Tbf if the Japanese win the Spanish would be in terrible straits considering how they'd need another half a year to get a navy of comparable size to the area, and if the Japanese lose but don't lose the power to defend itself it can just outbuild the Spanish. Unless the catastrophe struck the Japanese fleet I don't see Japan's advantages being lost for now.
Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun
- Thread starter Ambassador Huntsman
- Start date
I don't think so - pre 20th century Japan was never really that big on expansion of any kind.
Besides, Shintoism - alongside the the associated kokutai and regnal divinity - had always been intended for the domestic consumption of the Japanese. While not really exclusivistic, it never accounted for things like conquering and administrating and enfeoffing non-Japanese territories like Korea, and something becoming much more stronger and successful than the Ashikaga Shogunate had ever been - that in the form of the Oda Chancellery and its burgeoning mercantilistic enterprise.
That said, the overseas expansion that they are conducting will sure put those well-established concepts into a lot of flux. For one, who have the Bireitouan natives declared allegiance to - or even have merely established formal relationships with, anyway? Is it solely the Oda Chancellor and his chancellery, or the Japanese Emperor himself and his Imperial Court? What should also be the relationship between the home islands and its overseas territories, then?
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Chapter 41: Iberian-Japanese War Part VII - The Battle of Cape Bojeador
Chapter 41: Iberian-Japanese War Part VII - The Battle of Cape Bojeador
In the middle of May 1632, de Oquendo’s fleet sailed into Manila Bay. The original 25-ship fleet had been accompanied by 12 ships gathered in Goa, although most of those reinforcements were busy retaking Malacca. De Oquendo immediately ordered the assembling of a grand armada set to clash against Japanese naval forces. In addition to incorporating de Amezqueta’s fleet and gathering native vessels from the Visayas and Portuguese ships from Macau, the Spaniard also hired pirates and mercenaries equipped with several junks. His objective would be to strike the main fleet in the Luzon Straits and cut off Tomoyoshi’s land forces on Luzon before organizing amphibious invasions of both Aparri and Fort San Salvador. Simultaneously, a separate army was being organized under the command of de Tabora himself to march northwards and corner the Japanese inside the Cagayan Valley.
Meanwhile, Sukenori’s battered ships had returned to the harbors of Nanbanraku Castle, where news of the defeat swiftly traveled to Oda Tadataka and Kuki Moritaka. Moritaka immediately gathered the fleet scattered throughout the Luzon Straits to the vicinity of Calayan with the exception of a few warships stationed in Aparri. On the island, Tadataka would call upon the services of Zheng Zhilong, who would subsequently gather 20 Chinese junks to join up with Moritaka, and prepare for the transport of a further 10,000 troops to Aparri from Bireitou personally led by himself.
Back on Luzon, a mixed division of 5,000 Oda and Ryuzōji troops led jointly by Ryuzōji Noriie and Otai Tomonobu (小田井知信) [1] had left Aparri on April 24th and marched westwards along the coastline, occupying any villages and outposts without serious opposition. Along the way, numerous natives joined the army, adding an additional 1,000 to the army. They approached Cape Bojeador in early June, followed by a few carracks carrying provisions and supplies. There, the Japanese began to construct fortifications to assist with conquering the western coastline. Word of their presence quickly spread, and within a week de Amezqueta’s fleet arrived and drove away the Japanese carracks before beginning to bombard the new fortifications. The Spanish fleet, centered in Bangui Bay, even landed a small force nearby that then skirmished with the Japanese army with mixed results.
Meanwhile, Sukenori’s battered ships had returned to the harbors of Nanbanraku Castle, where news of the defeat swiftly traveled to Oda Tadataka and Kuki Moritaka. Moritaka immediately gathered the fleet scattered throughout the Luzon Straits to the vicinity of Calayan with the exception of a few warships stationed in Aparri. On the island, Tadataka would call upon the services of Zheng Zhilong, who would subsequently gather 20 Chinese junks to join up with Moritaka, and prepare for the transport of a further 10,000 troops to Aparri from Bireitou personally led by himself.
