Of Rajahs and Hornbills: A timeline of Brooke Sarawak

Sarawak during the 1860's
  • I really need to think of different fonts for this

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    Vivian Tan, The Government of Sarawak; Past and Present (Kayangan Publishing: 1992)

    The Sarawak that emerged from the crises of the 1850's was a far cry from the land that James Brooke first set foot on in 1839. Though battered by rebellions and nipped of territories by the Dutch, the adventurer-state came out from the period paradoxically stronger and robust than before. In the face of superior weaponry and skills, most of the insurrectionists either surrendered to Brooke forces or left the nation entirely, either moving deeper into the Bornean interior, across the river deltas into Brunei, or up the mountains into Dutch territory.

    Besides this, the rebellions and tangentially related Borneo Treaty also taught the miniscule Sarawak government several new lessons; that the kingdom would need an elite fighting force to nip future rebellions from blossoming; for greater discussion between chieftains, lords, and the European Residents of the land; and – most importantly – that whatever future lands gained must be immediately settled and built-up with to prevent future partitions. These lessons and way in which they were implemented would, in time, form the backbone of the nation today and still influence Sarawak’s relations with the outside world.

    The first of these lessons would be encapsulated in 1862 when the new Rajah Muda of Sarawak (Charles Brooke) authorised the creation of an elite paramilitary force that could act as "special operatives in situations of combat". The force, known as the Sarawak Rangers, were composed of a selection of Manok Sabong – fighting men from the Iban subgroup, handpicked by the Residents and the Brooke family from various longhouse villages. The selected men were then grouped together and put under the command of a British officer to, as written by the first Ranger commander Henry Rodway, "...[to] protect the borders, man strategic forts, and fight any rebels that run afoul of them."

    In lieu of Rajah James’s Romanticism (though some would say pragmatism), the selected Dayaks were asked not to abandon their native styles of fighting. In fact, they were instead asked to amalgamate British weaponry and fighting skills with that of their own, as well as providing input on jungle warfare with their overseers. This would result in a mixed combat approach that lended well to the thick jungles and swamps of Borneo. As the decades passed, the Sarawak Rangers would expand its force to include Bidayuhs, Kayans, Malays and even a few Sikhs, each group adding to the repertoire new combat options and styles, and each adding to the Rangers' overall effectiveness in irregular conflict situations. In time, this elite fighting force would sow the seeds of the modern Royal Sarawak Army...

    Another lesson learned from the era was the need for greater communication between the region's multiple overlords. While the Residency system of European Residents, native officers, and local lords and chieftains did resolve all but the greatest conflicts on the local level, they were helpless against large regional rebellions such as those of Libau Rentap and Sharif Masahor. In addition, the different needs of the kingdom's Divisions during the 1850's began showing themselves in lopsided growth for the overall state, with more resources being diverted to one particular area at the expense of others. In the wake of this, a forum for discussion at the state level was sorely required.

    The answer to this problem would be twofold in nature. First, the Kuching government redrew the Divisons of Sarawak with an added ruling that larger administrative areas can have two or more Residencies to better administer the land. The other solution took a longer time to be thought of, and even longer to be executed. In the end though, it's implementation would sow in the kingdom the seeds to not just modern governance, but representative governance...



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    Temenggung Jugah Anak Barieng, Early Sarawak: 1846-1868 (Kenyalang Publishing, 2000)

    Though battered and bruised, Sarawak made it through the instability of the 1850's in a much more stable position then it had been, and none of this was more exemplified than the way the kingdom improved itself during the 1860's.

    With the major rebellions of the past decade now largely over and with the Borneo Treaty settling –for now – the question of the Sentarum Floodplains, the Kuching administration now focused itself on paying back its creditors from which it owed large amounts of money to, a laborious process that would continue until the end of the decade. Both the government and the White Rajahs borrowed large sums of cash in trying to combat the rebellions as well as building up the infrastructure of Kuching village, a process that had to be repeated when the 1857 Uprising burned most of the administrative buildings to the ground.

    The servicing of debt would strain the kingdom's finances back to levels resembling the beginning years of the state, though the discovery of coal near the town of Simunjan in 1863 did brought much needed revenue for the balance sheets. Several of the creditors such as Baroness Burdett-Courts also offered a partial write-down of the debts they incurred, further reducing the strain on the country. Despite all these measures, the Kingdom of Sarawak in the early 1860's was more cash-strained than it would ever be for the rest of the 19th century.

    Aside from debt servicing, the administration also began looking at other ways of defending itself. Both Rajah James and Rajah Muda Charles realized that a native fighting force was sorely needed to combat future uprisings from spiralling out of control. From this way of thought would the Sarawak Rangers be created; a paramilitary force that could man strategic forts, patrol the kingdom's borders, conduct jungle warfare effectively, and – above all – gain the trust of the local populace. Local Dayak tribes would make up this new fighting force, later supplemented with Malays and Sikhs as the kingdom grew in size and complexity.

    It was also during this era that Sarawak would gain the first of her ships and gunboats, forming the basis of her riverine and maritime fleet. From the very start, the kingdom had to rely on gunboats and merchant vessels either borrowed from the Royal Navy or loaned from sympathetic shipping figures. However, as the debt situation began to clear up in the mid-1860's the Kuching government began purchasing several shipping vessels and riverine gunboats outright, rebranding them as the new possessions of the upstart nation. While the number of gunboats and shipping vessels owned was paltry compared that of its closest neighbour, British Singapore, the Kingdom of Sarawak can – for the first time – finally boast of having a (miniscule) fleet of her own.

    But perhaps one of the greatest achievements of this decade – and one that would mark the kingdom’s transition into a full-fledged state – was not an economical shift but an administrative one. The unrest of the past decade saw the need for greater communication between the Residents and the kingdom's inhabitants, a need that was further highlighted when the Kuching government uncovered the lopsided growth of the nation's Divisions. However, it wouldn’t until 1867 when Rajah Muda Charles finally tackled the problem by convening an assembly of European Residents, Malay lords and Dayak chieftains to discuss major issues. However, in a land dominated almost entirely by wild rainforests and uncharted territory, such an order seemed near-impossible to execute.

    Despite it all, a meeting was eventually chaired, though it was a far cry from the grand assembly Rajah Muda Charles wanted. On September 7th 1867, Charles Brooke, 5 British officers, 16 Malay lords and a handful of Melanau chieftains all convened at the town of Bintulu, forming the first session of the Council Negri. The meeting was supposed to discuss national matters and offer collective advice for the Kuching government and the White Rajahs, as well as acting as a rubber stamp for the Brooke government’s policies.

    However, as time passed the Council Negri would slowly evolve into more than just an advisory assembly…



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    Charlie MacDonald, Strange States and Bizzare Borders (weirdworld.postr.rom, 2014)

    Okay, at this point you'd probably be thinking "Wait a sec, I can see the Dayaks getting duped by this, but why aren't the Malays doing anything? Can't they see that their "ruler" is not from their country at all!? They're not even Muslims for crying out loud! Why aren't they rebelling!? GARBLHGARBLHGARBLE!!1!1"

    Okay, number one: never do that in public, it's indecent.

    And number two, no one pretended that the Brookes were locals. Everyone could see that their rulers were all foreigners, and people did question why they are ruled by a non-Muslim family. The thing is...everyone at the time was kinda 'meh' about it all, and aside from a few people who did rebel, the Malays were kinda OK with being ruled. Before you scream again, you need to understand that people living in Sarawak at the time had vastly different priorities than people living today.

    Let's think of it this way: imagine you are a Malay fruit-seller living in a riverside village. You have a farm and a fruit orchard that you depend on for cash, and you have a small business selling them to other villages downstream. However, your fruit-selling business is kinda uncertain due to climate factors and all, and that's not including the Dayaks that roam the river a few times a year. Usually their war Perahus just pass your village as they head downstream, but sometimes they land on your home and demand fruits to so that your head wouldn't be cut off. You also pay taxes to the local Bruneian official, who may or not overtax you (different parts, different tax rates) and who may or may not pocket the money for himself.

    All in all, your life could've been way better. And that's exactly what the Brookes did.

    Now imagine the White Rajah coming to village on a boat, flanked by Dayaks and Malay warriors. Speaking in Malay (Wow, a foreigner who speaks Malay! He understands us!), he tells you and your village that he would try to make your life here better and wants your co-operation in making this dream. All he asks is for some warriors to join him against the head-hunters and that you now pay taxes to his official instead of that Bruneian oaf instead. You ask what happened to the Bruneian oaf, the man answers that he has been fired from his job.

    At first, it seemed as if nothing changed. You sell your fruits, row your boat, do the normal things most Malays do... then you begin to notice it; your tax rates are a bit lower than before, and there are no more warring Dayaks to bribe fruit to. In fact, most of the Dayaks who came down here now are of the trading sort, not the 'cutting-heads-off' rabble, and they wanna trade with your village offering goods from the jungle for your own wares. You also begin to notice more and more people travelling the rivers; with less war expeditions it's now safer to travel for everyone. You take advantage of this and began selling the fruits to the wayfarers, and your business grows.

    And this was repeated, for the most part, throughout all of Sarawak. Brooke rule meant safe rule, and the Malays knew this more than anyone else. Also, most of their lords and headmen were already involved in governing the country alongside the Residents, so it wasn't as if they were entirely sidelined in the new order. The Brookes also didn't try and convert them to Christianity, earning them major points from the locals (though not so much for the Dayaks).

    To be fair, a few Malay villages did rebel against this, seeing that they simply traded one overlord for another (the Brookes being non-Muslims might've played a factor as well). However, they almost never lasted long and were always defeated by the White Rajah and his new army. Besides that, there were many villages that refused to pay taxes for the first few years because they were uncertain of their new European Residents.

    In the end though, almost everyone slept better in the night because of the new security the White Rajahs brought...and no one wanted to change that (although the jury is out on attempted burglary and murder; that's the village's problem, not the Brookes).


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    Footnotes:

    1) The Council Negri was an actual body of the government that convenes European Residents, Malay lords and Dayak chieftains about once every three years that basically acts as a giant discussion group and rubber stamp for the White Rajahs. A monument still exists in Bintulu that commemorates the first meeting.

    2) Yes, the Sarawak Rangers were an actual thing.
     
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    Dayak Report: The Melanau
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    “Lang Endang” (Kayangan Publishing: 1999)

    Dayaks: More than just A Term


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    The Melanau


    When John Harrison released his historical movie epic Origin: Spirits of the East in 1989, he transformed the numerous cultures around the South China Sea from just a regional curiosity into a global phenomenon. Of particular note in the film was a specific clan of Dayaks which patrolled the seas against rapacious pirates and built incredible wooden forts against the antagonist and his army. When questioned in a follow-up interview on what culture gave him the inspiration for the clan, he said thus nonchalantly: "ever heard of the Melanau?"

    Of the many Dayak subgroups that inhabit Borneo, so few are as dependant on the rivers and seas as the Melanau, or more mysterious. Their origins have been a source of debate for many anthropologists over the decades, and the term "Melanau" itself is not actually used by residents of the subgroup until recently. The term we use today was (as most Dayak terms) a foreign imposition that was placed upon them, though many people disagree as to who actually imposed it. The current prevailing theory posits that it was done by the Bruneian Sultanate during its heyday to denote the peoples that inhabit the deltas and coasts of central Sarawak.

    Today, the Melanau range stretches from the Rajang Basin to the town of Bintulu with significant exclaves around major cities, primarily living near the river deltas, swamps and coasts of Sarawak. As with most Dayaks, they traditionally reside in large communal longhouses and, in a glance, share the same similarities with most other Dayak subgroups. However, as past insights into the Bidayuh and Iban have shown, such similarities are only skin deep on the island.

    For starters, their architecture could arguably the most defensive and sophisticated of all the Dayak subgroups in Borneo. Their dependence on the sea and the river deltas meant that pirate attacks were an ever present threat and tribes from upriver viewed them as convenient pickings. Faced with such dangers, the Melanau built ever bigger defence complexes over the centuries to protect themselves, culminating with the large defence structure that is the Melanau tallhouse. With the living structure rising up to 40 feet above ground and equipped with covered windows, retractable trunk ladders and solid hardwood pillars, the Melanau tallhouses were arguably the epitome of defensive living quarters of Sarawak in the pre-Brooke era.


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    A preserved multi-storey Melanau tallhouse near Oya. Bear in mind that the nearby coconut palms are as high as ten men stacked together.

    Another notable feature of the subgroup is their diet and food staple. Unlike most Sarawak Dayaks which partake in swidden agriculture supplemented with fresh foods and meats, the Melanau diet mainly consist of sago palm and coconut, supplemented with captured hauls of the day from the rivers and coasts. The Melanau are in fact one of the few subgroups that choose palm sago over rice as a staple food, cultivating it in the river deltas and swamps before extracting the sago flour through a complicated process. The resulting produce is then either used in making Melanau dishes or traded with surrounding communities.

    Besides the above, the Melanau also possess an alternate view of religion and faith which greatly sets them apart from most of the Bornean Dayaks. Unlike the Bidayuh and Iban subgroups, the coastal Melanau were more exposed to Islam during the golden age of Brunei Sultanate, and this showed greatly in their traditional beliefs. The old Melanau worldview is that the universe was created by Allah, though the Creator cares little for human affairs. In the world It created, humans share the environment with plants, animals, and spirits of many kinds from benevolent protectors to malevolent spectres. Every one of these beings has a proper place in the world, and overstepping boundaries brings about discord and disorder.

    This order is encapsulated in the Melanau Calendar, a separate organizing system used by the subgroup to guide daily activities, as well as to celebrate the coming and going of the seasons and important events.


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    Printed Melanau calendar from Igan, circa 1935.

    Today, the Melanau are a more diverse subgroup with modern Islam and Christian believers living side by side with traditional practitioners. However, there are some traditions which are still practiced by the community as a whole, most notably being the Kaul festival which marks the start of the Melanau New Year. Held in March, the festival was originally held to appease the spirits of the surrounding environment, though nowadays it is mostly held as a family and community reunion instead. Offerings for spirits are placed in woven baskets before bring held up on bamboo poles and transported downriver to an estuary. Chants and music are often accompanied and the festival ends with the pouring of water over the offerings, washing away the misfortunes of the past year.

    It is perhaps because of these differences that the early White Rajahs were so taken with the subgroup. James Brooke once remarked that the Melanau had "...agreeable countenances, with the dark, rolling, open eye of the Italians, and nearly as fair as most of that race." With their cultivation of valuable sago and expertise on the sea, the subgroup became especially favoured in the early Kingdom of Sarawak with their lands being protected from sale to the new influx of Chinese immigrants. Besides that, their knowledge and use of traditional boats made them useful sailors for the area, making them suitable candidates for Charles Brooke's modernization of the state...


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    The RSS Badruddin docking at Johor, Malaya in 1899.
     
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    1860's Narratives: Washington, Florence, and Egypt
  • International snippets of the mid-1860's: part 1/?

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    Washington D.C , United States of America. 18 July 1863


    …all in all, while I am truly honoured to be chosen as the first Consul of the United States to Borneo, I am sorry to say that I decline this offer. While I do believe that this position would not be exercised until this current war is dealt with, I think that my time would be better served fighting and containing the troubles down south for the foreseeable future, instead of improving relations with native states abroad.

    –Henry Danvers.

    U.S Secretary of State William Seward looked at the letter before him, rereading the short paragraph again with glum acceptance. There goes one candidate.

    Putting the written piece of paper aside, the man wondered on how to tell his President of this new event. It was Seward that pushed the idea of a United States Consul to Borneo to Lincoln in the first place, noting that the government had already negotiated a commerce treaty with the polity of Brunei and realizing the implications of a friendly port in the East. However, with candidates early on refusing to participate in the venture – even with the caveat that the position would not start until the Civil War’s end – the idea of a Bornean Consul seemed more and more like a mirage.

    It should have been expected, Seward mused as he reached for another letter from the stack on his desk. With the Civil War going on and the entire nation on full gear against the Confederacy, hardly anyone would think of going abroad and improve foreign relations with native states, particularly in such a distant part of the world as Borneo. Other than that, almost the entire world seemed to stand with the United States on the Civil War issue anyhow. Didn’t the Siamese king wanted to send elephants in support of the Union?

    But we need to improve relations with the world, another voice rose in the Secretary’s mind as he opened the envelope, ...especially with the Trent Affair and Mexico showing how vulnerable this continent can be to outside interests. We can’t ignore the outside world anymore, especially if such a world could intrude on our affairs and create disturbances beyond our control. Our rivals have not, and neither can we.

    Unfurling the paper, Seward imagined what type of reply to write back to the candidate before stopping in his thoughts. The opened letter in his hands was about the Bornean Consul issue, and this time… someone is interested.


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    Translated excerpt of the journal of Celso Cesare Moreno, 3 August 1865 (Italian National Archives: obtained 1902)

    August 3 – I arrived in Florence on the evening train, finally arriving home after a month's journey on land and sea. So far, I'm surprised at how far this place has changed; The Prime Minister did say that he would place train tracks all over Italy, but I never imagined that the government would place so much in such a short period of time.

    In fact, a lot has changed in this peninsula since I first left it; we are now a single nation instead of many, we now have a single currency instead of multiple ones, and almost everyone I met believed that we would speak the same language soon, truly and fully Italian as a people. I can think of no better time for this nation to expand itself out of Europe and into the outside world.

    If all goes well tomorrow, then I shall meet my stage in front of the government and plead for the Atjeh kingdom to be under our protection. I made a promise to the sultan before I left, and I am sure Italy could help him maintain his land's independence in some way. If nothing else, it could provide us with a port to the Far East.

    Even now I still think of my beloved I left there. I hope I will see her soon.

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    Excerpt from the fifth page of the Lloyd’s London Weekly newspaper, 20 January 1863 (British Public Archives: obtained 1899)



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    Footnotes:

    1. According to the 1850 commerce treaty signed by the United States and Brunei, an American Consul was supposed to be placed in Bandar Brunei. However, 1850's U.S politics and the eventual Civil War halted this bit until around fifteen years later, though Secretary Seward did try to get some people on board IOTL.

    2. King Mongkut of Siam really did offer President Lincoln elephants to be used in the Civil War. He declined.

    3. Celso Cesare Moreno is an OTL person who had a very interesting history, second only to the people that ran Sarawak. In 1865, he really did plead before the Italian government and King Victor Emmanuel for Aceh to be an Italian protectorate.

    4. Ahmad Rifaat Pasha was supposed to be the Egyptian Khedive, but downed in a car float accident in 1858. ITTL, that didn't happen.
     
