No Southern Strategy: The Political Ramifications of an Alternate 1964 Election
- Thread starter Nofix
- Start date
I have deleted my comment, which rightfully offended people, as well as most of the other comments I have made. My attention was on the act itself, and in no way tried to glorify either Bob Doran or Pat Buchanan, both of whom have made bigoted and idiotic statements over the years I have also deleted most of my posts on this site and will also further refrain from commenting on this site in order to prevent a similar situation from unfolding. I was hoping to walk back from this site a bit anyway due to a desire to spend less time on the internet. Perhaps in the next two weeks or so, I will make a post on the Alternative Wikiboxes V forum in continuation with the project I was working on there, but besides that and further additions to that narrative, I will seek to disengage and limit any controversial comments. I again apologize to this community for my comment.
So while browsing another thread, I came across a link to a very old game called President Elect, where you can where you run a Presidential campaign, in historical and (most importantly to us) ahistorical elections between 1960 and 1988. So I tried to simulate the 1988 election (because that is about as recent it gets) following the candidates' and TTL political parties' positions and as close as possible. And uhhhh.... I got a quite different result.
Just a little somethin'-somethin' I put together to tide us over while the next update is hammered out. I think it's interesting to look at just how much information this TL has covered in the 4+ years (!) it's been up and running.
World Leaders in No Southern Strategy
Key:
Italics—Caretaker/interim officeholder without election victory
†—Died in office
*—Resigned due to unusual circumstances
1963—1969: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic)
1964 (with Hubert Humphrey) def. Barry Goldwater/William Miller (Republican), Ross Barnett/George Wallace (Dixiecrat)
1969—1973: Hubert Humphrey (Democratic) †
1968 (with John Connally) def. Ronald Reagan/Edward Brooke (Republican), George Wallace/Albert Watson (Dixiecrat)
1972 (with Henry Howell) def. John Connally/Howard Baker (Republican), Jacob Javits/George Murphy (Independent Republican)
1973—1977: Henry Howell (Democratic)
1977—1981: Roger MacBride (Republican) *
1976 (with Roy Cohn) def. Henry Howell/Albert Brewer (Democratic), Pete McCloskey/Lowell Weicker (Independent Republican)
1980 (with Roy Cohn) def. Henry Jackson/Birch Bayh (Democratic)
1981—1989: Roy Cohn (Republican)
1984 (with Shirley T. Black) def. Jesse Unruh/Hugh Carey (Democratic), Jesse Helms/Evan Mecham (National Conservative)
1989—0000: W. Fox McKeithen (Democratic)
1988 (with Bruce Babbitt) def. Shirley T. Black/Elliot Richardson (Republican), Pat Robertson/Meldrim Thomson (National Conservative)
1992 (with Bruce Babbitt) def. Carroll Campbell/Bob Dornan (National Conservative), R. Budd Dwyer/Tonie Nathan (Republican),
1963—1967: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative)
1964 def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1967—1971: Reginald Maudling (Conservative)
1967 def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1971—1981: Peter Shore (Labour)
1971 def. Reginald Maudling (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1975 def. Reginald Maudling (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1980 def. Alan Clark (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1981—0000: Alan Clark (Conservative)
1981 def. Tony Crosland (Labour), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal), Albert Booth (Democratic Socialist)
1985 def. Denis Healey (Labour), Peter Hain (Liberal), Albert Booth (Democratic Socialist)
1989 def. Unknown (Labour), Unknown (Liberal), Unknown (Democratic Socialist)
1972—1985: Gough Whitlam (Labor)
1984 def. Andrew Peacock (National/Liberal Coalition), Unknown (Democratic Labour)
1985—1987: Bill Hayden (Labor)
1987—0000: Joh Bjelke-Petersen (National/Liberal Coalition)
1987 def. Bill Hayden (Labor)
1990 def. John Dawkins (Labor), Don Chipp (Democrats)
1979—1992: Alan Eagleson (Progressive Conservative)