Back on Luzon, a mixed division of 5,000 Oda and Ryuzōji troops led jointly by Ryuzōji Noriie and Otai Tomonobu (小田井知信) [1] had left Aparri on April 24th and marched westwards along the coastline, occupying any villages and outposts without serious opposition. Along the way, numerous natives joined the army, adding an additional 1,000 to the army. They approached Cape Bojeador in early June, followed by a few carracks carrying provisions and supplies. There, the Japanese began to construct fortifications to assist with conquering the western coastline. Word of their presence quickly spread, and within a week de Amezqueta’s fleet arrived and drove away the Japanese carracks before beginning to bombard the new fortifications. The Spanish fleet, centered in Bangui Bay, even landed a small force nearby that then skirmished with the Japanese army with mixed results.
Salmon=Japan, Light orange=Spain
On June 19th, however, the united Japanese fleet, consisting of the Iriebashi, Hakodate, and Sakai squadrons, the Chosokabe navy, and parts of the Mōri and Shimazu navies, sailed into neighboring Pasaleng Bay to rescue the army. De Amezqueta wisely retreated from Bangui Bay but in anticipation had also asked de Oquendo to sail north to do battle with the Japanese main fleet and achieve naval dominance in the region. 10 days later, indigenous scouts reported the looming Spanish armada sailing north towards the cape. The Azuchi naval magistrate chose to meet de Oquendo’s fleet in battle despite concerns over the size and firepower of the Iberians, as he knew the fleet needed to be blocked from the Luzon Straits. Right before the battle, Zheng Zhilong and his Chinese junks arrived, bolstering his chances. A confident Moritaka was sailing his fleet around Cape Bojeador on the morning of July 5th when from his flagship, the Yoshitaka-maru (嘉隆丸), he saw the Spanish fleet and prepared for battle.
Both fleets were divided between a center and distinct wings. Itou Sukenori’s squadron and Zheng Zhilong’s fleet of Chinese junks made up the right wing of the Japanese fleet, while Moritaka commanded the center, consisting of the bulk of the Sakai squadron and the entire Hakodate and Chosokabe navies. Finally, the left wing was a mixture of Shimazu, Sakai, and Mōri ships and was commanded by Shimazu Tadatsune (島津忠恒). Notably, Atuy Upash, the Ainu lad Nobunaga had employed in 1595 [2], led the reserves in the center and was accompanied by the “Ainu Three Hundred”, a group of elite Ainu sailors to achieve notoriety and fame in the upcoming battles. On the Spanish side, Antonio de Oquendo commanded the center while the left wing was led by Juan de Amezqueta and the right wing by Portuguese general Diogo de Melo de Castro, the right consisting of Portuguese warships and mercenaries of mainly Chinese and Malay background. Both fleets, numbering around 100 ships each, notably employed multiethnic crews, with the Japanese fleet carrying native Japanese, Bireitoan aborigine, Chinese, Ainu, and Dutch troops and the Iberian fleet carrying Spanish, Portuguese, Filipino, Latin American, Chinese, Malay, and Indian combatants.
Both fleets were divided between a center and distinct wings. Itou Sukenori’s squadron and Zheng Zhilong’s fleet of Chinese junks made up the right wing of the Japanese fleet, while Moritaka commanded the center, consisting of the bulk of the Sakai squadron and the entire Hakodate and Chosokabe navies. Finally, the left wing was a mixture of Shimazu, Sakai, and Mōri ships and was commanded by Shimazu Tadatsune (島津忠恒). Notably, Atuy Upash, the Ainu lad Nobunaga had employed in 1595 [2], led the reserves in the center and was accompanied by the “Ainu Three Hundred”, a group of elite Ainu sailors to achieve notoriety and fame in the upcoming battles. On the Spanish side, Antonio de Oquendo commanded the center while the left wing was led by Juan de Amezqueta and the right wing by Portuguese general Diogo de Melo de Castro, the right consisting of Portuguese warships and mercenaries of mainly Chinese and Malay background. Both fleets, numbering around 100 ships each, notably employed multiethnic crews, with the Japanese fleet carrying native Japanese, Bireitoan aborigine, Chinese, Ainu, and Dutch troops and the Iberian fleet carrying Spanish, Portuguese, Filipino, Latin American, Chinese, Malay, and Indian combatants.