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    1860's Narratives: The Bosporus, Florence, and the Civil War
  • International snippets of the mid-1860's: part 2/2

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    Bosporus Strait, The Ottoman Empire, 1 August 1866.


    On the sailing ship, Jaafar was almost ready to give in to his tiredness before finally locating his ruler.

    For the man, the entire trip to Stamboul was both a dream and a nightmare. Never before had he ever set foot outside the Malay Peninsula, and never had he imagined that his first trip would be to Europe with the ruler of his kingdom and close personal friend, the Temenggung of Johor. He also never expected the seasickness and boredom abroad the ship as it traversed the Indian Ocean from port to port. Thank Allah for small blessings was his personal mantra throughout the whole journey.

    Compared to him, the Temenggung of Johor was more relaxed during the whole trip, though he did suffer from the same doldrums of boredom as Jaafar. It might be the cause of the man now staring at the refreshing view opening up before him. The Malay monarch stood silently, looking out at the streets and mosques west of the schooner as the Bosporus Strait enveloped the passenger ship whole. To the exhausted Jaafar, the man seemed lost within his own thoughts, though he knew his ruler well enough for that to be a misnomer. Odd as he is, Temenggung Abu Bakar is never lost.

    Tuanku – My Lord,” Jaafar spoke. “We are fast approaching the harbour. Everyone on board is preparing to disembark. It’s best if we prepare ourselves for the landing now.”

    “And miss the view from this deck?” answered Abu Bakar jovially, noticing his friend behind him. “Come, Jaafar! Come! Let’s wash our eyes after seeing nothing but days of blue sea. We might not even see this view in our farewell trip!”

    “I am quite sure we would see the same view when we head for England, Tuanku.” the monarch’s friend spoke back with a smile, walking towards the steel railing to his ruler. “…But do not hold me accountable if we end up making fools of ourselves.”

    “With you? No worries for that. Now come and tell me: what do you see?”

    Jaafar looked out at the strange sight beyond the schooner railing. From the tone of Abu Bakar’s words, and from past experiences like this one, he knew that the monarch saw more than just the pretty view. Assessing the conditions of foreign cities at first sight was a game both of them played after days of being cooped up on board, surrounded by nothing but sea and sky.

    Viewing the vista, the man began to articulate his thoughts. “I see houses. I see mansions. I see palaces built in the style of the Europeans. I see mosques with minarets rising high into the air. I see Turks and Arabs and Greeks on the street. I see business. I see …change. I see… a city as old as time itself.” Jaafar slowly turned his head towards his ruler. “…I see a city. A great city. A city truly befitting an empire.”

    The Temenggung nodded, his mood changing swiftly. “I don’t doubt that my friend, but I wonder if the Uthmaniyah – the Ottomans, are truly as great as they are anymore. There is a reason why our ultimate destination is England and our goal to impress the British court, not the Turkish sultan's. True, we will dine with the Turkish royals tonight as honored guests, but it’s not them we need to look out for back home.”

    Abu Bakar paused for a while, letting his last sentence hanging over them before continuing, his tone now lighter. “Still though, considering where we are now, I’ve been thinking of maybe going on a detour once we return back home from London.”

    Jaafar raised his eyebrows. “Tuanku?

    Temenggung Abu Bakar looked back at his closest friend, smiling. “How do you think of Florence, Jaafar?”


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    Florence, Kingdom of Italy, July 22 1866.
    “No, you will NOT!!”

    Doctor Barco was fuming over what his new assistant asked him, his voice rising almost high enough to be overheard outside the thick office door. Of all the things you would do to a patient…

    “But sir, the Prime Minister insisted on being bled– ”

    “I do not care if Camillo himself hands a carving knife to your hand!! We are supposed to heal him, not do him more harm!!” Barco shouted back, his voice booming in the enclosed office. “Bleeding him is the exact opposite of what you do when treating a malaria patient and that goes the same whether he is a pauper or the king himself!!”

    The new assistant simply stared at him, gobsmacked at the senior physician’s anger.

    Of all the times to lose my trusted assistant… Barco mentally wailed to himself, rubbing his crinkled forehead with his hand. Managing the health of the most powerful man in the nation was not an easy job, especially if said powerful man insisted that bleeding himself was a surefire cure for his bouts of sickness. From the first day of employment, Doctor Barco and his employed assistant tried everything to prevent Camillo Benso from deteriorating in his long days in office. Unfortunately, neither he nor his work partner anticipated the carriage accident that happened earlier that week, or the prime minister devolving into another bout of malaria.

    And it was not just the loss of a trusted assistant that vexed Barco. The Third Italian War of Independence had started barely a month ago, and everyone in Italy is either looking at the king or the prime minister as their public face of the conflict. Unfortunately due to the man’s sickness, almost every Italian is also watching the elder physician to make sure he won’t compromise the Conte’s constitution. Of particular note was King Victor Emannuel II himself, who pelted the doctor almost every day with notes asking on how well was the prime minister recovering. I haven’t had a good sleep in weeks, and neither does the Conte himself. And now I’m stuck with this fool…

    “I’m going out for a walk,” the senior physician turned to the door, opening the portal before turning around. “And don’t follow me.”

    “But sir– ”

    SLAM.

    I need to clear my head. Barco noted, walking down the corridor on which he and Camillo Benso had their offices. Passing by the prime minister’s door, the physician could still hear the voice of his exclusive client through the thick wood, working continuously even through his fever. Barco silently chided the man’s continued tenacity. Blasted idiot. If I’d told him one I’ve told him a hundred times: you won’t be here for long if you push yourself too much. Then again, this is a war… but still!! There must be a time when he must say ‘enough!’ and get some rest when…

    Suddenly, a loud stomping noise began emanating from the distant staircase, disrupting the physician from muddling in his thoughts. An aide appeared on the corridor landing, wheezing and panting from his run up the steps. Without another word, the man quickly sprinted down the corridor and ran past the bewildered doctor, sliding to a halt in front of the prime minister’s office door.

    “What in the world– ”

    Knock knock knock

    “Yes?” a voice spoke through the door.

    The aide quickly opened it and disappeared from Doctor Barco’s sight. Even from the distance, there was no breakdown in sound as the man quickly explained the latest news from the war front.

    “We have won Lissa!”


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    Excerpt from the journal of Claude Lee Moses, 1864 (U.S National Archives: obtained 1900)


    August 25.

    The last forts in Dauphin Island have finally surrendered. Mobile Bay is now fully under Union control, and there are no ports left from Florida to the Mississippi that the Rebs can use against us. Farragut wanted us to stay in the bay against future attacks, but I doubt there will be any that’ll head this way. Anyways, I won’t be here for long anyhow. If everything goes according to plan, I shall be back in Washington by mid-September and discuss my future position with the foreign policymakers of the city.

    I’ve been thinking more about my future position after this war today, particularly about the pay. From what I’ve learned from Washington before taking sail, Consuls are not salaried by the state whatsoever, and the most the government would give me is a small service fee, collected intermittently throughout the year. If I’m going to Borneo to represent the United States, I’ll need to make my own income, alone.

    Or maybe not. I still have my contacts and friends working in the Far East from the old days, and I’m sure the island itself is full of natural riches that has hitherto been untapped by man, waiting to be exploited. The only problem is that the ruler of the city I will be posted in, Brunei, has been somewhat skeptical of all the foreigners docking in and out of his lands. One rumor has it that one of the ruler’s governors has rebelled and is now ruling a separate kingdom of his own in the far west of the island. If that is true, I could exploit this weakness to get my own pay.

    …Due to my current position, I still haven’t heard of my dear friend from Hong Kong. I hope this service would be over soon.

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    Footnotes:

    1) From the Bospous update, I welcome our latest recurring character in the TL, Temenggung/Maharaja/Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor (boy does he have a lot of titles). This man and his actions will influence Malaya and – indirectly – the East Indies all way through the end of the 19th century. So far, he’s going on his 1866 tour of Europe as per OTL, though ITTL Abu Bakar decides to also visit Florence on the way back (not that weird actually, considering the man’s European trips).

    3) Camillo Benso ( the ITTL Prime Minister of Italy) suffered from recurring bouts of malaria throughout his life, and insisted on being bled to relieve himself of the sickness. This was one of the factors that led to his early death in 1861 IOTL. ITTL, Doctor Barco made sure that didn’t happen, though his new assistant didn’t get the memo.

    2) The Battle of Lissa was a naval battle between the Italian and Austrian Navies in the Adriatic sea. IOTL, Italy lost due to mismanagement and rivalry between the ship captains. ITTL, with Camillo Benso around to keep things in check, Italy won.

    4) Claude (or Charles) Lee Moses is an OTL person and he did serve in the American Civil War as a naval officer, though there is hardly anything about him in the U.S Archives (which is odd, considering we had to learn about him here in Malaysia). However, he was also a trader to the Far East before the war and developed numerous relationships with the trading companies of Hong Kong and Shanghai.​
     
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    The Yankee Rajah Affair
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    Muhammad Amirul Idzwan, Brunei: Rise and Fall of the Bornean Empire (Delima Publishing: 2001)

    …if the annexation of Simanggang didn't alert Brunei of its neighbour's expansionist aims, then the cession of the Rajang Basin in 1861 to Sarawak certainly did. In a single stroke of a pen, over 50,000 square kilometres of Bruneian territory – larger than the entire land area of Denmark – changed hands, all for an increased cession payment of about 4500 Dollars to Bandar Brunei. Besides the ginormous expansion, Sarawak also gained permission to send a Consul of its own to the capital and to conduct business activities within the sultanate itself.

    To say that the Bruneian court was thrown into haywire was the least of it. The loss of the Rajang Basin not only reduced the empire’s size by an enormous chunk, it also deprived them from one of the most profitable parts of the whole polity. The Rajang Delta up to the town of Bintulu was the heartland of the Melanau subgroup, and their cultivation of sago palm (a staple food source for the Melanau) and the subsequent manufacture of the starch formed a valuable source of currency for the sultanate, especially with Western demand for sago rising by the year. The industrialization of Europe and the United States has created a demand for the starch in textiles and food, and the Bruneian government was becoming increasingly dependent on sago as a cash produce.

    That ended with Sarawak's expansion. The Melanau as a whole needed some persuading to accept Brooke rule, but the Rajah's guarantees against piracy and the preservation of sago production within Melanau producers swayed them to change their overlords from the northeast to the southwest. The distribution of sago overseas was also affected as merchants from Kuching took over the middle-men positions that had been held by Bandar Brunei up to that point. This deprived the sultanate of the taxes that it can enforce on overseas traders, adding another blow for the beleaguered Bornean Empire.

    The Bruneian court – or to be more precise, what was left of it – knew that this state of affairs could not continue, but at the same time there was no clear consensus on what should be done to avoid such a future event. Thanks to the sultan’s matchmaking (and Sarawak taking care of some of the more troublemaking figures) the palace nobility was no longer the faction-ridden nest that it once was during the 1840’s. Despite this, almost everyone disagreed on what steps could be taken to revive the sultanate, and whatever solutions they tried to pursue always stumbled on the greatest roadblock of them all, money.

    It was no secret that the sultanate was short of cash, but almost no one – save for perhaps the upper nobles and the sultan – knew how serious the problem was. The loss of sago production, huge as it was, was only one in a series of financial punches that have struck the sultanate since the early 1800’s. By the mid-1860’s piracy was no longer a problem, but Sarawak’s cannons and protection have made it into an enticing port for local traders, and despite the kingdom’s recent upheavals (or perhaps because of it), almost all native trade south of the Rajang now flowed to Kuching while the Sulu Sultanate and the British Straits Settlements sucked up Brunei’s international customers. Despite the continuous cession payments paid year by year by James Brooke (now totalling $8,500: over $160,000 in today’s terms), the empire’s finances were slipping.

    So perhaps it shouldn't have been a surprise that Claude Lee Moses was greeted with great interest upon his arrival to the capital in July 1865. After four years of civil war, the United States of America had finally decided to send a Consul of their own to Brunei as a sign of rising American interests in the Far East. There were plans to install what U.S Secretary William Seward called “A Consul of our own to Borneo and all her kingdoms and dependencies”, since around 1850, but domestic politics and the subsequent Civil War kept the government busy.

    For Sultan Abdul Mo'min, it seemed that a solution was finally at hand. He hoped that the consul's presence could open the door to overseas trade with the United States, as well as political leverage against the British and Sarawak, pitting all three nations on each other to prevent another large-scale annexation. Little did he realize that Claude Lee Moses was a businessman first and a consul second...



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    Joseph Pairin Kitingan, The Land Below The Wind: A History of Sabah, (Charleston University Press; 1993)

    ...To say that Claude Lee Moses was a bumbling idiot is a gross oversimplification of his character and his personality. The man was a Far Eastern trader before the American Civil War, and he rose to level of naval officer when he enlisted in 1861. There are many words to describe Claude for his behaviour and actions, but ‘idiot’ is not one of them; a more accurate term would be “short-sighted” or “irresponsible” instead.

    Once arriving in Bandar Brunei, he wasted no time in persuading Sultan Abdul Mo'min that trusting in him was the monarch’s best bet against the expansionist Sarawak and the British Empire, noting the court's enmity towards the latter two powers. Testing the waters, he asked for a land concession in Bandar Brunei on which he would build a U.S consulate. The sultan quickly agreed, and the site of Bukit Merikan (American Hill) was born, still owned by the United States to this day. Emboldened by this, Claude began to discuss possible routes with the court for simultaneously enriching himself, the sultanate and his government, a task made more complex by the fact that Consuls in far-flung places had to make their own pay back in the 1860’s.

    Finally, a month after his arrival – and to the shock of all the established powers on the island – Claude and the sultan had an agreement with the American Consul obtaining a ten year lease on nearly all Bruneian territories north of the capital. In one fell swoop, an area of over 20,000 square kilometres, stretching from Brunei Bay to the town of Kudat in the far north, was now leased under a single person. The lands were planned to be developed and exploited, with the revenues produced being split between the U.S Consul and the Bruneian sultan with a small cut going to the overlord-noble of the northern territories, Pangiran Temenggung Anak Hashim.

    Having obtained land, Claude then embarked to create a company that would have the capital to commercially develop the area. Travelling to Hong Kong, he soon attracted a small number of American and Chinese investors whom were interested in his ambitious venture. Among those piqued was one Joseph William Torrey, another ambitious American trader whom the U.S Consul soon formed a close partnership with. Pooling all their resources together, the American Borneo Company was founded with the explicit aim to start an American farming and trading colony on the banks of the Kimanis River; an audacious plan, but one that – at the time – seemed to be grounded in reality with the seemingly successful venture of Sarawak as an example.

    To complete this plan, Claude transferred his lease rights to Torrey, made him head of the American Borneo Company and (through some manipulation) was conferred the title "Rajah of Ambong and Marudu" by Sultan Abdul Mo’min on November 13th 1865, making him absolute ruler of the leased lands in the same way James Brooke was towards Kuching over twenty-two years ago.


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    Joseph William Torrey (seated) with close friend Thomas Bradley Harris standing behind.

    It may be strange and somewhat farcical to think that Sultan Abdul Mo'min would confer the title of Rajah to an outsider again, considering the glaring history that was next-door Sarawak. However, in the traditional ruling system of the day, Rajahs were ranked below sultans, and Sarawak's split from Brunei was formerly due to British intervention though an attack on the capital in 1846. The Bruneian Sultan held paramount power according to the traditional laws whilst Torrey and the Americans would rule under him as an autonomous Rajah in partnership with Bandar Brunei.

    To say that Sarawak, the British Empire and the Dutch East Indies were gobsmacked was putting it lightly. When the news broke on November, all three powers immediately contacted one another of the situation, realizing the potential effects of another White Rajah state and an expansionist America on the East Indies. Inquiries from the Brooke family made their way to the White House whilst British and Dutch officials started discussing on yet another partition of Borneo. Batavia, Singapore and Kuching all sent officials to Bandar Brunei to try and make sense of the sultan's decision, but were turned around by royal officials outside the palace.

    Whatever the case, it was too late to stop the ball rolling. On December the 1st 1865, thirteen Americans and fifty-nine Chinese labourers arrived at the Kimanis River and construction started on what was to be their colonial settlement, Vinston.



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    Charlie MacDonald, Strange States and Bizzare Borders (weirdworld.postr.com, 2014)

    So let's see... we’ve got one ambitious consul, one ludicrous venturing company, one American trader who got the promotion of his life, and one hunk of a territory that is not aligned to them, that has residents not familiar with them, that has diseases they’re not familiar with, and not protected by any sort of protection whatsoever. No gunboats, no ironclads, not even a paid foreign protection service.

    What can possibly go wrong?

    Well it wasn't long before the pirates started raiding, that’s for sure. To finance his trading colony, the ambitious Claude sailed to Hong Kong and literally blabbed to just about everyone he met whether or not they're interested in becoming "citizens of Vinston". He also exaggerated a lot on his holdings and made tall tales of his future colony's natural resources, saying that it was full of "gold, diamonds, bird’s nests, and peppers". Considering his big mouth, it was no surprise that both Chinese and Illanun pirates were upon his settlement the moment it took root.

    Another black mark was that Claude and Torrey were literally newcomers to the area and didn't understand the traditional powers that actually held the land. Oh sure, they paid off that Pangiran Temenggung fellow with some cash, but he’s just the overlord of the region, not the actual landholder. That place goes to the local lords and gentry whom had already carved their own fiefdoms by the time of the Vinston colony, but they weren't even thought of as "people you should really talk to" when Claude acquired the lease. In fact, many of the lords didn't even know that they have a new White Rajah until they were told so by Sarawakian emissaries. In addition, most of the lords had been in contact with Kuching for over a decade since Hugh Low's “Let’s climb Kinabalu to get exotic plants for my dad!” expedition, and were more aligned to Sarawak to either Brunei or any other power.

    You can guess what their reactions were when they found out about all this.

    But perhaps their greatest mistake is that they didn't think of what disease could do to the colony. The Kimanis River is a slow moving waterway, and slow-moving waters breed mosquitoes and malaria like nothing else. In Sarawak, James Brooke appointed both western doctors and traditional healers to help him on his sick days, as well as creating forums for traditional diseases and cures to be tested and written down. That didn't happen in Vinston, and with the local situation as bad as it was it wasn’t long before everyone started dropping like flies.

