiers had arrived at the door they had fed them a made-up story about how there were no communists hiding in the flat but that they had seen some running down the lane. They explained to her later that day that they hated bullies but suspected the Spartacists would have been just as bad as the Freikorps given half the chance. Conversely, she had found her own belief in the ideology strengthened by them. Perhaps it was because she had been so much of a nervous wreck that they couldn’t really distinguish her by any other aspect of her personality but, nonetheless, she was ‘the Spartacist girl’ until the mood was considered calm enough in the city for her to leave their small flat.
The city had become demoralised, that was clear. It was hard for Gerda to think she had barely lived there for a couple of months as she walked down its streets, so much had changed since then. Though the bustle continued, it was hard to ignore evidence of the failed revolution and even in areas where there had been no fighting it seemed as if everyone was downtrodden.
Revolutions could sweep up many sceptics in the initial burst of enthusiasm and zeal, in the same way their defeats could depress even those who despised everything about their aims. It was hard to tell if the people truly were sad to see the defeat of the Spartacists or whether she was simply projecting her own sadness. She had to believe the former, or else she would be entirely lost.
Gerda had never felt particularly evangelical about communism, but she now realised that her actions had stuck her with the ideology. The worldview of class struggle had come true on the streets, those trying to kill her were trying to kill her for her beliefs, but more importantly they were trying to crush the strength of all workers. They were cogs in a machine, not to get ideas above their station.
She thought back to her rural life and its inevitable trajectory, her disappointment at being laid off and her initial excitement of going to Berlin, she was already set on staying but she realised that if she abandoned what she had fought for then ultimately the decision wouldn’t be her own, regardless of whether or not she kept her head down. Communism wasn’t just a nice idea, it was her salvation, it had to be.
For so long her life had felt directionless because she was never truly in control of it, she realised it couldn’t ever be that way again. Was this the “self-actualisation” she had heard people talk about at meetings? She wasn’t sure but she would soon, she would read everything she could, and help rebuild the party in the image of all those people who, like her, needed to take control of their lives.
This would be her direction in life from now, there was no going back.
Gerda was smiling to herself, making her stand out in the depressed city. She realised that in all of her reflection that she had actually forgotten where Christina’s flat was. She had stopped to get her bearings, though as she froze she saw a poster about Bavaria, freshly plastered. Bavaria, a land she wasn’t much aware of than it being pastoral, catholic and now apparently in the midst of a far more extensive revolution than anything the Spartacists had achieved. It would undoubtedly be torn down whenever a policeman spotted it, but for now it gave her hope.
Gerda couldn’t help herself in life with nothing to believe in, even if her principles were all that she had. She would continue to fight for a better life, or die trying.
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The photomontage is 'Made for a Party' by Hannah Hoch.