Green=Portugal
The battle began on the western side at 9am, with de Amezqueta and Sukenori engaging in a rematch. The Iriebashi squadron, still depleted from the Battle of Hoang Sa, consisted disproportionately of carracks and hobayasen, and therefore suffered a disadvantage in firepower. However, backed by Zheng Zhilong’s junks outfitted with swivel guns and heavy cannons, the Japanese right was more mobile and able to take the initiative on boarding the Spanish-Portuguese ships as the battle quickly turned into a bloody, smoky stalemate. Meanwhile, the eastern front saw similar advantages and disadvantages at play. However, the Japanese left was headed by heavy zentousen, and de Castro and accompanying mercenaries, largely unfamiliar with Japanese naval tactics, suffered heavily from the initial frontal barrages. Subsequent exchanges of cannonfire gave way to instances of hand-to-hand combat, and within an hour the Japanese held a clear advantage over the Portuguese wing of the fleet. Meanwhile, in the center, both de Oquendo and Moritaka had engaged in limited exchanges of cannonfire but largely held back their ships in the first phase of the battle. Two hours in, Moritaka, surveying the success of the Japanese right and left, gave the signal to the frontline of zentousen to charge. De Oquendo, ever the talented and knowledgeable admiral, didn’t counter and instead steered his galleons and carracks into position. As soon as they were and the Japanese zentousen were in range, the Spanish admiral ordered an unrestrained bombardment that was so great it blew through the iron plating and mostly annihilated the ships. Damage was even dealt to the second line of lighter tekkousen, forcing Moritaka to halt their advance and instead bring out his heavy galleons and carracks, including his own flagship. Although initially forced back, de Oquendo maintained his momentum and prevented any ships from getting close enough to board his ships using his superior positioning and firepower. Even the Portuguese right, encouraged by the success of the center, re-energized and halted the Japanese left’s momentum, using their heavier guns to inflict serious damage on the less technologically advanced daimyo navies. Amidst the naval battle, a cannonball hit the Yoshitaka-maru and Moritaka was thrown into the air in the ensuing explosion and landed hard, leaving him immobile. The center, rudderless without the leadership of the naval magistrate, was only saved from immediate annihilation by the timely advance of the Hakodate reserves, led by Atuy Upash.
Nevertheless, by the early afternoon, de Oquendo was on the cusp on dealing the killing blow to the center and potentially the entire Japanese fleet. However, around this time, the Japanese right managed to push back the Spanish left, allowing it to turn and face the center with its full might. The hobayasen reached the center and began attempts to hijack Spanish galleons and carracks. Despite serious resistance from de Oquendo’s sailors, it was becoming clear that the Iberian position was becoming more precarious. The admiral made the decision to follow de Amezqueta and order a retreat southwards, and the battle was largely over by 4pm.
Although de Oquendo had chosen to leave the waters of Cape Bojeador first, the Spanish-Portuguese fleet had achieved a strategic victory, as the battle had left the Japanese fleet with greater losses, including the loss of their chief commander Kuki Moritaka, who would die of his wounds days later. This would leave the Japanese fleet too weak to defend control of the Luzon Straits until more reinforcements. The Japanese had also lost most of their zentousen and not only broken its reputation but only would force a reassessment of Japanese naval tactics, strategy, and resource distribution. With the loss of Moritaka, son of the famed pirate daimyo, Itou Sukenori, indisputably the most experienced samurai in Japan in fighting the Spanish, would subsequently be promoted to the chief naval commander of the campaign and eventually succeed Moritaka as the next naval magistrate.
[1]: Blood member of a distant branch of the Oda clan
[2]: Reference Chapter 18.
Nevertheless, by the early afternoon, de Oquendo was on the cusp on dealing the killing blow to the center and potentially the entire Japanese fleet. However, around this time, the Japanese right managed to push back the Spanish left, allowing it to turn and face the center with its full might. The hobayasen reached the center and began attempts to hijack Spanish galleons and carracks. Despite serious resistance from de Oquendo’s sailors, it was becoming clear that the Iberian position was becoming more precarious. The admiral made the decision to follow de Amezqueta and order a retreat southwards, and the battle was largely over by 4pm.