    To be fair though, the American Borneo Company did try to get some help, sending message after message to Singapore, Kuching and Batavia for supplies and funding. This would’ve worked if it weren’t for the island’s recent political situation (i.e: Sentarum) and that everyone was afraid of the other power gaining the upper hand in Borneo. Claude and Torrey also requested money and protection from the United States, but post-Civil War America was…not in the mood.


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    America to Vinston: “You do realize we have an entire country to reconstruct?”

    The rest was history. The remaining workers soon fled the failing settlement whilst Claude and Torrey fell out with one another. The "Rajah of Ambong and Marudu" quickly sailed off back to Hong Kong while the Consul had to struggle with the huge debts incurred by the failed colony. Driven to desperation, the man finally burned the whole place down in November 1866, just eleven months after it was founded. Claude Lee Moses then set fire to the American consul building in Brunei, fled from the island to Singapore, and entirely blamed the sultanate for his Bornean misadventure. The U.S Government dismissed him, sent a more amicable person to the capital, and paid back the debts the Bruneian government incurred, giving at least some relief for the cash-strapped royal court.

    However, this wasn’t the end of the “Yankee Rajah” story. Despite taking off to Hong Kong from the hoo-ha, Torrey did not relinquish his title of “Rajah of Ambong and Marudu”, nor did he relinquish his ten-year lease (by now reduced to nine-years) to northern Borneo. Weirdly enough, he still hoped that somehow a profit can be made from either developing the area or selling his lease to someone else, and because of this he refused to give both of it back to Bandar Brunei, even with Sultan Abdul Mo’min’s pleas.

    In a technical way, this means that the State of Ambong and Marudu continued to exist after the Vinston debacle and that Joseph William Torrey was still it’s (technical) White Rajah. And before you ask, yes; this was completely weird and it didn’t go unnoticed by everyone on the island. At the same time though, everyone wanted to see just how things could get any weirder and so just watched on…


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    The only surviving flag left of the Vinston colony. Not too subtle on their allegiances, are they?

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    Footnotes:

    1) Despite sounding ASB, there was an actual attempt to establish an American colony in northern Borneo in 1866, right in the context of the aftermath of the American Civil War. It must be seen to be believed :eek:. Apparently the U.S Consul to Brunei obtained a temporary lease to North-Western Sabah and transferred it to a company that tried to create a profit out of it. Not surprisingly, it failed. ITTL, Sarawak, the British and the Dutch took greater notice of the colony and started watching it with greater interest than OTL.

    2) The flag of Vinston was made by AH.com member Gurroruo.
     
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    Map of Northern Borneo: 1866
  • Political map of North Borneo

    I'm going on a short family trip, so no answers from me until Monday or Tuesday. To keep things interesting, here's a map of the western coast of North Borneo during the "Yankee Rajah" affair.


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    (note: town locations on this map not always accurate due to Photoshop and shaking hands)
     
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    The aftermath of the Yankee Rajah Affair.
  • Arise, thread.

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    Joseph Pairin Kitingan, The Land Below The Wind: A History of Sabah, (Charleston University Press; 1993)

    ...Bruneian Sabah after 1866 was an awkward region to handle with, and the aftermath of the Vinston debacle did not help matters. Whilst the Yankee Rajah affair showed the world just how disastrously a planned colony could fail, it also highlighted the advantageous position of North Borneo to the island's major powers, and a few European nations beyond.

    For the lords of the coast, the State of Ambong and Marudu instantly highlighted just how insignificant they were in administrative politics, with a large number of them being entirely side-lined by Brunei in the lead-up to the Americans' planned colony of Vinston. The Affair also showed just how the Overseas Powers saw their land in its entirety, and in what way. Whist some countries saw the region as a land of traditional customs and laws, others saw them as little more than bargaining chips; a notion not too kindly accepted by the inhabitants of Bruneian Sabah.

    The "Overseas Powers" themselves also faced an awkward position over the territories of North Borneo. The Vinston debacle, alarming enough as it was, had alerted Sarawak, the British and the Dutch to the potential of having a North Bornean corridor of their own. This was especially apparent to British officials throughout the East Indies who viewed a secure trade route for China as an important priority; A British North Borneo would provide security for British shipping as well as keeping a check on the slave-raiding Sulu Sultanate and the Illanun pirates. The potential of tapping into Borneo's resources was an added benefit after witnessing the success of Sarawak and the Dutch East Indies.

    However, the British weren't the only ones who eyed Brunei's northern coast. The Kingdom of Sarawak had been in contact with the region for over a decade, and had even made headway in trading with the natives of southern Palawan before the Yankee Rajah affair (the town of Brooke's Point is said to have dated to around this time period). For the Brooke family, Bruneian Sabah was the perfect area to expand their power and influence across Borneo at minimal cost to themselves. The Dutch, on the other hand, were vaguer in their reasoning of coveting the area, but historical archives show that there was an earnest awareness of the region once the Yankee Rajah Affair was over.

    To make things more complicated, the styled "Rajah of Ambong and Marudu" was continuously eyeing his leased territories on North Borneo. After fleeing to Hong Kong from the failing colony, the entrepreneurial Joseph W. Torrey began putting back the bankrupt American Borneo Company together and - after a few years - started trading operations once more across the South China Sea, though he never made any overt moves to North Borneo for the moment. Still, considering the man's Rajah title and his hold on the lease to the region, an uneasiness settled among Borneo's Powers that the trader could come again to Bruneian Sabah and stake his claim onto the region once more.

    Thus as the 1860's passed and the 1870's dawned Bruneian Sabah remained in a sort of limbo, eyed by various powers yet unable to belong to either of them. However, as more European nations began joining the colonial game, there was a seemingly assured feeling among all the Bornean players that the impasse would soon be breached...



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    Anton De Rycker, The Hornbill and the Lion: Dutch-Brooke Relations (Leiden University Press: 1982)

    ...As with the rest of Borneo, the Dutch East Indies watched the fall of Vinston with a mix of fascination and wariness; The Kingdom of Sarawak had already caused a great deal of trouble for them on the island, and almost no one wanted to know the sheer consequences of another White Rajah state succeeding, much less one that was aligned to the United States.

    By the late 1860's both the Dutch and the Brookes have resigned themselves to their respective positions on the island, sullenly accepting that neither of them would be able to boot off the other side for good. Correspondence between the two powers was firmly established during the decade and a Dutch Consul was posted to Kuching to formally establish ties with the Sarawak government. Despite this, relations with the White Rajahs were still far from warm as economic and border affairs dragged both powers into constant disagreements, particularly when Dayaks became the main topic.

    This was mainly due to the border demarcation established by the Borneo Treaty back in 1862. According to conventional (colonial) thought, territorial borders were supposed to establish what parts of a polity should a piece of land belong to and what colonial Power should its inhabitants defer to. However, the Dayak subgroups that have lived before partition had always roved between Sarawak and Dutch Borneo, and this did not majorly change in the following years after the Treaty. As both Bornean Powers began consolidating their holds, this dilemma would result in many headaches for both the Dutch and the Brooke family.

    Part of this had to do with local trade. During the mid-to-late 1860's, Dutch merchants quickly made substantial inroads into local communities, emphasizing and putting forward goods sold through official channels sanctioned from Batavia. Despite this, there was no escaping the fact that British and Sarawakian goods - particularly for essential commodities like salt - had much lower rates of exchange when compared to Dutch wares, a fact that didn't go unnoticed by the Dayaks of Sentarum after hearing about it from their Sarawakian cousins. In such a wild and unguarded environment, smuggling became inevitable.

    There was also the giant headache of Iban headhunting groups crossing the border between Dutch Borneo and Sarawak, trying to evade capture by either of the powers. Sarawak had battled against headhunting for decades, yet there were still many recalcitrant Iban communities near the border that simply crossed over to escape the Rajah's forces. Any intrusion into Dutch territory would immediately be followed by inquiries and threats from Batavia, in which case Sarawak would ask their neighbours just how much (or how little) had they made way in combating headhunting. Often times, such spats would end without any answers to the original problem whatsoever.

    Of course, this wasn't to say the Dutch did not learn a few things from their neighbour. Apart from diplomatic sniping, the DEI also took a leaf out of Sarawak's notebook, noticing the White Rajah's use of Dayak auxiliary troops and the formation of the Sarawak Rangers to combat rebellious settlements. In lieu of this, Dutch Residents and generals tried to broker a similar peace with the Iban tribes of Sentarum, only to be horrified when their "help-troops" regarded the call to arms as an opportunity for headhunting and plunder, as was the case in 1865 when rebellion broke out in the Sintang region.

    As the 1860's passed, both Sarawak and Dutch Borneo had much to complain about, and neither seemed willing to bring itself down to compromise with the other. In such a contentious atmosphere, no one could have predicted that the spark that would bring the two together would lit up more than a thousand kilometres away...


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    Footnotes:

    1) Brooke's Point is an actual municipality on Palawan Island, with a legend that the Englishman had set foot there and established trade with the locals during the 1850's or 60's. Considering there were Sarawakian emissaries to the Sulu Sultanate as far back as the 1850's, it's highly plausible that he did sail to the island archipelago.

    2) The problems of smuggling and border-jumping were real worries for both the Dutch and the Brookes, lasting all the way to the mid-1880's.
     
    The last years of Rajah James
  • Officially moved from Hiatus to Semi-Hiatus!

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    Temenggung Jugah Anak Barieng, Early Sarawak: 1846-1868 (Kenyalang Publishing, 2000)

    In the mid-19th century, and especially so in rural South East Asia, surviving a stroke was considered lucky, and surviving a second stroke was even more so. When James Brooke entered through a third episode on his sixtieth birthday and yet still lived, it was nothing short of a miracle to the Sarawakians.

    However, as the decade went on the extent of the damage began to show on the White Rajah. The series of strokes left the statesman greatly impaired in both mobility and health, forcing him to delegate affairs of state to his heir apparent, Charles. When his personal physician decided on a trip back to England for further treatment and rehabilitation in 1866; no one doubted he would never come back to the kingdom he had built, not alive at least. When James finally left his residence for good on January 18th, thousands of Kuching residents and numerous Dayaks from the surrounding forest flocked to the banks of the Sarawak River, trying to catch a glimpse of their ruler for the last time.

    By then, the Kingdom of Sarawak was a land transformed. Over two decades ago, the region was nothing more than a neglected part of the Sultanate of Brunei. By James Brooke's departure, it was a growing, thriving independent state that had beaten impossible odds and numerous setbacks to become one of the most thriving polities in the region, at least when compared to its neighbouring states. The kingdom had its own functioning government, administration, civil service and even a small cadre of emissaries, making it a rising player in Bornean affairs and a regular correspondent with its colonial neighbours, Great Britain and the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

    Alongside governance came basic infrastructure. By 1866, Sarawak had a postal service, a currency (tied to the Straits Dollar) and a shipping fleet of its own, both for trade and defensive purposes. The capital of Kuching, once ravaged by the uprising of 1857, was rebuilt into a town that many explorers and contemporaries described as one of the most picturesque in all of Borneo, featuring brick and timber shophouses and tropical-retouched government buildings. Development also began making way to the surrounding rainforest in the form of churches, dirt roads, and bridges, though much of Sarawak would remain wild and untamed for the rest of the 19th century.


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    Lithograph of a missionary church in Lundu, one of the very few towns that were allowed missionary work by the Sarawak government.


    Besides roads and offices, Sarawak had also improved on the art of war and peace by the time of James’ departure. Alongside forming the Sarawak Rangers – whose duties now include border patrol along certain sections of the Sarawak-Dutch border, the government also relegated certain coastal and riverine villages with tax exemptions so long as they provide useful men as auxiliary troops on Dayak campaigns. Besides that, traditional peacekeeping ceremonies became adopted by the Brooke government, with James Brooke or the Residents attending Dayak gatherings and even participating in local festivities to help foster useful alliances. Moreover, a system of river forts located throughout the kingdom also kept check against any recalcitrant upriver tribes.

    With physical change came social change, some more deeply felt than others. For the Malays of the capital, the White Rajah's choice of wanting educated locals as administrators opened many doors, though most had to educate themselves on basic English to better understand their superiors (a situation that drastically increased the attendance rate of nearby missionary schools). The local lords and ex-nobles of Brunei were also fully incorporated into the kingdom by the late 1860's, filling the gap between the rule of the Residencies and the local environment of which they governed. There was also the change of bettering themselves through enlistment in the Sarawak Rangers, though few took up the offer until the 1870's.


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    Wife of a retired Sarawak official with grandchildren, circa 1871


    For the Chinese, the evolution of Sarawak had also been largely positive. The government's policy of cottage industries and unwillingness to get foreign investors involved often meant that Chinese traders were the only ones that had enough capital (and credit) to conduct business within the kingdom. Merchants from Canton and Hainan quickly established themselves on the larger towns, trading with the locals on everything from rattan furniture to porcelain cups. A small number of immigrants also began settling in the river deltas to grow cash crops such as pepper and gambir, adding to the kingdom’s revenues. However, since the uprising of 1857 the Sarawak government also took some harsh measures against the community, particularly against Chinese secret societies (otherwise known as kongsi) for which any inclusion or affiliation was punished severely.

    As for the Dayaks, their reaction to Brooke Sarawak was the most tumultuous of all, and the effects of Rajah James’ rule were felt very disproportionally across the land. However, in general:

    • For the Bidayuh, the close proximity of the capital to their lands meant that they were among the first to transport whatever food and supplies needed downstream, making them useful allies.

    • For the Iban, Sarawak was the petrol that set their homeland in flames, accelerating conflicts and tearing apart old traditions.

    • For the Melanau, the state was a useful protector against piracy and a valuable outlet for their traditional industry.

    Yet even within this, there were more transformations. Some individual Dayaks became traders in their own right, making money to enrich both themselves and their associated villages. The introduction of taxation also meant many villages had to farm or create something that could be of value to sell, leading to an expansion of existing trades. By 1868, there was a noticeable increase in swidden agriculture, timber production, traditional cloth-making, rattan collecting, wild rubber harvesting, and much more. On the whole though, Dayak society remained largely tribal and there were many villages that were shielded from the outside world, encouraged to a part by the Brooke family.


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    An Iban woman spinning wild tree cotton into thread using a traditional device, circa 1891


    And in a roundabout way, the Brooke family were perhaps the ones that were most transformed by the Kingdom of Sarawak. It is important to remember that, in the beginning, James Brooke originally wanted to create a thriving port city with himself as governor, akin to Stamford Raffles and his colony of British Singapore. However, as Sarawak grew the English adventurer found himself gradually becoming enamoured of his new role as absolute ruler of an entire nation, a role no doubt helped by the local populace who viewed him as a powerful and influential figure – which he was, but not as awesome as they thought.

    A major example of this is how Rajah James adopted native Malay titles to better integrate himself with the Sarawak Malays, among which was the adoption of the style Sri Paduka Duli Yang Maha Mulia Rajah dan Yang di-Pertuan Negara SarawakHis Royal Highness the Rajah and Head of State of Sarawak, a style normally reserved for the rulers of neighbouring Brunei. He also didn't discourage the residents of Kuching from calling his place of residence the Astana (a variant of the word ‘Palace’ in Malay) nor did he stop his native subordinates from calling him "Tuan Rajah" on council meetings, an address that became naturally ingrained among Sarawakians. By the late 1860's even the European residents began addressing the man as either "Sir" or "Your Highness", reflecting James's status as a true monarch in the region.


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    Preserved drawing of Rajah James Brooke, circa 1865


    However, for all the positive changes brought by Sarawak there were still a bounty of problems that plagued the evolved nation. Apart from Kuching and the mining towns, almost all of Sarawak remained undeveloped, with river forts being the only sign that the surrounding rainforest belonged to the White Rajahs. What towns that were developed lacked many infrastructural needs and even the capital suffered a few problems of its own; Kuching will not have a proper sewer system well until 1888, and a continuous water supply until 1903. In the vast rainforests and deltas, much of village life – both Malay and Dayak – remained unchanged while most of the upriver and mountain regions elude exploration. Whatever Dayaks that refused Brooke rule fled into these remote places, causing a slew of diplomatic problems for the kingdom and their Dutch neighbours.

    However, and even with its defects in consideration, there was no doubt that the formation of Sarawak was an incredible journey for both the nation and the men who oversaw it. The kingdom battled itself against rebellion, foreign intrigue, and insurmountable odds to become a true Bornean Power, as well as laying the groundwork for Charles Brooke and his improvements to the Kingdom of Sarawak, both in territory and other matters. As the ageing James Brooke breathed his last in the south of England in 1868, he still received letters of encouragement and hope from Kuching, a reminder that though the man is gone, he was never forgotten.


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    The Kingdom of Sarawak at the time of James Brooke’s death at June 11, 1868
     
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    1860's: Johore and Italy
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    Mustapha Shamsuddin bin Abdul Rahman, Johor and the making of Malaya, (Kosmo Press: 2000)

    If Malaya was birthed under the branches of the Malacca tree over 600 years ago, and grew up in hiding over the centuries since then, it would be in 1866 that the Peninsula began making its mark once more on world history.

    In that year, one of the region's more rambunctious monarchs, Temenggung Abu Bakar of Johor, started an excursion that led him to the royal houses of Continental Europe, bringing the name of Peninsular Malaya with him. He was greeted warmly by the Ottoman Sultan in Konstantiniyye, and several figures in the British court reputedly took a liking to the "cultured man from that faraway land", as said by one observer. Even the Italian government, then scrambling over the aftermath of the Third Italian War of Independence, was impressed by the man's "surprisingly eloquent English speech".

    It was these and other royal visits that made Malaya an important discussion topic once more in the wider world, and Abu Bakar was right at the center of it all. A remarkable achievement; and one more so when considering that the monarch's house was a complete newcomer even to Malaya itself.

    Today, most people forget that, though very influential, Abu Bakar's family were never truly the masters of Johor – the sultanate that lay to the north of British Singapore – in their own right. Prior to 1855, it was the Bendahara’s that ruled the land; a senior noble position that was akin to the sultan's viziers in the Johorean court. When the last royal line of Johor died out in 1699, the family that held the Bendahara position took the job of being sultans and remained so ever since. By all rights, Abu Bakar's family was supposed to fill the roles of the Temenggung, the chiefs of public order and master of Johor's army and navy.

    However, there was one thing Abu Bakar's family had over the Bendahara’s: they were the lords of Singapore Island when Sir Stamford Raffles landed on it on the 28th of January, 1819. The family's ancestor, Temenggung Abdul Rahman, quickly realized how the geopolitical situation worked between the British, Dutch, and the native rulers in the region and sought to use the simmering tensions to get himself - and his family - ahead of everyone else (or at the very least, out of harm's way). From then on, the Temenggungs would get themselves involved in a morass of intrigue and events, but centuries of manipulations in the royal court and from British and Dutch forces had hollowed out the Bendahara’s sovereignty over their kingdom, thus making it easier for Raffles and the British to decide what goes where and who ends up with whom.[1]


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    Sir Stamford Raffles, the founder of British Singapore. Among other things, he revived a succession dispute and - with the Temenggung's help - installed a Bendahara prince as a figurehead monarch of Johor, all to secure his island port.

    Sure enough, the simmering tensions and complicated situation between the British, Dutch and Malay nobles boiled over to shouting calls in both Johor and London. At one time, during a succession dispute in the Johorean court between two princes backed by different powers, the wife of the late sultan literally cried out "To what Adat (tradition) of succession is being followed!? Unfair deals like this will cause Johor to be destroyed!!". The resulting talks and the ensuing 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty then cleaved both the sultanate and the royal Bendahara family in two, separating mainland Johor from the Riau-Lingga Islands' region to the south. From this, it would take a further two decades for the end to come, but when it came, it was swift.

    In 1855, the Bendahara head at Johor, Sultan Ali, was forced to sign a treaty that traded real power to the Temenggungs in exchange for him releasing his rights to the throne and only be the sultan of the Kesang-Muar region in northern Johor. The Temenggung family's head, Daeng Ibrahim, continued his predecessor’s way of siding with the British on Singaporean issues, leading to the British favoring him being in charge of Johor instead of the Bendaharas. There was also the fact that Sultan Ali made frequent visits to Riau-Lingga to converse with the other family branch, something that both unsettled the British and the Dutch. Thoughts of a reunified Johor Sultanate and Daeng Ibrahim's apparent trustworthiness finally culminated with the 1855 treaty which all but ensured the Temenggung family's rule in the kingdom.


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    From left to right: Sultan Ali of Kesang-Muar (formerly Johor) and Temenggung Daeng Ibrahim, the new ruler of the state

    Two years later, the Bugis nobility at Lingga deposed the other Bendahara head, bringing the dynasty to it's last legs. Noticing this, Daeng sent word to the other Malay kingdoms and – with some issues straightened out with the neighboring Pahang State – finally got permission to rule Johor in his own right. Thus ended the 158-year reign of the Bendaharas (except in Kesang-Muar) and so began a new dynasty that would rule Johor until the modern age, the Temenggungs.

    And it was in this environment that Daeng's eldest son, Abu Bakar, grew up in. Born in 1833, the young prince saw the rise of British Singapore as a trading port, the decline of the Bendaharas, and the rise of his family all from his own residence. Bright and inquisitive, Abu Bakar was quick to pick up on his father's footsteps on how to twist and turn events into his favor, as well as learning how to choose sides in uncertain times. It was also during this period that the boy learnt English by way of his father enrolling him in missionary schools, a decision Daeng thought would lend him well in future relations with British Singapore.

    The power plays between the British, Dutch and native states also brought another lesson to the young Abu Bakar; the lesson that Johor and it's rulers would continue being pawns if the polity (and by extension, themselves) was not more known and respected in the wider world. This was the basis of the 1866 tour of Europe: to see the world and it's workings as well as to make relations with the most powerful European courts of the age. In this he succeeded beyond his wildest dreams, but he might have impressed the Continent a little bit too well...



    **********


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    Alessandro Astolfi, Italy and the East Indies: A Study on Colonialism, (Vinci Publishing; 1994)


    ...the rapid ascent of the Kingdom of Italy was an eye-opening spectacle to the Great Powers of mainland Europe, especially so when just two years before, what was to become the new Italian state was an uncomely mélange (some would say hodgepodge) of kingdoms, states, and duchies all scattered throughout the Italian Peninsula.

    But unified they did, and with unification came new aspirations, and a substantial section of Italian nationalists believed that the kingdom should have its own colonial empire to mark itself as a true Great Power. There were several voices calling for an expansion of Italian influence in the Mediterranean Sea, but there were a few who espoused that the Italian state should have its own great worldwide empire such as those of the British or the Dutch.

    There was certainly some traction in this. The Count of Cavour and first Prime Minister of the kingdom, Camillo Benso, thought that Italian colonialism was a step to becoming toe-to-toe with the Great Powers of Europe. However, the age of New Imperialism did not strike the new Italian state easily. By the time the Kingdom of Italy was proclaimed on the 17th of March, 1861, most of the reigning colonial empires had already gained a few hundred years head start with many of the of the world's coastal regions (bar the Americas) being under their sway. Nevertheless, throughout the early 1860's there was a noticeable increase in Italian companies trading with the wider world, with Italian interests trailing close behind.

    However, one of the first signs of blatant Italian colonialism came not from a company, but from a person. In 1865, a solitary figure waked the floor of the Italian Parliament espousing that the Sultanate of Aceh was willing to accept Italian protection against the nearby Dutch East Indies. That man was Celso Cesare Moreno, a Genoan sailor who worked his way up in the Navy and handled foreign shipping in the East Indies. While there, he became acquainted with the Acehnese royal family and – through close intimacy with said family – heard of their deepest secrets and their grave suspicions; the sultanate was protected by the British Empire, but they feared that their protection might not last.


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    Photo of Celso Cesare Moreno, circa 1879-1885

    There was considerable interest in the venture – both King Victor Emannuel II and Camillo Benso were interested in Italy having their first protectorate – but at the same time, everyone knew that going against Great Britain was a cause that would end in utter failure, particularly to a country that still has internal disputes on how to define itself. There was also concern for the new Italian Navy being untested and untrained for such a long and arduous mission. Still, there was lingering interest in the proposal among the nationalists enough to carry it to the next year, and that was when everything changed.

    The first sign was the Third Italian War of Independence, which pitted the kingdom against the Austrian Empire over the region of Veneto. The Italian nationalists had lusted over the former Serene Republic and wanted to absorb it into the state, but waited until German backing was secured before full war could be commenced. Due to the Prime Minister's ability to level parliamentary factions and military rivalries, the Italian state made considerable headway in both land and sea against the Austrians, culminating in the famous Battle of Lissa which proved to be a testing ground and christening for the Italian Navy. The success of the battle proved that the Navy was capable enough to fend for itself against foreign threats, but it was soon overshadowed by what followed.

    Prior to 1866, almost no one in Florence knew of the Maharajah Abu Bakar of Johor, but his surprise visit to Florence – the first monarch from Asia to do so – made him an overnight sensation in the capital. Returning from a visit to Queen Victoria's court, the man's sojourn to Italy was twofold; to see the country that had defeated the Austrian Empire, and to establish friendly relations with a new Great Power. Despite the language barrier, he was greeted warmly by both the king and Prime Minister, who would then be surprised at the man’s manners and English speech, of which Abu Bakar was “surprisingly eloquent”. Furthermore, his tales of the Malay Peninsula set off new ideas amongst the colonial lobbyists, as well as rekindling the Aceh question.[2]


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    Maharajah Abu Bakar of Johor, the first Southeast Asian monarch to tour Continental Europe

    With such events happening, it was no surprise that the Italian government began looking seriously at South East Asia; with a proven Navy and a monarch willing to discuss relations, the government began looking at ways to acquire its first colonies and protectorates in the east. Aceh came up immediately, and it was soon discovered that the sultanate was not fully protected by Great Britain; the naval power only ensured its independence should a foreign threat jeopardized the polity’s stability. With that discovered, the nationalists argued that it was plausible, though highly risky, to actually pry away the sultanate through diplomacy; but before talks could begin with London, The Count of Cavour and Prime Minister of Italy, Camillo Benso, passed away of malaria on August 10, 1867.

    With the stresses of war and the headache of balancing a squabbling government, it was no wonder that the man went out the way he did, not to mention that his best personal physician died in a carriage accident the same day the war guns went silent. Still, when the Conte passed on, the balance of power in the Italian Parliament came loose, and the Aceh question almost got lost in the legislative chaos that followed. When the question resurfaced the following year, the part about prior talks with London were mysteriously abandoned and in 1869, a squadron of the Italian Navy was hastily sent to South East Asia on a threefold mission; to make Aceh a protectorate, to inquire on the Malay Peninsula (mainly Johor); and to find new places to establish Italian colonies.

    And with this, they would set in stage some of the most important events in the region’s history…


    __________

    Footnotes:
    1) As you can guess, there was a lot more to the Temenggung’s rise to power than just what is written, but I was afraid that writing down the succession disputes and everyone’s plans and manipulations would just bloat the entire update beyond reason, so I had to keep it really generalized. I wish I could write just how did Raffles and the Temenggung placed a figurehead sultan on the throne, but that would fill an entire update by itself.

    2) See Post 284.
     
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    1869-1871: The Borneo and East Indies treaties
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    Mary Schneider, The colonial affairs of South-East Asia (Ender Publishing; 2009)

    The two years that marked the arrival of the 1870's were some of the most confusing years in Maritime Southeast Asia, and the arrival of the Italians did not make things any easier. Not only were there no less than 3 Anglo-Dutch treaties and at least 1 tangential agreement signed in that period alone, but the factors that precipitated them were as intertwined and complex as the treaties themselves.

    Though the official signing dates were dated to 1870 and 1871, the discussions surrounding the various agreements actually started about two years earlier. On September 1868, negotiators began convening in London and Amsterdam to resolve two long-standing colonial disputes in their overseas territories: The status of Siak, and the abolishment of slavery in Suriname. Located on the island of Sumatra, the sultanate of Siak Sri Inderapura was coveted by both Great Britain and the Netherlands for its location and resources, and the latter's invasion of the polity in 1858 only deepened the rift between the two powers over it. There were also an increasing number of complaints from Singapore relating to British traders facing high duties in Siak, adding a commercial bent to the dispute. As for Suriname, the South American colony was one of the few places in which slavery was still practiced by the Dutch, and the region's deplorable treatment of it's African workers made it a sore spot in Anglo-Dutch relations.

    Finally, talks commenced between both parties on September 1868 to discuss both issues, and initially both sides found much to concur about. Great Britain agreed to back down its claims to Siak and allow Dutch sovereignty over the sultanate, and the Netherlands would reduce duties to British traders and improve inter-straits commerce in the region. The Dutch also agreed to abolish slavery in Suriname and stop importing new slaves from Africa, using contract workers from their holdings in the East Indies instead. To sweeten the deal, the British offered them the right to purchase workers from British India, a deal Amsterdam heartily accepted.

    However, the settled agreements were soon thrown up into the air as a result from an outside force that literally came from the blue; the Italian Expedition of 1869. Buoyed by years of intrigue and the influence of nationalists, the Kingdom of Italy launched a naval expedition on the early months of that year to establish its first ever colonial empire in the East, alarming officials in both Batavia and Singapore. Arriving to the region on July the 28th, the Italians quickly signed a commercial treaty with the sultan of Aceh, following up with plans for an Italian Consul in Johor and contact with royal officials in Bandar Brunei. However, the most eye-popping incident relating to the fleet occurred on late August when Sarawakian emissaries spied a convoy of Italian boats stopping by a large weedy field on the banks of the Kimanis River, the same place where the failed American colony of Vinston once stood.


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    Nino Bixio, architect of the 1869 Italian Expedition and first Italian Consul to Johor.


    The actions of the fleet set the East Indies on a diplomatic inferno. Almost immediately after, Batavia telegraphed the colonial office in Amsterdam, stating that the Siak treaty would not be recognized unless Britain acceded to Dutch control throughout the entire East Indies, including Aceh. Meanwhile, Sarawak wanted a defensive agreement that would protect itself from foreign encroachment, and both the latter powers wanted a revision of the Borneo Treaty signed back in 1862 to confirm, once and for all, their positions over the island.

    Initially, Great Britain did not respond well to the backlash, threatening to back out from the Suriname Treaty unless the Dutch accepted the conditions already negotiated for Siak. As time passed, cooler heads spoke out and talks soon resumed. By the end of 1869, both parties decided to accept the Siak Treaty and the Suriname Treaty as is, and instead work on a new agreement to work out their claims over the east, with Sarawak joining in as an observer and side-negotiator.

    It was a confusing process when the assembled parties convened in mid-1870. The Netherlands requested for a greater application of the "Indian workers-clause" throughout their entire overseas domains whilst Great Britain wanted foreign confirmation of their "sphere of influence" over the tin-rich Malay Peninsula. Sarawak also wanted confirmation of their own influence over North Borneo, but it was an area also coveted by London and Amsterdam for its strategic location, causing a stalemate in the initial proceedings.

    But after months of discussions, it was decided that the Borneo and East Indies disputes would be split into separate issues to streamline the respective agreements. On the East Indies, Great Britain rescinded their protection of Aceh, allowed the Netherlands to use Indian contract workers in the east, and accepted Dutch sovereignty over the entire East Indies. In return, the Netherlands concurred to full British influence over the Malay Peninsula. Both London and Amsterdam also agreed to aid one another in colonial disputes in the east, a deal made good when both navies teamed up to hound the Italian fleet from the Flores archipelago on September 1870, the very same month the Siak and Suriname treaties were officially signed.

    As for Borneo, the three parties soon settled on yet another compromise, this time one that especially favoured the Brookes. Noting the northern lords' warmness for Kuching and the usefulness of having a friendly nation on a disputed area, Great Britain decided to back down on its claims to Northern Brunei, provided that Sarawak would be open for requests for a British base in the area "should the [Royal] Navy may require of it." The Netherlands also backed down from their claim, though not before acquiring the tiny Fort Brooke exclave in Sentarum from Charles Brooke, finally completing their long-fought takeover of the Kapuas floodplains. Taking a leaf from the Anglo-Dutch naval cooperation, Both Kuching and Batavia jointly agreed to end headhunting on their border regions, curb inter-state smuggling, and allow each other's war expeditions to freely cross state borders, a decision that Rajah Charles Brooke described as being "...obscenely far too long in the making."


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    To encapsulate the two agreements, a demarcation line was officially drawn right through the Straits of Malacca, going straight below British Singapore before cleaving through the South China Sea, ending on Datu Point. Anything west and north of the line would be out of Dutch authority, and vice versa goes for the British and Sarawak, delineating each Powers' areas of influence throughout geographical Sundaland. Whatever islands that lay astride the line would have their colonial status resolved in subsequent talks, the most famous of which were the Natuna and Anambas Islands, whose sovereignty was handed over from the DEI to Sarawak in 1875.

    The East Indies Treaty and the new Bornean Treaty came into effect on July 8th 1871, and it forever divided the numerous polities of the region as both the British and the Dutch consolidated their holds on the archipelago. For the Malay States, it meant the beginning of British interference and eventual colonization. For Johor, it was the start of a precarious - and unsettling - balancing act. For the island kingdoms of the East Indies, it was the dawn of Dutch sovereignty over the numerous archipelagos. For Brunei, it was another blow to the empire as Sarawak openly interfered with north Bornean affairs.

    However, despite all the agreements and all the treaties signed by the three powers, there was no hiding the fact that Maritime Southeast Asia was no longer their private garden. Against all odds, the Italian fleet managed to set up a post on Biak Island off the coast of Papua, creating its first official colony in the East Indies. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 also set off a flurry of foreign companies eager to reap the benefits of the Pacific Rim. While the treaties of '70-71 marked the end of Anglo-Dutch quarrelling, it was also the decade when Europe fully entered the Age of New Imperialism.


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    A romantic sketch showing a defensive tower overlooking a hilly landscape, made by an unknown artist.

    ____________________

    Footnotes:

    1) There was actually one more colonial territory on the line that was discussed IOTL, the status of the Dutch Gold Coast in West Africa. However, due to political butterflies the Dutch minister for Colonial Affairs is held by a different person, thus shelving the Gold Coast issue for the next few years.

    2) Before you all ask, I haven't forgotten about Joseph W. Torrey and his lease to northern Brunei. That thread will have it's end soon enough.
     
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    Map of the East Indies: 1870's
  • Maybe France...after all, their colonial rivalry with Britain could get pretty intense (Fashoda, anyone?). And I could see a potential mutual agreement in East Asia - they both agree to look after one another's interests there in the event of war with a third party. Especially if the Italian fleet does expand heavily - the French could see them as a useful ally to bulk out their own naval assets.

    True about natural resources and absolute monarchs - provided the monarch in question sees the value of putting the money into infrastructure and such rather than building his fifth palace :D I don't think that'll be a major problem here, though.

    Oooh, wasn't there one time when France wanted to expand into Indochina and the Pearl River Delta and asked for anyone to join in? I think that happened in the 1890's, I can't remember the source, but I distinctly remember that part. With the possibly of Tunisia being a Italo-French condominium, she could easily be Britain's other enemy, especially since the Congo issue hasn't been resolved yet (Sorry Leopold, but you've gotta go). That just leaves Germany and Austria-Hungary. Heh, imagine if all Europe went to war and the two powers everyone thought would fight didn't. Talk about irony. :p

    So Britain+Dutch vs. Italy+France, with the Ottomans and Russia possibly joining in for another slugfest. No clue on Germany and Austria-Hungary, though I might throw in a Sámuel Teleki update by the end of the 1800's.

    As for Sarawak's natural resources, the only hint I can give you is that Charles Brooke was remarkably...practical. Perhaps too practical for his own good. ;)

    And as I promised, the map I've been working on or the past few days or so! Et voilà!


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    What do you all think? It's not perfect, but it does give a general view of the East Indies after the hubbub of 1870-71.

    Oh, and the region in full splendor can be seen here.
     
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    1870's: Sarawak under Rajah Charles
  • Managed to write this in my free time.

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    Johor Bahru, Johor Sultanate, 11 September 1870

    "The Sarawak Gazette?"

    Abu Bakar looked at the folded sheet of paper that lay on his right hand, astonished. Beside him, Jaafar could only nod in acknowledgement at the man's surprise. Ever since the grand tour of Europe just four years back, the Johorean monarch had become enthused with grand ideas on modernization. From buying English books on the industrialization of Europe to discussing plans for a direct telegraph service to London, Abu Bakar was becoming more ambitions - and more restless - by the month.

    "And this... the French and the Prussians..."

    "They are fighting, yes."

    "They didn't look so hostile when we met them."

    "Yes, we." Jaafar posited. "But as you yourself know, Tuanku, such friendliness often dissipates in times of sheer crisis. And even the closest friends do have disagreements."

    "Friendly disagreements do not start wars."

    "That... is not for me to answer."