Although de Oquendo had chosen to leave the waters of Cape Bojeador first, the Spanish-Portuguese fleet had achieved a strategic victory, as the battle had left the Japanese fleet with greater losses, including the loss of their chief commander Kuki Moritaka, who would die of his wounds days later. This would leave the Japanese fleet too weak to defend control of the Luzon Straits until more reinforcements. The Japanese had also lost most of their zentousen and not only broken its reputation but only would force a reassessment of Japanese naval tactics, strategy, and resource distribution. With the loss of Moritaka, son of the famed pirate daimyo, Itou Sukenori, indisputably the most experienced samurai in Japan in fighting the Spanish, would subsequently be promoted to the chief naval commander of the campaign and eventually succeed Moritaka as the next naval magistrate.
[1]: Blood member of a distant branch of the Oda clan
[2]: Reference Chapter 18.
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Quite. A focus on exchange of fire vs the opposing battlefleet elements, temporizing the engagement, minimizing losses by remaining well at range instead of decisive boarding action will do them good long term, and inform design choices.
The fruits of the Union de Armas might bring great benefit De Olivares case that this was a sound choice, getting greater buy in from Portugal until Madrid has them well and good.
Its also good that Japan doesnt develope a invincibility disease
They are clearly a match to the spanish-portuguese forces here, perhaps even stronger and they will only grow more strong as time goes on
But having a defeat like that in their minds will ensure they dont create a superiority complex like that of OTL Imperial Japan
They are clearly a match to the spanish-portuguese forces here, perhaps even stronger and they will only grow more strong as time goes on
But having a defeat like that in their minds will ensure they dont create a superiority complex like that of OTL Imperial Japan
The battles here are quite good even though the Japanese didn't win. The Spanish still sustained casualties and can't capitalise on the Japanese loss of position considering their losses.
Also tbf some alternative colonisations are very possible considering the POD.
Tbf Japan has to fight a bunch of Europeans afterwards. They'd prob fight the Dutch later and depending who controls south Africa things would be interesting.
Also tbf some alternative colonisations are very possible considering the POD.
Chapter 42: Iberian-Japanese War Part VIII - Advances and Reversals in Luzon
Chapter 42: Iberian-Japanese War Part VIII - Advances and Reversals in Luzon
Shortly after the Ryuzōji-Oda army marched out of Aparri westwards, the main army of 15,000 led by Tomoyoshi directly left for the mission of subjugating the Cagayan Valley. A garrison remained in Aparri under the command of Yamada Nagamasa. Tomoyoshi’s first objective would be to take Nueva Segovia, the capital of Cagayan province, where most of the remaining Spanish-Filipino forces from Aparri had retreated to. Also home to the regional Catholic diocese, it contained the biggest Spanish presence in the region. Along the way, the Japanese received reinforcements from the Itneg tribe, inhabitants of the surrounding mountainous areas whose members had only recently rebelled against Spanish rule and were eager to fight the colonial power that had forcibly converted them to Catholicism.
On May 22nd, the battle for Nueva Segovia began, with a Japanese vanguard of cavalry ambushed by a company of Spanish conquistadors, alerting both sides of each other’s presence. The vanguard cavalry was quickly reinforced by a division of Mōri yari ashigaru, forcing the Spanish to retreat, but not without inflicting significant damage on the Japanese. Nueva Segovia was meagerly protected by wooden walls and a medium-sized moat, but the garrison had constructed some additional wooden palisades and trenches around the northern and western gates of the city. Unlike the struggle over Aparri, however, the Spanish had almost no mobile artillery and had a smaller army, so the Japanese were able to overcome waves of arquebus fire and arrows rather quickly. Within a few days, the Spanish were completely driven back into city boundaries and it looked like Nueva Segovia would fall imminently. However, Archbishop Hernando Guerrero rallied the city’s inhabitants and soldiers in his sermons, and what initially looked like a quick victory for Tomoyoshi turned into a bloodstained stalemate for 2 weeks driven by religious fervor.