    Frowning, the monarch looked back to the paper, unfurling the front page to read the inside contents. Beside him, Jaafar could almost see the cogs and wheels turning in his dear friend's head. If the Sarawak Rajah could publish his own newspaper...

    "It will not work."

    Abu Bakar looked up. "I haven't even asked yet."

    "But you are thinking about it. Tuanku, the Rajah of Sarawak made the newspaper so that his foreign Residents would not be cut off from the world. The Kuching public could hardly read something like this."

    "I've heard some of the public over there can read things like this."

    "Only because of the missionary schools and the Civil Service, which the Rajah had established since his first arrival to Sarawak. If we want to create our own paper, we need to create some readers first."

    Abu Bakar looked at his friend for a few seconds, unblinking.

    "Then let's create our readers."


    **********​

    Amarjit Kaur, Sarawak under Charles, (Lido Press, 1999)

    …Established in 1870, the Sarawak Gazette would later become the most recognizable aspect of Brooke rule upon the land, featuring not just stories and events, but weather reports, shipping arrangements, price indexes, court affairs, and even the yearly tax revenues from the kingdom’s various Residencies. However, in terms of actual news the Gazette would slowly shift from international matters to local affairs, converting to a mixed news format by the mid-1800’s.

    This shift from global outlook to local matters was a hallmark of Rajah Charles Brooke’s policy over the 1870’s. To this day, no one can exactly say why. It was clear from his journals that the man was a practical person, preferring efficiency over the Romantic ideals held by his predecessor, Rajah James Brooke. The fact that Charles had to organize and lead war expeditions during the turmoil of the 1850’s might also affect his leanings, though Rajah James also did the same during that decade – and even more, considering his short takeover of Sentarum. Then there was Sarawak itself to consider; the kingdom was growing more and more by the month, with new towns and interior territories being absorbed into the polity from Brunei. Charles might have thought that with Sarawak expanding, it might be more better-run if the locals would have a say – with a few foreign Residents to watch over the whole flock.


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    Photograph of Charles Brooke, the second Rajah of Sarawak.


    Whatever the case, it was clear that from the moment Charles Brooke acceded the throne major changes were to be made. The first was a reshuffling of the justice system; cases of national importance or gross inhumanity were to be tried at the new Sarawak High Court, located in Kuching. The judges of the High Court would consist of a mixture of both English and Malays, with reserve powers to the latter if a particular case revolves round a cultural context. If the context takes a bent towards the Chinese and the Dayaks, then their leaders would fill in the role of being judges, with the jury consisting of members of either ethnicity. However, decisions of life and death in these cases were to be decided by the Rajah himself, and once the sentence was said, it cannot be overturned.

    Change was also brought to the high echelons of government. The Supreme Council was expanded with the inclusion of several British officials, picked from the Sarawak Service or from British Singapore. However, this was counterbalanced by the addition of educated Malays into the Service itself, freshly minted from the missionary schools. Slowly, the kingdom’s administration began to take on a local character as more and more Malays began taking up jobs in the bureaucracy, creating such a reduction in foreign workers that only 21 European officials were working for the Service by 1879!

    Besides that, Charles also opened up the British-Bruneian monarcial system so that it would be, comparatively, more open than it was before. In this, he was particularly concerned on the issue of information not reaching to his ears. Now, whoever would want an audience with the Rajah – whether to discuss Dayak issues or tax collection problems – need only wait till the doors to the Astana open every weekday morning. There, he would wait in a line comprised of Malay lords, Chinese merchants, and Dayak chieftains and wait till it was his turn to face the Rajah and the Supreme Council. While imperfect and crude, this system did ensure the flow of important information from the Astana to the rainforest at minimal cost, a crucial thing in an extremely wild and unexplored country.


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    The Astana in Kuching, the nexus of power in the Kingdom of Sarawak.​



    However, there was also an inverse side to the ‘localization’ of the government, and this was the concentration of power in the hands of the Rajah. While James Brooke did exercise absolute power during his reign, it was nothing when compared to Charles’s. Besides the matter of life and death resting literally on his hands in the Sarawak High Court, the younger Brooke also commanded more war expeditions into the interior than his predecessor ever did, and though he always convened a War Council (comprising of the area’s Residents and allied Malay/Dayak chieftains) to plan his attacks, his final words were taken as law. There was also the case of the Council Negri; Charles packed the informal assembly full with Dayak chieftains – up to 75% of the whole crowd! – but relegated it to meeting once every three years in the name of “balanced and careful rule”. Indeed, most scholars agree that out of all the Sarawak Rajahs, Charles Brooke was the most absolutist.

    The end result of all this was that the Sarawak government had an unusual ‘transparency’ for the time period, and it was one that fluctuated according to the times. Educated Malays could easily check the kingdom’s yearly tax revenues through the Gazette, and matters of national importance could reach the palace quickly via courier or a fast gunboat. However, issues of gross injustice were concentrated on the Rajah, and matters of war and national issues were a gray area that only Charles could traverse effectively.

    As expected, Sarawak’s system of governance raised more than a few eyebrows among its colonial neighbors, and it wasn’t long before the kingdom itself attracted the eyes of Imperial Europe…


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    The new flag of the Kingdom of Sarawak, unveiled in 1870


    __________

    Footnotes:

    1) Yes, the Sarawak Gazette was a thing. And yes, they really did print about the Franco-Prussian War in it’s early editions.

    2) IOTL, though Sarawak and Johor were next-door neighbors, they never seem to have much contact with one another besides the occasional borrowing of each other’s economic systems. ITTL, this will change.

    3) The judiciary system was based on historical accounts of Kuching’s court system during the 1870’s, with a few butterflies here and there.

    4) Incredibly, the ‘Open Palace’ system described was exactly as OTL, except that the Rajah did that almost everyday IOTL.

    5) The demographic changes to the Council Negri and its relegation to being held once every three years was, unfortunately, also OTL.
     
    1870's: Sarawakian expansion and how it was done
  • Finally!! made it!

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    Excerpt of Tales of Hong Kong: Treachery on Victoria Peak, by Harriet Lowder (Casron Press: 2013)

    "...so let's say, around 30,000 Pounds?"

    Not on your life.

    For me, the entire situation felt like some sort of dream. The office in which I sat in was tastefully furnished, and so was the person who occupied it; a man who was once a newspaper editor, ship broker, and commission agent all in one. However, I could also see the shabbiness of his clothes and the papers of debt still stacked on his messy desk. This was a businessman who gambled everything on a venture, and lost.

    Still, that didn't mean I agreed with the price. "...The Rajah of Sarawak entrusted me with a specific amount, and I am afraid your price is too much for us. 15,000 Pounds, with around 2% interest for your troubles."

    "I disagree," Torrey clipped back. "30,000 Pounds with at least 5% in interest. I know the land well, and I can see the value of the region in terms of strategics. I must say, though, when I heard you and your employer would come to see me, I expected a much more... (he raised his eyebrows at me) impressive envoy."

    Damn you. No wonder every prospector walks away from here without your lease.

    Still, I pressed on. "Now, surely there must be some way that we can arrange a-"

    "-settlement? Yes, I agree. However, with my situation being as it is, I can't exactly let my prize territory go without receiving the proper compensation. 30,000 Pounds, and I am not budging on that."

    I stayed silent. I held my tongue. Internally, I wondered at how the man even managed to acquire the lease from the Bruneian sultan in the first place, but I knew better than to speak out loud. The Brookes gave me a helping hand when I needed it, and I will not throw away their one moment of need.


    **********

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    ‘Abdurrahman Khan’, War and Peace in Colonial Borneo (Kenyalang Publishing; 1985)

    …Though the novels of today spoke of double-deals and murder, the reality was a far less exciting affair. For one thing, Torrey was not penniless when he met with Hugh Low in Hong Kong; the man had rebuilt the American Borneo Company from bankruptcy in the years following the Yankee Rajah affair, and was rather doing quite successfully in trading with China and the East Indies. For another, he also agreed on the £15,000 offer placed by Low, with the caveat that whatever profits to be made in the leased territories were to be split between his company and Sarawak for the next ten years. In the business world, such an offer was rare; some historians believe Torrey was simply fed up with the lease as a remainder of his past, and wanted to get rid of it as best as he could.

    Whatever the case, by November 1872 the Kingdom of Sarawak held the lease to northern Brunei, and it was determined to use the land to its fullest. Charles Brooke shared his late uncle’s dream of expanding the kingdom, and northern Brunei would play a part in this grand design. For him, Sarawak’s northward/southward march was beneficial in many ways; it would eliminate the headhunting Dayaks who were conducting raids from beyond the border, protect the ever-increasing trade between the coasts to the interior, safeguard the seas against the Sulu Sultanate and their pirates, and so on. To the administration in Kuching, Sarawak was a state that had to grow, and if that means carving off massive chunks of Bruneian soil and absorbing it into the polity, then so be it.

    However, Charles also knew that simply carving up Brunei would have problems of its own; as Sarawak expanded closer and closer to sultanate's capital, it would inevitably meet with towns and villages that would be allied to Brunei out of either friendship, honour, loyalty, or all three of them. Plus, he also knew that such large repeated annexations would surely make the sultan squeal and ask for foreign protection sooner or later; possibly dragging Sarawak into another Sentarum or Vinston debacle. Though the kingdom had won influence over the sultanate following the Borneo Treaty, Bandar Brunei was still an internationally-recognized city with more and more Great Powers establishing their own footholds in the vicinity.

    Just as quickly as he thought of the problems, a solution was found: Use the existing war expeditions to extend Brooke territory. Up until this point, Sarawak had never fully pacified it’s interior lands; a morass of rapids, mountains, and thick verdant rainforest that were both home and shelter to numerous Dayak tribes, some of them lowland head-hunters whom fled upriver to escape the Rajah’s forces. His tactic was to use those war expeditions and conduct them beyond the kingdom’s borders, flushing the head-hunters off and, in the process, gain the trust, respect and allegiance of the numerous villages therein. Sarawak’s territory would extend bit by bit northward (or southward from the Bruneian lease), and the new borders would be formally recognized after a set period of time, with some strong-arming of Bandar Brunei if things went awry.

    But first, there needed to be some foundations made for the new policy. A new fort was built northwards of the failed Vinston settlement, with an extra eye towards its location and resources to prevent another Yankee Rajah affair. A visit to Brunei was also made in which the northern lease was to be extended for another ten years, more than enough time for Kuching to influence the region. From then on, it was only a matter of convincing the local fiefs to join the kingdom outright, a deal most accepted due to the long-held connections between the north and Kuching. What few leaders who resisted were swiftly crushed by adjoining fiefs, or blasted with Charles' gunboats.

    By March 1873, Sarawak's North Brunei lease was less a nominal territory and more a Brooke bastion located just north of the sultanate's capital. From this, Charles would drive his expeditions northwards from Bintulu and southwards from Fort Charles (the local lords insisted on the name, much to his chagrin), driving a noose tighter and tighter around Bandar Brunei. Now the only factor left was time, and it was one both sides wondered...who will it favour?

    **********

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    Johari Openg, Study of the Bornean Dayaks in the 1800’s, (Journal of Asiatic Studies, Victor Press: 1995)

    ...Perhaps the most peculiar aspect – and the most astounding – of the war expeditions was not that it all happened under the guidance of a White Rajah, nor of its ulterior movie of expanding Sarawak’s power and annexing a decaying sultanate, but exactly how the Malays and especially the Dayaks saw the expeditions in of themselves, and how their views on these voyages ended up creating one of the most mythmaking eras in Bornean history. Today, there are Bidayuh songs, Iban epics, and Kayan dances all commemorating either Charles Brooke or the many many warriors who followed him in expanding Sarawak. Today, such exultations would not only fly in the face of reason, but seem almost contrary to the modern idea of the colonial era, that it was – in the words of the famous anti-colonial patriarch Richard Parker: "an era best seen poorly and best learned unfavourably".

    But songs and epics there are today, as well as stories, television shows, and even local plays centred around the era and of the expeditions. To answer just why have they embed themselves so deep in the nation's psyche, an understanding of the era has to be researched. First was the physical factor: These expeditions were anything but small. The German naturalist Karl Johan Fosse described the scene of one such voyage whilst searching for orchids in the Bintulu region:


    “…At the head of the party was the white gunboat, with the Sarawak Rajah as its spiritual heart, surrounded by headmen and downriver chieftains. Following in the vessel’s wake, filling the entire view, were hundreds upon hundreds of carved log vessels, each boat packed with an innumerable mass of natives, tribes from many places and many faces, all roaring out their support for blood and war.”


    To embark on an expedition was no small feat. First, Charles Brooke would send word to a river basin or territorial region in which he wanted to pacify or conquer. Next, the region's Resident (or the one nearby) would invoke the old auxiliary laws laid down by the previous Rajah, James Brooke: Every allied village man from the age of 18 would serve in the voyage, with a fine of 3 Sarawak Dollars if not complied (with exceptions for the young, sick, and the infirm). The village headman or chieftain would also join in the voyage as an advisor to the Rajah. In return for their service, every man would get a share of the spoils from the defeated tribe's longhouse, if they win. This order was repeated many times throughout the region, creating a massive native army numbering in the thousands.

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    A rare photograph showing Dayak troops from multiple tribes assembling for battle, circa 1875.

    From this, it was only a matter of choosing where to strike, either rowing upriver to the mountainous interior, or along the coast into Bruneian territory. Along the way, a War Council is convened between the Rajah and the chieftains in which food, provisions, head-hunter whereabouts, and tactics are all discussed in detail. Such councils are large, with up to sixty to a hundred chieftains from many subgroups participating in the matter, providing a wealth of information that can be used against any recalcitrant tribes. Once an enemy tribe is located, the tactics discussed would then be put to use, and the allied Dayaks will battle with warriors from the opposite side. Once the enemy tribe is defeated, the longhouse would be plundered and the survivors would be given the option of either joining the Brookes and move downriver, or retreat beyond the mountains and into Dutch Borneo, where they would then become their neighbours' problem.

    Of course, such expeditions do not always involve constant warfare and plunder. In some cases, there would be villages who would join the Rajah's banner or surrender at first sight, either knowing the merits of being under Sarawak or just plain scared of the possible conflict. This is especially the case during the voyages into Brunei, where diplomacy stood with war as the main priority. Charles Brooke would visit numerous longhouses and villages, seeking to sway the residents towards Brooke rule. Gifts would be exchanged, rice wine poured, and talks commenced on how the community could contribute to the kingdom's economy.

    With the duration of these expeditions and the numbers of its participants, it is easy to see how the stories of battle would stay within collective memory and become the subject of numerous media. But that still does not explain just why are they so exalted in Sarawak and its neighbours, considering it was basically an expansion of Sarawak's state power, even if decentralized. The answer lies in that, for the Malays and Dayaks who participated, the expeditions didn't feel like a burden so much as it was a cultural duty, and an important one at that.

    For the Dayaks who participated, it was a system in which warfare could be commenced under the White Rajah's sanction. It really needs to be said that Borneo was never really peaceful during the rule of the sultanates, with numerous Dayak tribes warring for food, land, territory, or honour. Also, many Dayak tribes have developed a cultural axis around the practice of warfare and especially headhunting, of which many considered as a cultural or even a religious act. Because of this, war was seen in a general manner as a way for individual warriors to gain honour, faith, or social standing within the community. Charles Brooke's expeditions only made such paths easier, sans the headhunting.

    V46Hzhu.jpg


    A shield from the Kelabit subgroup dating back to the 1870’s. The tufts of fur is actually human hair collected from the bodies of slain enemy warriors.

    Another was the general belief in Semangat, a concept that can be defined as Courage or Prowess. In a general sense, some Dayak tribes believe in an innate source of power that resides within every living being and harnessing that power – using it well and using it for the right purpose, would bring wealth and blessings upon him and his community. As the Rajah of Sarawak and head of these expeditions, Charles Brooke embodied the priciple of Semanagat for the Dayaks, and many wanted to follow his example of courage and leadership. Charles knew this from his early days in the nation, and so joined the expeditions for this purpose; to inspire others to follow him, and to keep the belief of Semangat alive.

    There were also many tangential factors at play as well: from personal revenge amongst individual Dayaks, the upriver-downriver power plays amongst the chieftains, to young adolescents just wanting to make their mark on the world. The promise of plunder alone was enough reason for some, and the promise of battle enough for others, especially for those who have lived before the Brooke era and wanting to let loose on something besides headhunting. Indeed, even with the auxiliary laws there many infirm and underage Dayaks who joined the expeditions anyways, the former wanting to have their last adventure, and the younger wanting to experience their first.

    Perhaps that is why Sarawak's past is not shamed within its own nation, why there are so many mediums that exalt the era and not denigrate it. For the Dayaks and the Sarawak Malays, it wasn't a burden to be forced, but a cultural ritual that the Brookes preserved and sanctioned. It was a time when disparate tribes banded together, where language and race formed no barriers to brotherhood, and where friendships are forged in fire and blood.

    In a sense, it forged Sarawak's peoples together.


    __________

    Footnotes:

    1. IOTL, Torrey sold his lease to the Austro-Hungarian Consul of Hong Kong in 1874. ITTL, this didn't happen.

    2. IOTL, Sarawak barely annexed Brunei at all during the 1870's. The reason was due to the Governor of Labuan not permitting the Brookes to do so, and threatening to call London on it. ITTL, the Brookes have influence over Brunei, but face a more crowded Southeast Asia and more of Brunei having contact with the outside world. There were war expeditions into Brunei, but they are ramped up ITTL to become slow annexation movements.

    3. That last line is a bit of a misnomer. The wars forged Sarawak's lowland peoples together. The upriver tribes...ehh :p
     
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    Dayak Report: The Kayan
  • I'm back!! And if I wrote anything wrong, I didn't mean it intentionally!

    “Lang Endang” (Kayangan Publishing: 1999)

    Dayaks: More than just A Term


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    The Kayan



    In 1997, a research group from the University of Vienna conducted a month-long survey in the city of Bintulu, handing out questionnaires to ordinary Sarawakians asking how much of their ethnic culture has contributed to the overall cultural fabric of the nation. Among those questions was one that asked, "In your opinion, which subgroup of Sarawak and Sabah do you feel most deserve paramount cultural recognition?" One of the answers they got was, "The KayANs, fOr SaPE aNd dIVorcE laWS!!!"