On May 22nd, the battle for Nueva Segovia began, with a Japanese vanguard of cavalry ambushed by a company of Spanish conquistadors, alerting both sides of each other’s presence. The vanguard cavalry was quickly reinforced by a division of Mōri yari ashigaru, forcing the Spanish to retreat, but not without inflicting significant damage on the Japanese. Nueva Segovia was meagerly protected by wooden walls and a medium-sized moat, but the garrison had constructed some additional wooden palisades and trenches around the northern and western gates of the city. Unlike the struggle over Aparri, however, the Spanish had almost no mobile artillery and had a smaller army, so the Japanese were able to overcome waves of arquebus fire and arrows rather quickly. Within a few days, the Spanish were completely driven back into city boundaries and it looked like Nueva Segovia would fall imminently. However, Archbishop Hernando Guerrero rallied the city’s inhabitants and soldiers in his sermons, and what initially looked like a quick victory for Tomoyoshi turned into a bloodstained stalemate for 2 weeks driven by religious fervor.
Portrait of Archbishop Hernando Guerrero
The Japanese, however, still had an ace up their sleeves that didn’t require manpower. On the night of June 4th, native spies and agents sent by Tomoyoshi infiltrated enemy camps and spread promises of rewards to anyone who betrayed the Nueva Segovia garrison with guarantees of religious freedom for everyone. The next morning, a few hundred Filipinos, most of whom had been forcibly converted, turned on their Spanish overlords and occupied part of the city as they opened the gates to the Japanese. Nevertheless, loyal Filipinos and Spanish resisted the invasion intensely, and the archbishop even took up arms himself, eventually killed by a stray arrow as he personally led an infantry charge. Within a week, Nueva Segovia had fallen, and once again many Spanish soldiers found themselves retreating deeper into the Cagayan Valley. Guerrero’s martyrdom, however, caused issues as bands of deeply Catholic natives began to spring upon the Japanese and threatened to cut off their supply lines. As a result, Tomoyoshi became bogged down in Nueva Segovia throughout the summer and was forced to let his men pillage the countryside.
The Japanese, however, would be in worse shape for the tropical heat would reach its greatest in the aftermath of Nueva Segovia’s capture. Most of the soldiers, completely unaccustomed to the climate, would be affected and many became stricken with exhaustion and disease, particularly malaria. This also occurred at Cape Bojeador and Aparri, but the circumstances at Nueva Segovia made the army’s situation dire and precarious. Only the Bireitoan troops and native allies were unaffected, with Aguro Atsumasa taking on greater responsibilities because of his sturdy condition.
These conditions were gleefully eyed by the Spanish, who had retreated to Tuguegarao and were levying new troops and gathering more from nearby garrisons and outposts. They also eagerly awaited the reported arrival of a large army from Manila led by the governor-general de Tabora himself, rumored to be 20,000 in total size. However, their hopes would be completely dashed when de Tabora died suddenly on July 22nd, coinciding with reports of the arrival of the Bireitou governor Tadataka himself, accompanied by 10,000 men, in Aparri. Seeing the writing on the wall, wavering native allies began either defecting to the Japanese or withdrawing from the conflict completely. Despite climate and disease, Tomoyoshi’s army would begin to regain their footing by August and secure the surrounding countryside.
However, Tadataka would be unable to join his nephew for the time being as the Spanish took advantage of the Japanese navy’s heavy losses at the Battle of Cape Bojeador and its temporary retreat to Bireitou to receive reinforcements and make repairs, leaving only a handful of Azuchi and Mōri ships in the Luzon Straits. Although de Oquendo initially retreated southwards, he intended to shortly return and retake the northern coast of Luzon and the Luzon Straits. The damaged ships returned to Manila under the leadership of Juan de Amezqueta who planned to return to the South China Sea and be on standby against any attacks on Macau or Malacca. However, de Tabora’s death would change this, with de Amezqueta instead appointed as the naval commander for a renewed amphibious assault of Lamitan by the interim governor-general, Luis de Guzman y Figueroa.
The Japanese, however, would be in worse shape for the tropical heat would reach its greatest in the aftermath of Nueva Segovia’s capture. Most of the soldiers, completely unaccustomed to the climate, would be affected and many became stricken with exhaustion and disease, particularly malaria. This also occurred at Cape Bojeador and Aparri, but the circumstances at Nueva Segovia made the army’s situation dire and precarious. Only the Bireitoan troops and native allies were unaffected, with Aguro Atsumasa taking on greater responsibilities because of his sturdy condition.
These conditions were gleefully eyed by the Spanish, who had retreated to Tuguegarao and were levying new troops and gathering more from nearby garrisons and outposts. They also eagerly awaited the reported arrival of a large army from Manila led by the governor-general de Tabora himself, rumored to be 20,000 in total size. However, their hopes would be completely dashed when de Tabora died suddenly on July 22nd, coinciding with reports of the arrival of the Bireitou governor Tadataka himself, accompanied by 10,000 men, in Aparri. Seeing the writing on the wall, wavering native allies began either defecting to the Japanese or withdrawing from the conflict completely. Despite climate and disease, Tomoyoshi’s army would begin to regain their footing by August and secure the surrounding countryside.
However, Tadataka would be unable to join his nephew for the time being as the Spanish took advantage of the Japanese navy’s heavy losses at the Battle of Cape Bojeador and its temporary retreat to Bireitou to receive reinforcements and make repairs, leaving only a handful of Azuchi and Mōri ships in the Luzon Straits. Although de Oquendo initially retreated southwards, he intended to shortly return and retake the northern coast of Luzon and the Luzon Straits. The damaged ships returned to Manila under the leadership of Juan de Amezqueta who planned to return to the South China Sea and be on standby against any attacks on Macau or Malacca. However, de Tabora’s death would change this, with de Amezqueta instead appointed as the naval commander for a renewed amphibious assault of Lamitan by the interim governor-general, Luis de Guzman y Figueroa.
Northern Luzon, summer 1632
De Oquendo, unaware of the events in Manila, continued ahead with his own plans, reaching Cape Bojeador on July 27th. He ordered the bombardment of the Japanese fortress and launched a land attack on the cape itself, this time achieving a breakthrough. With the imminent fall of the fort apparent, Oita Tomonobu volunteered to take charge of the rearguard of the Japanese retreat and was killed as he held off the Iberian attack. The surviving Oda-Ryuzōji force retreated back to Aparri, chased by de Oquendo’s ships. The Spanish admiral, however, chose not to surround Aparri as it became clear that the Japanese garrison would be too difficult to overcome in a clean fashion. Instead, de Oquendo planned an assault on the island of Calayan between Bireitou and Luzon, by now well-fortified by the Japanese and a critical link between the two islands and the entire Japanese military operation.
Having inflicted major losses at Cape Bojeador, de Oquendo in late August faced no fleet capable of defeating him and was on the cusp of potentially winning the war for his king. At that moment, however, he received the news of de Tabora’s passing and de Amezqueta’s new assignment. Historians still debate what exactly caused his retreat, whether it was simply caution in the wake of de Tabora’s death or fears of getting caught between the Japanese and the Dutch coming from behind without de Amezqueta’s presence in the South China Sea, but de Oquendo decided to retreat back to Cape Bojeador and await further information from Manila while reprovisioning his ships. While the Spanish admiral still had the upper hand, de Oquendo had missed his chance and would never again get so close to achieving total victory against the Japanese.
Having inflicted major losses at Cape Bojeador, de Oquendo in late August faced no fleet capable of defeating him and was on the cusp of potentially winning the war for his king. At that moment, however, he received the news of de Tabora’s passing and de Amezqueta’s new assignment. Historians still debate what exactly caused his retreat, whether it was simply caution in the wake of de Tabora’s death or fears of getting caught between the Japanese and the Dutch coming from behind without de Amezqueta’s presence in the South China Sea, but de Oquendo decided to retreat back to Cape Bojeador and await further information from Manila while reprovisioning his ships. While the Spanish admiral still had the upper hand, de Oquendo had missed his chance and would never again get so close to achieving total victory against the Japanese.
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Wishing the Emperor to live ten thousand years is more prudent but ye ei ei oh indeed.