    Odd answers aside, the Kayan subgroup do stand out in the cultural psyche if one thinks of the many many upriver subgroups of Sarawak and Sabah. In terms of culture, music, and yes – even divorce laws, the Kayans have achieved that rare distinction of being famous for being who they are as an ethnic and cultural subgroup even if they don't have the large population numbers to back them up, such as the case with the Iban. Unfortunately, this also makes them an easy target for numerous stereotypes and caricatures, and the 'henpecked' Kayan has become an entrenched subject of numerous jokes and word jabs, taking a place alongside the 'enraged' Iban or the 'slow-witted' Malay.

    The Kayans originated in the deep interior of Borneo, concentrated on the central highlands and the upper tributaries of the Rajang, Bintulu, and Baram rivers. However, recent discoveries have shown that their true home was located far to the south in the Sentarum region, and that they moved northward hundreds of years ago to escape persecution and war from equally fearsome subgroups. In the highlands, the proto-Kayan formed a new cultural stronghold, creating their own separate way of life different to that of their downriver cousins. Waging war with the lowlanders and the coastal sultanates, the Kayans – and their related cousins, the Kenyahs – would reign as the island's mountain rulers until the nineteenth century, extending their domains back to the south and to the east.


    Kayan map.png


    A map of central Sarawak in the mid-1880’s, showing the distribution of various ethnic subgroups, including the Kayan.

    As Dayak groups go, the Kayan share some similarities with that of the other subgroups of Borneo. Most of the population live in longhouse villages, with compartmentalized spaces for living and social areas. They are primarily agriculturalists, engaging in shifting rice cultivation supplemented with fish, livestock, and wild meat. Being a riverine subgroup, most villages are built beside rivers and streams for easy transport and better access to fresh water, as well as for catching fish. They also have a tradition of headhunting and war, though not to the extent of the downriver Iban.

    However, that is where the similarity ends. Kayan society is markedly different than that of most Dayak subgroups in that it was markedly stratified, both socially and ritually. Pre-Brooke Kayan villages are generally divided into two separate levels, each having their own subdivisions and strata. While today this system of class and caste is now an irrelevance, they were a powerful part of Kayan daily life back in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Every family belongs to at least one or two places in the Kayan hierarchy, and almost no one can change their status and class with wealth; it was hereditary, set to what class a person’s parents were born into.


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    A figure from an anthropological journal showcasing the different classes present within a Kayan village, circa 1925

    In 1931, the French anthropologist Jerome Rousseau conducted a study on several Kayan villages, and reported that "...Almost all Kayan rituals contain elements which indicate whether the participants are kelunan jia ('refined people') or kelunan ji'ek ('inferior people'). For instance, the latter offer four eggs to spirits, while the former present twice or four times that number. The 'refined people' are also deemed to have greater spiritual power and to have the ability to have more intimate contact with the supernatural. Women's tattoos are distinct for the two categories."

    Speaking of such, the tattooing of women's legs and hands is also a unique insight into the Kayan subgroup. While there are other subgroups that also engage in body art, the Kayans are unique in that it is primarily women, not men and warriors, who are the ones being tattooed. Furthermore, the intricate designs are almost always inscribed on a person’s arms and legs, instead of – say, the back like the lowland Dayaks. Back in the early 20th century, tattooing of Kayan girls is near-universal; they believed that the designs acted as torches after death, leading them through the darkness of the afterlife. In accordance to this, a great number of rituals are enacted when the tattooist begins her work (Kayan tattooists are exclusively women), with equally elaborate designs to match.


    Image%208.jpg


    A photograph of a Kayan woman’s tattoos; it is estimated that with the available tools for the time, such designs would have taken up to a year to complete.

    Still though, "SaPE aNd dIVorcE laWS!!!"?

    To delve into both topics is to delve deep into Kayan culture, and how the subgroup reacted when Charles Brooke directed his punitive wars up and down the kingdom in the late 1800's. In Kayan society, the status, class, and ownership of a child is - theoretically - ascribed to the father. However, an overriding factor in this is the natal dwelling in which the child lives, in which case the mother would have a chance of achieving custody and having the child enter her social or spiritual status. In any case, divorce proceedings are a complicated affair in the Kayan community, and it was made more vexing due to the subgroup's divorce rates that were – up until the 1950's – among the highest in all of Sarawak. Past records indicated that approximately one-third of all Kayan marriages are between different communities, but two-thirds of such unions end in divorce, primarily due to the incoming spouse feeling isolated in a different village. The old Kayan culture of being distrustful of outsiders did not help either.

    The Sape, on the other hand, is much more understandable facet of Kayan culture. It is a lute-based musical instrument, usually carved from a solid bole of wood and painted with traditional motifs in vibrant colours. The musical instrument is not entirely exclusive to the Kayan subgroup, nor were they the first Dayaks in Borneo to ever invent string-based instruments of their own. However, the Sape's music style and the background of its most notable players have turned it into a global icon of the Dayak peoples and especially the Kayan in particular. Originally used for spiritual affairs and to induce trances, it has now become a focal point in cultural celebrations in both Sarawak and Sabah, and a few non-cultural ones as well.


    BOn55yz.jpg


    A modern version of the Sape. Note the sound box at the base and the steel tuning keys at the head.

    While it is easy to say that these facets of the Kayan – or in the Sape's case, the upriver peoples – are brought to the world through simple war and peace, the reality is much more complicated. When Charles Brooke brought his native army into the mountains back in the 1870's, the Kayans were generally impressed by the Rajah's prowess. However, most disliked the lowland Dayaks who accompanied him and distrusted the state-building activities that went on downriver. As a result, many Kayan villages remained in the far interior up until the early 1900's, and several tribes even moved over the border into what was then Dutch Borneo. With the subgroup located so far inland, Charles established only a skeleton presence in the region and mostly left the Kayans to themselves once they were pacified(within reason). However, with the outside world penetrating deeper and deeper into the mountains, the Kayan way of life would soon head on an unstoppable course…
     
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    Narrative: A teacher in Kuching
  • A mini-update for dropping out for so long.

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    Kuching, Kingdom of Sarawak, 15 June 1874


    The river ferry was just a quarter-ways from the docking pier when it lurched with a sudden jolt, again.

    As if by clockwork, the boatman stammered out the words. "M-My apologies, tuan. J-Just a little longer, tuan..."

    Sitting under the small canopy, Sawal grunted as his driver tried to paddle on as usual, his voice and unnatural gait giving away his flabbergasted state. Boy, just what is going on in that thick head of yours?. Looking down, he saw that his precious books were all strewn about in disarray and tried to stack them back to their original order.

    Silently, he grumbled. Should've gotten on that other ferry instead. Sawal didn't want to think of himself as being harsh, but being the teacher of the latest Malay school in Kuching – a school that he teaches all by himself, thank you – did meant a certain frankness in expressing opinions, and to express them freely at reprobates. Still, he figured that would just make the boatmen more nervous and so continued stacking on his books.

    Placing down the final volume, Sawal felt the ferry's arrival at the pier with a bump and quickly hopped himself off the craft with his stack carefully balanced on his left arm. Using his right, he quickly fished out a few Sarawak Dollars to the boatman, who continued to apologize over and over on account of his atrocious manoeuvring skills. The Malay teacher quickly walked up the steps to escape hearing any more of the matter.

    Climbing up the last steps, Sawal's eyes quickly swept over the expanse of green dotted with small groves that was the Rajah's garden, focusing instead on the whitewashed building at now took up almost all of his vision. To say that the structure looked peculiar was something of an understatement; what looked like a strange high-roofed palace was augmented with several large stone towers flanking the front doorway; towers that looked like they should belong on a stone fort. By now Sawal is used to the view, but it still struck him as odd from time to time.

    Still, at least it's better than Palembang. Passing through the guards who now knew him from his face, Sawal wondered what his former home now looked like. The Orang Belanda had already disposed of the last resistant royalists in the mountains, and he remembered how some of the pepper farmers wanted to move elsewhere to avoid the new taxes that, so the rumours say, will be imposed on them by their new overlords. Sawal could have stayed behind, his profession being one of the few that is needed at least somewhere in Sumatra, but he decided to take a chance and, like those few pepper farmers, sold his house for a new life about three years ago. ...that seemed like another life. Is the rice harvest going on well? What about Kak Jah and her children? Are the Orang Belanda still going on about the region?

    Walking through the doors and into the entrance hall, Sawal quickly went through the usual route to the Astana's sitting room, passing through the usual sights. It was nearly noon, and the corridors were empty from the usual morning rush of nobles and merchants wanting to see the Rajah. Entering his destination, the Sumatran teacher quickly spotted his group of students sitting Indian-style on the floor. As usual, the Ranee Margaret was at the center, talking animatedly to her bevy of Malay women friends. There was Isa and Shahada, and even some of the latter's daughters joining in on the talk. From the look of it, only young Lehut was silent with her eyes looking at the Ranee with what seemed to be awe, or was that jealousy? Children at dawn and women at noon. If my father could see this now... .

    On his entrance, all the women went silent and looked at him, waiting for the man to begin. Sawal cleared his throat and said. "Assalamualaikum dan selamat tengah hari, Rajah Ranee. Hari ini saya-"

    But just as Sawal reached over to the group, he heard a tinkling noise coming from the open doorway. Turning around, his eyes barely noticed his crop of adult students all craning their necks to see around his large frame.

    Framed by the open space stood a small girl with fair skin and dark hair, a small anklet ringed with bells wrapped around her right foot. In an instant, Sawal cleared the space for his Ranee, now standing up and hurrying over to – what he now realized – her daughter.

    "Lily! Why are you out of bed!?"



    **********​


    Name: Peter Mojuntin

    Date: 15 June 2004

    __________________________________________________

    Hildegarde Tuition Centre; Charleston branch.

    Holiday homework

    Question: Write about a person that you consider to be interseting. Then, find a picture of your subject and paste it down below.

    __________________________________________________

    bfrgXLj.png

    The person I would pick is the first Ranee of Sarawak Margaret Brooke because of how she familiarized and later, adapted to life in her new home.

    When Margaret first arrived from England in 1869, she didn't know what to do with herself as the wife of Rajah Charles Brooke. The land was foreign, and there were only a few European women in the capital to talk amongst. However, she decided to make some parties with the local Malay women to see just what would happen, and surprisingly found her new company enjoyable. She soon learnt Malay, and was later able to talk to her new friends without using a translation book.

    Margaret also followed her husband Charles into the jungle and met the Dayaks too. Instead of turning away from them, she allowed herself to be curious and asked lots of questions about their world, and they asked lots of questions about her too. After a few years, she went out to the jungles by herself and her friends, meeting with Bidayuhs, Ibans, Melanaus, and even a few Kayans from the far mountains. She even camped in a forest hut for a few nights while cruising the Rajang, only to be woken by the dawn and the nose-flute of her boatman. In the end, she managed to overcome her British prejudice for something totally new, and gained an experience few European women had.

    Finally, Margaret raised her children to have the same experiences she had. When they were born, many Kuching people sent her toys and gifts, and they were blessed with Malay and Chinese prayers. They were taught Malay, and they went with her to the jungles and met the Dayaks when they were old enough. They, along with their mother, also tasted Sarawakian fruits and wore Sarawakian clothes, ultimately making them more rooted to their home than to England.

    It is because of these reasons that I pick Margaret Brooke as my writing subject.​


    Mr Lou: We need to talk about your writing skills.

    ____________________

    Notes:

    1) Yes, that is Margaret Brooke, wife of Charles. Most of what was written down really did happen IOTL, even the camping in the jungle bit. She really did have Malay friends and really did went out to meet the Dayaks, though IOTL she was usually accompanied by her husband and children. Here's a picture of her and some of the women in Kuching wearing Malay dress.

    2) Surprisingly, there was a small amount of immigration from Sumatra to Sarawak in the 1870's IOTL. Even today there is no answer to this, though I do have some assumptions, particularly regarding to Charles Brooke's economic policies. We might not see the last of those pepper farmers... ;)

    3) Historically Margaret Brooke gave birth to a girl and twin boys, though they soon passed away en route to England due to a cholera outbreak on the ship. It was only later on IOTL that she sired Vyner and his brothers. ITTL, the cholera outbreak didn't happen, and her second set of children are entirely butterflied away.
     
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    1840's - 1870's: Johor and Sarawak's economic trade
  • Economic and social change, part 1 of 2

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    Muhammad Hazim bin Onn, The Spice Trade in the 18th and 19th Centuries, (Kosmo Press; 1878)

    Today, if one would look over a map of modern Johor, he or she would quickly notice the substantial number of towns and cities whose names have the word 'Kangkar', or 'Kang' as their beginning words. A closer inspection would reveal that these words are not Malay of origin, but Teochew, and when translated would refer to either "river base" or "port". These place names are just one of the many many legacies of a socio-economic system that dominated Johor back in the mid-to-late 19th century: the Kangchu System.

    The Kangchu System was a socio-economic policy developed by the monarchs of the Temenggung dynasty, constructed and codified over a period of forty years. Some of the basic elements of the system were first constructed as back as the 1830's, when the Temenggung family began amassing power at the expense of the ruling dynasty of Johor, the Bendaharas. Legend goes that the local family head at the time, Temenggung Abdul Rahman, noticed that several Chinese settlers – immigrants from British Singapore – were clearing out tracts of land around the Johor River. Upon questioning, he found out that the settlers were intending to plant pepper and gambir on the fields, and they were doing so in Johor to avoid British scrutiny in neighbouring Singapore.

    Whether the tale is true, no one really knows, but records do show that around the late 1830’s to early 1840’s, Abdul Rahman began crafting a system that he hoped would accrue both power and wealth into his hands and his family. He created a small bureaucracy to oversee the immigrants and began handing out documents to settler leaders which permitted them to establish spice plantations on the riverbanks. In return, the leaders would pay taxes based on the profits of their spice exports to the state, though given the politics of the time most of it went to the Temenggung family. Slowly, Abdul Rahman’s experiment began to work, and with British collusion the Temenggungs grew to become one of the most powerful families in all of Johor, culminating in the Bendahara handover of 1955 and the installation of his son, Daeng Ibrahim, as ruler.

    By the time of his son's ascension, the Kangchu System had grown into a full-fledged socio-economic policy. As the first monarch of his dynasty, Daeng Ibrahim sanctioned the system into an economic force, issuing permits known as Surat Sungai (Malay: "River Documents") to various "Kangchu" (Teochew: "Lord of the River") on a basis that they must be renewed after a specified period of time. These permits allowed the leaders to establish pepper and gambir plantations on river tributaries, as well as create basic services to cater the plantation workers. The bureaucracy was also expanded to handle the growing number of settlers streaming in from Singapore.


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    Lithograph of Chinese coolies on a riverboat in inland Johor.


    The effect was immense. Tens of thousands of Chinese subgroups made their way to Johor, either wanting to establish their own plantations or to work in one of them. Most of the settlers were Teochews from the Canton region, but there were also Fuzhou, Hakka, Hokkien, Hainanese, and other subgroups making their way as well. Many of them would indeed become labourers and plantation workers, but there were also some who became construction workers and dock builders, erecting homes and piers for the new communities. Some became porters and boatmen who would ferry goods and spices up and down the rivers, while others set up shops and coffeehouses in the plantations themselves, catering to the settlers' demand. Many Johorean towns in the 1800's were founded in this way, and their legacy lies in their beginning names: 'Kangkar' or 'Kang'; ‘River base’ or ‘Port’.

    The immigrants would often settle in areas where the local leaders are of the same subgroup as themselves, and it wasn't long before informal associations began making a presence. Relations with the local Malays were cautious and sometimes fraught with tension, but the low population density of Johor gave both sides breathing room in terms of owning land. Instead, most of the settlers’ animosity was directed at each other, and communal warfare often broke out between neighbouring plantations on the basis of ethnicity and dialect. However, the scattered nature of the plantations in those days made the fighting localized, and their lack of unity prevented an all-out uprising from quickly seizing control, as was the case with the 1857 Kuching Uprising that took place in neighbouring Sarawak.

    Under Daeng Ibrahim, Johor became one of the richest sultanates in the Malay Peninsula, and the treasury was flushed with money and capital. In 1862, Temenggung Abu Bakar took over his father as both monarch of Johor and chief orchestrator of the Kangchu System. By that time, there were no less than 37 Kangchu "leaders" collectively running over 1200 plantations all over Johor. The new sultan accelerated the system, later adding his own touch with the creation of the Kanun Kangchu (Malay: "Laws of the Kangchu") in early 1872. Simply put, the Kanun Kangchu was a series of 81 written clauses detailing the responsibilities and rights of the Kangchu and the Chinese settlers; a radical policy for the time period. Despite heavy opposition from the Malay traditionalists, it passed through the royal court and came into force the following month, permanently solidifying the Kangchu System to the state itself.

    As for the wealth generated, both Abdul Rahman and Daeng Ibrahim collected the profits for themselves and the family, but it would be Abu Bakar who would use the treasury to transform the sultanate as a whole...


    **********

    607.jpg


    ‘Ranjit Singh’, The Economy of Sarawak from 1868 to 1905, (Lido Press; 1889)

    To say that Sarawak in the 1870's went on an economic upswing was not surprising. More eyebrow-raising was exactly howdid Sarawak grew, and just how far-reaching was the economic policy of Charles Brooke towards the kingdom as a whole.

    When he ascended the throne in 1868, the new Rajah was already mulling about on how could his underdeveloped kingdom be economically sustainable enough to resist foreign meddling and exploitative colonization. Up until that point, Sarawak’s economy was dominated by ore exports and cottage industries, ranging from wild rubber to rattan furniture. While that in itself was already a money earner – treasury accounts reported an annual income of over 150,000 Pounds in 1871, with nationwide expenses already accounted for – Charles knew that more money and capital would be needed to further develop the nation, especially for infrastructure.

    One solution was a socio-economic policy that was called the Kangchu System. Developed by the rulers of the Johor Sultanate on the Malay Peninsula, it was a policy that led Chinese settlers of various kinds to immigrate to Johor and grow pepper and gambir plantations for worldwide export. In return, these plantations would then be taxed by the state in proportion to the profits generated from their crops. The Sarawak government quickly saw the economic potential, and began to copy the system for use in the kingdom, even drafting a Kanun Kangchu of their own on March 1873. As expected, thousands of Chinese settlers streamed into the kingdom, predominantly settling in the Rajang and Batang Lupar deltas.

    However, the arrival of the Chinese settlers also set off considerable debate among the local Malays and Dayaks, especially on the issue of land. Though their plantations would be placed far from many Malay and Dayak villages, there was some inevitable overlap with existing native settlements, and no one wanted to give their hard-earned (and in some cases, battle-won) grounds to immigrant upstarts. Furthermore, the massive influx of new peoples led to considerable strain on the rice industry, forcing Sarawak to import rice from Burma and the Dutch East Indies to make up for the shortfall; an irk that will continue for the rest of the 19th century.