The Japanese are being pushed back significantly but they're not beaten and I think they'll only grow stronger as time goes by.
Emperor? What Emperor? Oh, I see.
That said, if you wanted land as a prize, or to settle a dispute, or for your religion to get sanction, it is the Oda Chancellor that you'll be talking with first, and not the imperial nobility.
The war has a negative economic impact on Ming China (and also Japan a bit ironically), and Emperor Zhenchun is definitely concerned about the role the Chinese are individually playing, primarily Zheng Zhilong on the Japanese side and mercenaries on the Iberian side. One thing to note is that Japan is not targeting Macau for political and economic consideration directly with China, and has also successfully persuaded the Dutch not to as well.
We'll see.
While it's having a negative impact on the economy but it should help Ming China change how they reform their economy.
Chapter 43: Iberian-Japanese War Part IX - Rematches in Malacca and Mindanao
Chapter 43: Iberian-Japanese War Part IX - Rematches in Malacca and Mindanao
Malacca was one of the critical ports in the East Indies due to its control over the Malacca Straits and the trade that flowed through it. Hence, it had long been a goal of the VOC to permanently seize it from the Portuguese, and would lead to multiple attempts to do so. The third attempt would take place in the autumn months of 1632 immediately after the Portuguese recapture of the city in the spring. In June and July 1632, Batavia gathered a new fleet to take back the city, with Hans Putmans assigned command of a fleet of 10 galleons, several fire ships, and other smaller Javanese vessels. Critically, the Dutch would also ally with the Johor Sultanate, a rival of Portuguese Malacca, and receive the support of 500 soldiers from their realm alongside 1,000-1,500 Dutch and Javanese soldiers. On August 14th, Putmans sailed from Batavia, reaching Malacca within days, and thus the third siege of Malacca in 2 years commenced.
The Portuguese were quite unprepared for the Dutch assault, having just recaptured Malacca and begun the process of repairing fortifications and gathering provisions. Nevertheless, Malacca was now guarded by a sizable naval force and a few hundred elite Indian mercenaries alongside Portuguese soldiers and local levies. On August 20th, the VOC fleet sailed into the bay and immediately engaged in a naval battle with the Portuguese fleet, highlighted by cannonfire salvos between VOC and Portuguese galleons. Ultimately, the Dutch fire ships managed to neutralize multiple Portuguese warships, paving the way for a hardfought but decisive VOC victory. Meanwhile, Johori troops had commenced their land assault on Malacca but were hard-hit by waves of gunfire and arrows from the outer trenches while making hardly a dent in the Portuguese defenses. After the Dutch naval victory, however, the latter became pressed on multiple sides as the Dutch launched their own assault from the other side of Malacca in addition to their naval bombardment. However, the Dutch land assault was met with the Indian mercenaries, who were armed with matchlocks and talwar swords and nearly overwhelmed the Dutch. Faced with unflinching opposition, the Dutch and Johori would be unable to take the city for weeks, with the Dutch navy exchanging fire with the many heavy guns of Malacca. On October 1st, however, the battered artillery positions and walls of the city, weathered after nearly constant warfare during the past year, began to collapse from the Dutch bombardments, allowing the latter to land troops directly into the city. Within the city, resistance melted away and the Portuguese-Indian forces outside the walls became trapped on both sides and deprived of their artillery cover. The Indian mercenaries quickly surrendered, while many of the Portuguese soldiers chose to fight to the death rather than submit to their hated enemies. By mid-October, Malacca was in Dutch hands once again and would remain so for the rest of the war.