    The result was a wealth of litigation and court issues, though due to Charles judicial reforms most of the cases were either resolved quickly or settled out of court. In addition, the Chinese settlers also grew vegetables and introduced new crops from southern China and Indochina, which soon became sought after by the Malays and Dayaks. As well as new crops, the introduction of "spice plants" led several neighbouring Malay and Dayak villages to embark on an unusual form of agricultural experimentation. In early 1875, supported by the Sarawak government, several Malay and Dayak formers began planting "on the side" cash crops to supplement traditional rice and orchard cultivation. Not just pepper and gambir, but sugarcane, cinnamon, and even coffee seeds were planted, grown, and eventually harvested, with plants and supplies courteously sold by the Sarawak government.


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    Chinese workers harvesting gambir from a Kangchu plantation, circa 1901.


    However, the bulk of the kingdom's revenues were not spent on improving agriculture, but on shipping. 1870's Sarawak was a (relatively) isolated, underdeveloped kingdom, and one that was expanding year by year as more and more territories were incorporated into the polity. Due to the sheer vastness of the state, it was deemed more practical to use the existing rivers and waterways rather than building land links to disparate towns by cutting through the rainforest, which would swallow labour, resources, and the finite Sarawak Treasury. Use of Dayak Prahus was encouraged, with money flowing to support Malay and Dayak boat builders. The Sarawak government also used their wealth on buying second-rate ships and gunboats from Great Britain, snapping up old cruisers and cargo vessels and refitting them for use in the East Indies.

    The result was, to say the least, an explosion of trade. With the pacification of the interior and the increase of economic opportunities, more and more Sarawakians began plying the waters to sell their goods, especially in the downstream villages. In particular, Kuching grew from a village of about 8,000 in 1868 a town of over 23,000 in 1877, and growing rapidly. New towns also sprung up around the kingdom's numerous river forts, where safety and security led many to establish themselves in the surrounding areas. In particular, the Chinese and Dayak communities began actively interacting with each another on these inland centres, and the wealth of native and imported goods meant that there was never a shortage of buyers and sellers.

    This explosion in trade was aided somewhat with the development of a new class of Malay and Dayak traders, connected by strong familial or personal bonds. The 1870's were the era of Charles Brooke's punitive expeditions, and for the thousands of Malays and Dayaks who participated, it was an age that forged the country together in more ways than one. In the fights and battles, personal friendships developed between the Malay and Dayak subgroups, and this bond was reciprocated with mutual trade between allied Malay and Dayak communities during the peace. Dayak beads, traditional medicine, wild cloth, lowland vegetables; the reciprocal trades soon formed a complex web of roving merchants and their goods woven throughout the lowland parts of the kingdom, and beyond...


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    A painting of the South American Kapok tree, of which it's distant cousins are grown and harvested in Sarawak. In particular, the tree's fluffy seedpods were harvested to be used from cloth-making to pillow stuffing.


    One curious side-effect of this trade boom was a revival of a product that was initially thought of as unmarketable in the kingdom: Porcelain. The history of Sarawak may stretch to the 1830's, but there is a deeper history that pervades the island, stretching back over a thousand years. From the height of the Song Dynasty on the 11th century to the zenith of Breunian Empire on the 16th, the region was awash with Chinese traders and their wares, and porcelain was one of the goods brought for sale. The Dayaks were especially taken with porcelain items, viewing them as precious objects to be used carefully and with respect. Some Dayak subgroups – like the Ibans and Melanaus – use porcelain jugs to store food and water, while other tribes would use them for spiritual purposes. Porcelain jars were also symbols of status for the Dayaks, and are often the first to go whenever an enemy tribe plunders their opponent's longhouse.

    However, since the 17th century the Bruneian Empire and the dynasties of China went on a slow decline, and the porcelain trade dried up with it. What few items that survived were passed on through the generations, becoming precious or sacred objects among the remaining Dayak tribes. The boom of the 1870's revived the trade in full force. Chinese traders quickly saw the demand for high-quality porcelain, and by 1879 many Chinese stores in Sarawak have at least one section devoted to fine china. Shipped from Hong Kong and Singapore, these items could cost as much as 300 Sarawak Dollars apiece, with many stores putting up higher prices. Despite that, there were many Dayaks and Malays who saved an entire year's worth of money just to purchase a single large vase.

    This luxury trade would later implode due to market oversaturation, but it was a sign of just how far Sarawak had come as a nation, and how it is increasingly connected to the wider world...



    ____________________


    Footnotes:

    1) This is where history seriously begins to diverge for this TL, though I will not say exactly where or how much has been diverted… ;)

    2) Yes, the Kangchu System was an actual thing, and it was used by both Johor and Sarawak up until the First World War. ITTL, things are mostly the same, except for a few important parts, namely the Kanun Kangchu.

    3) From past papers and journals, there was some evidence to say that Sarawak had a local coffee and spice plantation economy up until the 1890’s, when worldwide coffee prices went on a freefall. ITTL, they may last longer due to… external factors.

    4) Yes, the Dayaks really did place a lot on Chinese porcelain. There used to be a brilliant article floating around the Net detailing on how precious porcelain was to Sarawak, but somehow or other I lost it. ITTL, the porcelain trade will form the basis of a surprising relationship...

    5) Yes, the kapok tree (we call them kekabu here) was seriously used for pillow stuffing. We even still sell these in Southeast Asia. :D
     
    1860's - 1870's: Sarawak's foreign immigrants
  • Happy New Year and Maulidur Rasul! Now, on to the updates!

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    Chloe Pang, A Socio-Political History of Sarawak; 3rd Edition (Kayangan Publishing: 1999)

    ...I870’s Sarawak was a kingdom in constant flux, and increasing links with the outside world pushed it onwards to the forefront of social change. From almost every navigational direction came new arrivals into its ports, bringing with them trade, culture, and deep ties back to the lands from which they departed. It was a tumultuous time in which a crucible was formed, and it was from this that the kingdom would have its political evolution…


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    China

    The Chinese immigrants were among the first to make their mark in the decade, and in an unsavoury way as well. As thousands of immigrants made their way to work in the Kangchu System, they would form their own groups, clans, and associations to differentiate themselves from the locals and band together in their new home.

    Of these, one particular association would prove to be a point of consternation for the White Rajah: the Ghee Hin Kongsi. A plurality of the Kangchu immigrants that arrived in Sarawak were Teochew, but they formed a large majority in neighbouring Johor, and their association was recognized by the Johorean Sultan as a means to better watch over the pepper plantations. When the Natuna and Anambas Islands were handed over to the kingdom in 1875, it wasn't long before boats from both nations began to dock on the islands' towns, and it wasn't long before the Ghee Hin started making inroads in mainland Sarawak itself.

    For a kingdom that has regularly battled against Chinese secret societies, the arrival of the Ghee Hin was an enormous headache. The kingdom had long criminalized on the sale of opium, but the product was readily sold in neighbouring Johor. Sarawak's investment in shipping meant that more goods can now be transported to British Singapore at a lower cost, but it also meant large quantities of opium and contraband entering the state from the Malay Peninsula. Worse, a large plurality of Sarawak Chinese were of Hakka origin, and their own association, the Hai San Kongsi (itself based in Malaya and travelled via the islands), were bitterly opposed to the Teochew-dominated Ghee Hin.

    Wildcat fights quickly broke out amongst the plantations, and weapons began to flow just as swiftly as smuggled goods. While the scale of the fighting never peaked to the point of the turf battles in Malaya, by the late 1870's there was a general feeling that something had gone amiss in the Kangchu System. Sarawak would later approve the sale of opium through "official" channels and elevate Kangchu leaders in administrative matters in the style of Johor, but until the Kangchu Talks of May 1879 the kingdom would fight a losing battle against the opium smugglers, raiding warehouses in the Rajang Delta whilst patrolling ceaselessly on their island holdings.

    However, there were a few immigrants that didn’t take part in the Kangchu System whatsoever. Following the farmers and planters were the merchants and traders, recognizing the opportunity of commerce in a new land. Many of Sarawak’s Chinatowns date back to this decade as hundreds of trading families settled in the southern port cities. Aside from engaging with the Kangchu and the settlers, they also traded with the Malays and Dayaks, exchanging products from cottage industries for outside goods.

    Though the Chinese community at this point had associations and organizations, they were very fragmented and more focused on preserving ethno-socio-cultural fabric than anything else, barely engaging politically with the other residents of Sarawak. Nonetheless, their organizational framework was formed during this era, and it would provide a template for other groups to follow…

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    The East Indies

    The late 1860’s were a time of consolidation and conquest for the Dutch East Indies, and in their wake lay many who disliked their new colonial lords. The new laws, taxes, and social upheaval caused by the Dutch resulted in many residents throughout their archipelago to count their options, and there were several roads to choose. While most families either fought against the Dutch or make do with the new times, some in the archipelago decided to either work alongside them as trading partners or simply move someplace else. Throughout the 1860's to the early 1900's there were small trickles of emigration and immigration as various groups roved around the East Indies searching for a new home.

    Pepper farmers fleeing from Aceh and Palembang roved with Bugis, Javanese and Hadrami merchants, settling in various new towns and locales. Of the flock, a few decided to settle in the coastal towns of Sarawak. Kuching, Maling, Bintulu, and Fort Charles all received about a dozen or so new families every year, with immigration peaking around the mid-1880's. The pepper farmers quickly blended in with the kingdom’s plantation economy, setting up their own spice farms around the towns and the river deltas. Later on, they would be among the first to experiment with the new cash crops encouraged by the government, diversifying Sarawak's economy in the late 19th century.

    The merchants would also discover their own niche in Sarawakian society, becoming commercial outlets for the kingdom’s riverine trading network and becoming intermediaries in the archipelago's informal commerce system. Later, as the northern Riau islands were bequeathed to the Brookes, trade links would also form with Johor and British Singapore, though the Chinese never lost their primacy on the Borneo-Peninsula trade. Marriages with the Malays were common, and in time great families would rise from these unions.

    Of particular note were the small cadre of teachers and educated men whom emigrated from the sultanates of Sumatra. Back then, the Sumatran teachers were considered to have a "greater gasp" of the Malay language, and schools set up by Sumatran teachers were heavily attended by the Kuching Malay populace. While the Sarawak government didn't approve of a national education system (they thought the kingdom was for too diverse for such policies), they did encourage the usage of Malay among the locals to better facilitate communication and trade, and so encouraged the growth of Malay schools by providing them with literary materials and financial backing.

    In time, these men and women would lay the seeds of the kingdom's Malay literary and political movement...


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    India

    By the 1870's Sarawak already had an Indian community of its own, albeit a miniscule one. In the previous decades, the previous Rajah had used Sikh and Hindu troops from British India to man the numerous river forts of the kingdom, helped in part by the British who wanted to punish low-ranking men who participated in the Indian Rebellion. Sarawak was deemed to be "a suitable place of sentencing", and several hundred rank-and-file troops ended up being stationed in Borneo as a form of exile.

    By the time of Charles' ascension, the descendants of those men had planted firm roots in their new home, and the use of Sikh troops on river forts has been made law by the Sarawak government. The men were to be stationed for a period of several years, after which they would have the option of either returning to India or stay in Sarawak. Most went back, but a few stayed behind; becoming shopkeepers or policemen for the ever-expanding nation, sending remittances back to their families in exchange for spouses or supplies.

    This small community was then enlarged by the addition of several thousand Tamils from Southeast India and Ceylon. The kingdom, for all its inclusion of laws favouring Malays and Dayaks, had several European planters that managed to slip past the bureaucracy to establish their own spice farms. These men once used local labour, but the arrival of the Chinese immigrants and the immense court litigation that followed, coupled with the increase of Malay and Dayak working laws, prompted them to import foreign workers instead. Around 3,000 to 5,000 labourers, predominantly Tamils, immigrated to Sarawak from 1871 to 1879, usually by way of being contracted.

    These people would toil for years and even decades in the plantations, though some would compete with the Chinese and East Indies merchants in commerce and services. Barbers and moneylenders are one niche position, though the Muslim Tamils would later make their mark with their mamak stalls and coffee shops. There were even a few Indian traders that arrived to Sarawak out of their own free will, riding the coattails of the British to trade in the latter’s ever-expanding Empire.

    Though minuscule when compared to the previous arrival groups, they would form one of the most important pillars of Sarawak’s political evolution, not least because by the end of the 1870’s, even they had made links with the peninsula and island port that lay across the sea…


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    Other notable events

    One last factoid; the year 1871 was an important one in several ways. It was not only the year when the Borneo Treaty was signed and hence, Maritime Southeast Asia carved into multiple pieces, it was also the birth year for the kingdom’s now-famous (or infamous) boat-racing celebration: the Sarawak Regatta.

    Though records are scant, it is believed that the event was first thought of when the newly-acclaimed Rajah, Charles Brooke, searched for a more peaceful way to settle disputes between different Dayak tribes and reaffirm his relations with his native allies. Stopping by the Isle of Wight on a brief trip to England, he attended the Cowes Week regatta and was inspired by the event, carrying over the idea of a boat-racing competition back to his kingdom. With the riverine nature of the Dayaks and the pride both Dayaks and Malays take into their boat-crafting, the proposal was met very swimmingly in the kingdom.

    The first Sarawak Regatta was launched on New Year’s Day 1871, with almost thirty teams from the capital and the nearby villages racing one another down the Kuching River. Prizes were awarded to the winners, with the overall champions receiving a cash reward of 50 Sarawak Dollars and being the toast of the day. Though short in duration, the event caught significant local attraction, and many Kuching residents thronged the piers and riverbanks to cheer on their favourites; a new tradition was born.

    In time, the Regatta will place a prominent part of social life in the kingdom, and – even more in time – play a notable part in regional history as well…


    ____________________

    Footnotes:

    1) Let's just say a lot has happened over the past decades that has made a lot of stuff quite different than OTL. ;)

    2) There were secret societies in Sarawak IOTL. ITTL, they have linked up with the main players from Malaya. In any case, Sarawak's troubles won't be the Bornean equivalent of the Larut Wars or the Johor turf battles, but it won't exactly be an easy time for the Brookes either.

    3) The Sarawak Regatta was an actual thing, and it still exists today, albeit in a different form. ITTL, the event will have a more... prominent place in regional - maybe even word - affairs.
     
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    1870's: Aceh and Johor
  • I'm back, people!

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    Effendi Latif, The Tumultuous History of Aceh, (Umaria Publishing: 1979)


    ...To say that the Aceh War was inevitable is perhaps a misnomer, but during the conditions of the time, it seemed there was no other alternative. For over three decades, the sultanate of Aceh tried to avoid becoming an economic or political colony of the Dutch East Indies, which desired a firm foothold over northern Sumatra and control over the East Indies' pepper trade. From having the greatest naval power of the age guarantee the state's independence to submission as a protectorate to the Ottoman Empire, the Acehnese royal court tried everything they could to ensure being separate from Batavia and the Dutch.

    When the Italians reached Sumatra in 1869, the Acehnese sultan eagerly signed a commercial treaty to make ties with yet another potential helper. However, the arrival of Italy into the colonial game rang alarm bells in London and Amsterdam, and both powers quickly re-drew the map of Southeast Asia in the wake of the Italian Expedition. With its independence guarantee revoked by the British in 1871, the royal court had to act fast. Acehnese representatives secretly met with foreign diplomats in Singapore to buy weapons and supplies while emissaries were sent to France, Italy and the Ottoman Empire to gain outside support for an anti-Dutch alliance.

    Despite the secrecy, it wasn't long before Batavia caught wind of the negotiations, and in late 1872 the capital formulated a casus belli to cut the talks short: a letter to the sultanate regarding the condition and treatment of several Dutch sailors from a beached cargo vessel. When discovering that the local lords treated the sailors poorly, the Dutch East Indies swiftly declared war. From our perspective, the outcome was predetermined even if the court itself treated the sailors nicely. Still, it is worth mentioning that, at the time, even the American Consul to Singapore thought of the pretext as "...impressively flimsy, even by the standards of war."

    With that in mind, no one really expected the outcome of the initial battles. On December 16th, a Dutch force of around 3500 men quickly sailed from Batavia to the sultanate's capital, Kutaraja, and quickly took the city. However, the royal court had known that such an event would happen and immediately decamped to the interior while warriors armed with modern weaponry fought back with furious zeal, cutting the European force to pieces. The Dutch commander of the expedition ended up being among the dead, and what was left of the offensive sailed back to Batavia in disgrace by the end of the month.

    On the international side of things, Acehnese diplomats continuously pleaded with Europe to help their kingdom. Of the three, the French were the most indifferent to the crisis as the nation focused itself more on stitching together after the calamitous act that was the Franco-Prussian War. The Ottomans were very sympathetic, but their weakened international status meant that little to no help came from the Porte. Italy was the most supportive of the group, with the Italian Consul in Johor offering weapons and aid* while nationalists in Rome clamoured for an "Atjeh Intervention". [1]

    This greatly disturbed Batavia, and they quickly harangued the British into helping them for their new offensive as per their new agreement. They needn’t have worried; the British were becoming wary of the new Italian state, and the Italian government had just recently approved the construction of new armed vessels that would, as one Italian put it, "...improve our connection to our colonies and our friendly states, both of which lie far beyond our shores." There were some voices asking on just how unfair the tables have turned for a sultanate that was formally protected by the Royal Navy, but they were drowned out by increasing calls for mutual cooperation.[2]

    And so by 1873 a new Dutch expedition headed itself to Kutaraja while a blockade was imposed on Aceh's ports, conducted by British ships. This quickly ticked off Italy, which had an eye towards the East Indies, but also because their vessels were particularly watched as they sailed towards their prestige outpost of Biak. The expansion of Italian power in New Guinea was another sore spot for both Singapore and Batavia, but at the time, both powers considered Aceh to be the bigger issue.

    However, what both powers didn’t know – but will soon find out – was that subduing the sultanate of Aceh was a task easier said than done. The state always had a bit of an independent streak over the centuries, flouting conventional laws and openly warring with the neighbouring Princely States of Sumatra and Malaya. Batavia had stirred up a hornet's nest, and one that was incredibly enraged....


    *records show that at least some of the weapons acquired in Johor came from the Kangchu turf wars.



    **********


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    Mustapha Shamsuddin bin Abdul Rahman, Johor and the making of Malaya, (Kosmo Press: 2000)


    If there is a word that encapsulated Abu Bakar's early modernization policy towards Johor, it would be "shrewd". Johor stood on a tightrope by the end of the 1860's, and the royal court knew that social and economic advancement of the sultanate depended on walking that tightrope well.

    For one, the use of the Kangchu System had brought the state unimaginable wealth and power, but it also brought out opium and weapons smuggling as well as violent turf wars between rival Chinese associations. The royal court was also divided in itself, with one side favouring progress and reform – primarily those who had travelled with the sultan in his 1866 tour of Europe and wanted to emulate the Continent’s successes, and the traditionalists who opposed reform and are convinced that Johor would stay as it is forevermore.

    The situation was no less precarious on the international stage. That same overseas tour had the desired effect of turning European attention towards the sultanate, but it also caught the attention of more dubious heads. It wasn't long after the trip before scores of colonial architects began looking overseas at Asia and Africa, and several of them were looking right at the East Indies.

    With all this in mind, Abu Bakar and the royal court began embarking on a slow program of modernization and reform. The aim? To make Johor a state worthy of being in the international world, as well as sufficient enough to deter all but the most ardent colonial heads. Abu Bakar packed the royal court full with reformers and pragmatists, as well as several high-raking Chinese heads of the Kangchu System. Books on the Industrial Revolution were readily bought and read, as were treatises on business, international commerce and private enterprise. The business-leaning Kangchu and the reformist Malays quickly saw their interests align with one another, and as Abu Bakar intended, the reformist Malay-Chinese alliance quickly stopped the traditionalists at almost every future policy, save for religious and cultural issues.

    The royal court first tested their new muscle with infrastructure upgrades. New roads were laid down and old ones widened to better connect the capital to the Kangchu farms and outlying villages. The use of boats was also encouraged to extend the reach of the capital further to the hinterlands. Johor also began openly flirting with the international world, mostly favouring the British on foreign affairs yet leaving room for the Italians and other consuls to have a say or two on several occasions.

    It wasn't until 1873 that the state truly began embarking on full-out reform, and its first target was the education system. Until then, Johorean schools were primarily run by Muslim imams whom taught based on personal experience with no central oversight. That changed quickly as court functionaries began codifying the Johorean dialect of Malay and a new Education Board began instructing secular teachers on new curriculum systems modelled on British schools. New schoolhouses were also erected in and around the capital, Johor Bahru, whilst the state's first broadsheet newspaper, the Suara Negara Johor (The Voice of Johor), was established by the royal court in this year.[3]

    While most historians agree that the education reforms were borne out of pragmatism and high ideals, recent archival breakthroughs have suggested more personal reason for the endeavour. At the time, Abu Bakar was particularly irked that the neighbouring, underdeveloped Kingdom of Sarawak could have both a successful (if informal) education system and even its own newspaper by 1871, whilst his own state had neither. The Maharajah had wanted to place the education reforms first, but had to wait until the kingdom's infrastructural upgrades were fully carried out before attempting them.

    Alongside this, the sultan also tried to include the Chinese community in the nation-building process, knowing that the bulk of Johor's capital was tied to their hands. Besides placing Kangchu leaders in the royal court, he also instructed courtiers to understand Chinese dialects to better communicate with the settlers and business leaders (Abu Bakar himself learned to understand Teochew) as well as elevating a Teochew association, the Ghee Hin Kongsi, to oversee the development of various pepper farms and Kangchu towns. Nevertheless, he also tried to lessen the brutal turf battles by forcing a roundtable conference of Chinese association leaders in 1874 to settle out their differences.[4]

    This relationship between the Chinese and the reformist Malays, and the infrastructural development of the sultanate itself, would lend itself to a strange conclusion as the 1870's came to a close. However, the cowed traditionalists would also try and find a way to get their voices heard...

    __________

    Footnotes:

    [1]. See Post #345. ITTL, Italy had an eye towards Aceh for over half a decade.

    [2]. See Post #374. Due to Italy’s involvement in the East Indies, both the British and the Dutch have banded together to try and keep the East Indies theirs.

    [3]. IOTL, the education reforms were carried out in the 1880’s. Here, they are made nearly a decade earlier. Abu Bakar’s ego would certainly be irked if he knew just how much had his neighbours advanced.

    [4]. Surprisingly, this was based in OTL. The Johorean court had several Kangchu leaders in its midst during this time and there were even Chinese-speaking Malay liaisons who would form a bridge between different communities.
     
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    1870's: détente for Batavia and Kuching
  • Managed to churn this out. I'm... back?

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    Anton De Rycker, The Hornbill and the Lion: Dutch-Brooke Relations (Leiden University Press: 1982)

    ...While it is safe to say that the 1870s were a time of détente for Batavia and Kuching, it wasn't without a few snags. Though the Dutch and the Brookes had signed a mutual agreement regarding their positions in Borneo in the Treaties of 1870 and 71', it took another few years before both sides actively began to normalize relations with each other.

    In fact, for a while, both Powers tried to resume their quarrels as if the past two years never actually happened. However, the ascendency of a more watchful British Singapore, coupled with the rise of Great Power politics in the region, forced Sarawak and the DEI to band together to protect their respective interests in Borneo. The urge to drive off the last remaining head-hunting Dayaks from their borders was also an overarching factor, as was the desire to secure their areas of interest for inland trade, particularly for Batavia.

    Sarawak started first. In late 1874, Charles Brooke planned an anti-headhunting expedition around the upper reaches of the Batang Lupar river. Before it started, Kuching sent word of its intentions to Batavia and Buitenzorg, sending maps and plans of their intended "path of warfare", as well as requesting permission to cross into Dutch Borneo "should the situation be deemed necessary". However, Batavia vacillated over the proposals and the issue became dragged for more than a week owing to long dialogues between Java and the Dutch Residents of West Borneo. His patience wearing thin, Charles went on the expedition anyways before an answer could be given.

    The political bickering that resulted was both loud and predictable, but it was also the first time Sarawak tried to – at least – actively inform its neighbour about its punitive intentions ahead of time. Besides that, it also opened both Dutch and Sarawak officials to the idea of actually bridging the diplomatic canyon between the two capitals. Realizing this, Batavia tried the same tactic when it organized its own punitive expedition up the Kapuas rivers the following year, and they were encouraged further when the Sarawak government gave it's permission to cross their territory after only a week of waiting (though Charles Brooke also warned all of his Dayak allies to stay clear of the Dutch in any case).

    This slowly opened the door for better relations between the two Powers, exchanging information on the locations of Dayak settlements and expedition paths. Besides that, both sides actively began to court their native allies, telling them to move away from the respective border areas to prevent fatal misunderstandings (as well as to prevent the true head-hunters from seeking shelter amongst their brethren). It will take until 1879 for Batavia and Kuching to be truly open about their “pacification campaigns” to one another, but it was a marked shift that neither side wanted to change.

    The upswing in relations took place in another way as well. As the decade progressed, Sarawak became an ascendant trade hub for spices, goods, and immigrants from all over the East Indies and China. Local Malay, Chinese, and Dayak traders would sail from Kuching to Dutch Sambas or Singkawang to exchange cloths, pepper, porcelain, and artisanal goods. Before long, a small network of traders and merchants began establishing themselves in Kuching and West Borneo, spurred on by increasing immigration (especially by southern Chinese subgroups due to Sarawak’s Kangchu System) and the Brooke kingdom's riverine infrastructural growth.

    Originally, the Dutch took a somewhat dim view of another trade competitor in the East Indies, particularly one that was involved in spices. However, the ascendancy of nearby Johor and the difficulty of enforcing Dutch products on certain areas on interest brought an important lesson home for Batavia: Goods are attractive. By 1866, the DEI began toning down its criticism of Sarawak and it’s cash-crop economic policies, as well as allowing the burgeoning trade networks between Kuching in West Borneo. In return, both polities began clamping down on inter-state smuggling activates, particularly for cheap Sarawak salt – an important commodity for the Ibans of the northern Sentarum region.

    However, there was more than just artisanal goods and salt that made their way between the two polities. Historians also posited that it was around this decade that the mysterious Lanfang Republic played it's last cards. More than just a self-declared state by Chinese immigrants in Dutch Borneo (before it was Dutch-conquered, no less), the Lanfang Republic was polity that faced destruction and incorporation into the vast expanse that was the DEI by the 1870's. During this decade, there was a flurry of contact between Lanfang and the Chinese traders of Singapore and Kuching, hoping for a way out from its predicament.

    However, such contact was kept hidden from the public eye. The British, Dutch and Sarawak officials had little idea of such contacts happening through their traders, or of the effects of such relationships between states. However, considering the political happenings of the decade – particularly during the mid-1870s – it was easy to get side-tracked, especially with what was happening in Aceh, New Guinea and in Northern Borneo…



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    Notes:

    1) Most of what happened up above did happen over the 1870's and 80's, but at a much slower pace. ITTL, the treaties of 1870 and 71', the budding cooperation between Singapore and Batavia, the resolving of Sarawak and tthe Dutch's positons over Borneo, and the presence of foreign powers in the region (and not just Italy. There's another update coming...) speeded up the warming relations.
     
    GUEST POST: Cavour's Italy
  • Just to ease the wait for the new update, with the permission of the author i post some piece about ITTL Italy, more precisely the Cavour goverment (including the third war of independence). If you don't agree with what wrote or you spot some error...i declare myself the only guilty part.



    THE CAVOUR’S YEAR part I

    Foreign Policy

    The foreign politics of Italy in those early years, and for many years to come, were so intertwined with internal matters that is very difficult to determine when one end and the other begin.
    The reclamation of the remaining irredente land like Veneto, Trentino and naturally Rome, considered the natural capital of Italy, were the premiere objective of the government and almost all his act can be traced back to that goal.

    Secondly come other things, like how to create a colonial empire like the other great powers (but not for Cavour who make it one of his long-term project, has rightly so, he thought that colonies oversea were the key for Italy greatness).


    The Roman Question

    Prime Minister Cavour initially pursued a politics targeted to resolve diplomatically the ‘Roman question’ as it was thought that the major support both financial and political for the anti-unitary brigandage come from the Papal States so, at least for the initial moment, the problem of acquire Veneto was put aside.
    This created a fracture between him and the King as Vittorio Emanuele II know that the Emperor of France, proclaimed protector of the Papal State, never have allowed a military conquest of the Eternal City and Pio IX was too stubborn to accept any Italian offer.

    This political infighting galvanized people like Mazzini and Garibaldi, making them hope that very soon the Italian army will have moved against the Pope; so the ‘hero of two world’ began the creation of a volunteers corps to take Rome.
    Cavour after having received news of this endeavor ordered the arrest of Garibaldi and all his troops, so to prevent a possible catastrophic international incident (1).

    This move was not without consequence as General Garibaldi was considered a national hero and having him under house arrest, even if officially was not accused of anything, but just in protective custody, was a problem for the government both in terms of image than of public order.
    The perfect solution at the situation come suddenly and from a very distant nation; the American consul in Vienna in fact again proposed to Garibaldi a commission in the Union Army as general, so to fight in the Civil War that at the moment was ravaging the United States (2).
    Initially not interested in the offer, the personal request of the King and the Prime Minister to accept the proposal so to foster better relations with the new nation swayed him, even because this meant immediate freedom and more importantly action in a moment when the fight for the unity of the motherland was not possible.


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    Historical reenactors dressed as member of the ‘Libertà’ Legion the division lead by Giuseppe Garibaldi during the American Civil War.

    The ‘Roman Question’ come again in the forefront only in 1864 when Napoleon III in need to support during the crisis between Prussia and Austria over the Danish Ducats, proposed the retreat of the French troops from the Papacy in exchange of the Italian promise to respect the territorial integrity of the Papal State.
    Controversial was the clause regarding the choosing of another capital for the Kingdom of Italy, Cavour greatly insisted that was not necessary but the Emperor insisted so in the end, was agreed to move the capital from Turin to Florence(3).
    With the diplomatic situation between Italy and French now being more stable, and Rome for now still out of reach, Veneto become a very tempting target.


    Prussian-Italian Alliance

    Cavour attempt to form an alliance with Prussia, started at the beginning of his mandate as Prime Minister of the newly united Italy.
    The Count in fact sent General La Marmora in Berlin, officially as the Italian representative to the incoronation of King Wilhelm but in reality to try to found some agreement with Prussian government against Austria.
    This initial attempt were rebuffed due to the mistrust of the very conservative Prussian political establishment against the more liberal Italian.

    Between 1861 and 1865 there were other attempts to create such alliance, while at the same time Cavour tried to at least buy Veneto from Vienna (using France as middleman due continued refusal of Vienna to officially recognize the Italian government), but all this attempts failed, at least till a new player entered the field.
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    Chancellor Otto von Bismarck 1866

    With the election of Otto von Bismarck as new chancellor of Prussia, the relationship with Italy drastically changed. In fact, the future ‘Iron Chancellor’, know perfectly that for his project to purge Germany of the Austrian influence, he needed allies. Therefore, he started sending some diplomatic feelers to France, as her neutrality were necessary for the success of any plan, and to Italy as she was the perfect ally due to both her position and irredentist claim.
    La Marmora was sent again in Berlin to negotiate a possible alliance with Prussia, with the only clause that the French government needed to give his consent or at least not oppose the eventual conflict.

    Napoleon III gave his assurance that France will have not interfered in a future conflict between the three nations, a move done with the intention of take the role of eventual mediator in the peace negotiation and using it to obtain concession on Belgium or Luxemburg.
    At the same time, the diplomatic relationship between Prussia and Austria-Hungary turned to the better and many members of the royal court opposed the Chancellor in this project. This caused some doubt in Turin about how seriously this negotiation were but assurance from both Bismarck and the French Emperor made Cavour going through the talk and the 1 April 1866 the treaty of alliance between the Kingdoms of Prussia and Italy was signed in Berlin.

    The relationship between Bismarck and Cavour was one of respect for each other intelligence and capacity but very cold at the personal level as both men had totally divergent political ideology and objective; both knowing that the alliance was only one of pure reciprocal interest and only temporary.


    Colonial politics

    Prime Minister Cavour, also hold the title of 1st Commander of the Navy and was always a great supporter of the naval institutions as a mean to project power and believed that Italy needed a colonial empire like the other Great Power. For this reasons, one of the first act as Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Italy, was to start a massive naval build up, with the commission of 12 new-armored ship and the construction of new and modern yards at La Spezia. (4)

    Cavour early attempts to bring Italy in the colonial game go back at the first months of his premierships, with a commercial mission lead by Gianbattista Scala on Nigeria and in the Portuguese island of Principe. This initial little enterprise failed very quickly due to a series of problems, among them the lack of support from the rest of the Italian government, especially in a moment when Cavour was forced to rest due to a Malaria attack and the contemporary British protest over the Italian intrusion in a zone that they considered under their jurisdiction.

    More successful, even if a little slower and not so glamourous, was the economic penetration and the spread of political influence in the neighboring Tunisia; this North African land historically always hold a strong Italian community and had many economic ties with the Kingdom of the Two Sicily’s who passed to the Kingdom of Italy.
    These maneuvers culminated in the Treaty of Palermo of May 1867 (5), the last signed by Cavour before his death; the document regulated the regime of the capitulations, giving various economic and diplomatic privilege at the Italian community and financial interest.
    This type of approach was deemed unavoidable by the Prime minister and the other political leaders, as the other Great Powers like France and United Kingdom will have never accepted a military occupation of the land, for many reason both economically than strategic.
    For this reasons it was decided that gradually transform the place in a de-facto Italian protectorate was the next best thing.

    The most controversial and far-reaching colonial move of Cavour career was the Aceh Question.
    In 1865 a Genoese, former navy captain, now entrepreneur and friend of Garibaldi, Celso Cesare Moreno obtained an audience with the King and parliament and there he proposed to make the Sultanate of Aceh, in the Island of Sumatra, an Italian protectorate.
    Moreno had become very close with the local royal family, even marrying one the daughter of Sultan and he perfectly know that while the nation was for now protected by the British, the treaty that assured this was going to expire soon and the Dutch already encroached their territory waiting for the right moment.
    For this reason, he suggested to the Sultan to be sent in Italy with a diplomatic proposal for a protectorate, as the expatriate was sure that more reasonable terms could be extracted from a newcomer like his motherland. Naturally this move will had bring not only many opportunities, both commercial and political but also a lot of diplomatic headache as the government of Great Britain will surely not liked any intrusion on what considered his turf, like the previous colonial attempt demonstrated

    Cavour instead greatly supported this idea but at that moment was busy with the diplomatic first step for the future alliance with Prussia, so in practice his aid was more limited, still it was sufficient for the proposal to be discussed.

    Two things happened in 1866 to drastically change the political landscape in Italy so that Aceh became a name know by everyone in the peninsula.

    First, the defeat of the Austria-Hungary Empire by the Prussian-Italian Alliance, and more in specific the victory of the Italian Navy at Lissa over the Austrian one, greatly bolstered the national self-confidence, in specific that concerning the capacity of Regia Marina.
    Second the visit of the Maharaja Abu Bakar di Johor in Italy sparkled a great interest toward the region, especially in the King Vittorio Emanuele II.


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    Sultanate of Aceh 1867 circa

    As expected the Italian attempted move was not appreciated by the United Kingdom or the Netherland who communicated their displeasure with some strong diplomatic note. Cavour initiated some low level talk between the three governments to find an agreement but at the same time continued the preparation for an expedition on Sumatra lead by Giacinto Carini. This plan, even if on an advanced stage, were scrapped after the 10 August 1867 due the death of Camillo Benso Count of Cavour, due to the political chaos that his demise caused.


    (1)OTL Garibaldi attempted to organize an army to conquer Rome (with the silent approval of the current prime minister) but fear of French intervention caused the King to order at the army to stop him. The attempt caused a brief battle between the soldiers and Garibaldi’s men, with some a dozen of deaths and almost fifty wounded (among them Garibaldi himself).
    (2) OTL offer but due to the previous wound and the difficult diplomatic situation due to his incarceration, it was not really pursued. Here things go differently due to him not being hit or really in prison and Cavour anxious to let him be the problem of another country.
    (3) as OTL the capital moved to Florence as per agreement, while I doubt that Cavour will be eager to move it as Turin was in the middle of a construction boom and even him as people to keep satisfied, keeping Nappy III happy it’s more important in this case.
    (4) As OTL but with him in charge, there is the possibility that the plan get a better government overseeing, so Regia Marina obtain ships of some better quality…at least a little.
    (5) OTL Treaty but a year early due to no numerous change of government in Italy and a more linear and continuous foreign policy.
     
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