The Portuguese were quite unprepared for the Dutch assault, having just recaptured Malacca and begun the process of repairing fortifications and gathering provisions. Nevertheless, Malacca was now guarded by a sizable naval force and a few hundred elite Indian mercenaries alongside Portuguese soldiers and local levies. On August 20th, the VOC fleet sailed into the bay and immediately engaged in a naval battle with the Portuguese fleet, highlighted by cannonfire salvos between VOC and Portuguese galleons. Ultimately, the Dutch fire ships managed to neutralize multiple Portuguese warships, paving the way for a hardfought but decisive VOC victory. Meanwhile, Johori troops had commenced their land assault on Malacca but were hard-hit by waves of gunfire and arrows from the outer trenches while making hardly a dent in the Portuguese defenses. After the Dutch naval victory, however, the latter became pressed on multiple sides as the Dutch launched their own assault from the other side of Malacca in addition to their naval bombardment. However, the Dutch land assault was met with the Indian mercenaries, who were armed with matchlocks and talwar swords and nearly overwhelmed the Dutch. Faced with unflinching opposition, the Dutch and Johori would be unable to take the city for weeks, with the Dutch navy exchanging fire with the many heavy guns of Malacca. On October 1st, however, the battered artillery positions and walls of the city, weathered after nearly constant warfare during the past year, began to collapse from the Dutch bombardments, allowing the latter to land troops directly into the city. Within the city, resistance melted away and the Portuguese-Indian forces outside the walls became trapped on both sides and deprived of their artillery cover. The Indian mercenaries quickly surrendered, while many of the Portuguese soldiers chose to fight to the death rather than submit to their hated enemies. By mid-October, Malacca was in Dutch hands once again and would remain so for the rest of the war.
Depiction of a typical Indian mercenary
The VOC was also active on the Mindanao front, reinforcing Lamitan with provisions, cannons, ships, and men alongside Kudarat, who reconstituted Balisan’s beach fortifications and resupplied his own forces for a new campaign into northern Mindanao. The sultan left his strengthened capital in late July with an army of 8,000 including both native elite warriors and Dutch-Javanese troops towards Kalasungay, which had fallen to Figueroa in the aftermath of his victory at Kalasungay. His absence would be exploited when a month later, Juan de Amezqueta and his fleet arrived and began the 2nd attempt by the Spanish to capture the Maguindanao capital. While this particular Spanish invasion force was bigger than the Spanish-Tidorese fleet that besieged Lamitan earlier in the year, so was the size and strength of its defense, and this new siege would last well into the upcoming winter.
While his capital came under siege in his absence, the timing of Kudarat’s new campaign was fortuitous towards its objectives, for Figueroa was forced to leave Mindanao shortly after the sultan’s departure from Lamitan to become the new governor-general of the Philippines. Kudarat would therefore face his successor, Bartolome Diaz Barrera, when he marched onto the outskirts of the city on August 10th and engaged the Spanish in the 2nd Battle of Kalasungay. This time, the sultan placed the Dutch musketeers and much of his artillery on the same side as the Spanish cavalry behind a frontline of Maguindanao warriors. Barrera, who lacked Figueroa’s same skill, would fall for this bait, as the Spanish cavalry would be overwhelmed by Dutch musket fire and Kudarat’s cannons, allowing the sultan to focus on overrunning the Spanish right and center. After this, Barrera would retreat back to Cagayan de Oro and Kudarat would quickly regain his foothold in the river basin, back to being within striking distance of the city.
While his capital came under siege in his absence, the timing of Kudarat’s new campaign was fortuitous towards its objectives, for Figueroa was forced to leave Mindanao shortly after the sultan’s departure from Lamitan to become the new governor-general of the Philippines. Kudarat would therefore face his successor, Bartolome Diaz Barrera, when he marched onto the outskirts of the city on August 10th and engaged the Spanish in the 2nd Battle of Kalasungay. This time, the sultan placed the Dutch musketeers and much of his artillery on the same side as the Spanish cavalry behind a frontline of Maguindanao warriors. Barrera, who lacked Figueroa’s same skill, would fall for this bait, as the Spanish cavalry would be overwhelmed by Dutch musket fire and Kudarat’s cannons, allowing the sultan to focus on overrunning the Spanish right and center. After this, Barrera would retreat back to Cagayan de Oro and Kudarat would quickly regain his foothold in the river basin, back to being within striking distance of the city.
Mindanao, summer and fall 1632 (light orange=Spain, brown=VOC/Maguindanao)
Like in Luzon, de Tabora’s death reversed the Spanish gains of the summer and would solidify the gains of Japanese coalition forces made in the spring and the year before. Nevertheless, the outcome and flow of the war was far from settled.
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