1979 def. Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1983 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Colin Thatcher (Liberal), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1987 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit), Frank Stronach (Liberal)
1991 def. James Laxer (New Democratic), Frank Stronach (Liberal), Fabien Roy (Social Credit), Paul Hellyer (Action Canada)
1992—1994: Erik Nielsen (Progressive Conservative)
1994—0000: Paul Hellyer (Social Credit)
1994 def. James Laxer (New Democratic), Frank Stronach (Liberal), Erik Nielsen (Progressive Conservative)
1976—1984: Rainer Barzel (CDU)
1976 def. Helmut Schmidt (SPD), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1980 def. Helmut Schmidt (SPD), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1984—0000: Hans-Jochen Vogel (SPD)
1984 def. Rainer Barzel (CDU), Werner Maihofer (FDP), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Adolf von Thadden (NPD)
1988 def. Bernhard Vogel (CDU), Unknown (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1992 def. Bernhard Vogel (CDU), Franz Handlos (CSU), Gerhart Baum (FDP), Franz Schönhuber (NPD)
1974—1975: Vasco de Almeida e Costa (Independent)
1976—1978: Mário Soares (PS)
1976 def. Francisco de Sá Carneiro (AD), Álvaro Cunhal (APU)
1978—????: Francisco de Sá Carneiro (AD)
1978 def. Mário Soares (PS), Álvaro Cunhal (APU)
1971—1990: Erich Honecker (SED)
1990—1994: Hans Modrow (SED/PDS) [Prime Minister from 1993]
1994—0000: Pieter-Michael Diestel (DSU)
1994 def. Hans Modrow (PDS), Lothar de Mazière (CDU), Ibrahim Böhme (SPD), Wolfgang Raus (NDPD), Joachim Gauck (Alliance ’94)
1971—1982: Liam Cosgrave (Fine Gael)
1972 def. Jack Lynch (Fianna Fáil), Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1976 def. George Colley (Fianna Fáil), Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1980 def. Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Desmond O’Malley (Fianna Fáil), Stephen Coughlan (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Bernadette McAliskey (Workers’)
1982—1987: Oliver J. Flanagan (Fine Gael) †
1984 def. Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Patrick Hillery (Fianna Fáil), Stephen Coughlan (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Bernadette McAliskey (Workers’)
1987—1989: Austin Currie (Fine Gael)
1989—1996: Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta) *
1989 def. Austin Currie (Fine Gael), Patrick Hillery (Fianna Fáil), Dick Spring (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Proinsias de Rossa (Workers’)
1993 def. Austin Currie (Fine Gael), Conor Cruise O’Brien (Labour), Desmond O’Malley (Progressive Democrats), Proinsias de Rossa (Workers’), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group)
1996—1997: Pádraig Flynn (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1997—0000: Conor Cruise O’Brien (Labour)
1997 def. Pádraig Flynn (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Liam T. Cosgrave (Fine Gael), Desmond O’Malley (Progressive Democrats), Proinsias de Rossa (Democratic Left), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group)
1973—1987: Tom O'Higgins (Fine Gael)
1973 def. Erskine H. Childers (Fianna Fáil), Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1980 def. Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Joseph Brennan (Fianna Fáil)
1987—1994: Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1987 def. Mary Robinson (Labour), Peter Barry (Fine Gael), Mary Harney (Fianna Fáil), Seán MacBride (Independent)
1994—0000: Dana Rosemary Scanlon (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1994 def. Alan Dukes (Fine Gael), Jim Gibbons (Progressive Democrats), Adi Roche (Independent)
1964—1970: Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democratic)
1964 def. Salvador Allende (Socialist), Julio Durán (Radical)
1970—1976: Radomiro Tomic (Christian Democratic)
1970 def. Jorge Alessandri (Independent), Salvador Allende (Socialist)
1976—1977: Salvador Allende (Socialist) *
1976 def. Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democratic)
1977—1980: Roberto Viaux (Independent) *
1980—1982: Fernando Sanhueza Herbage (Christian Democratic)
1982—1988: Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democratic)
1982 def. Clodomiro Almeyda (Socialist), Patricio Carjaval (National)
1988—1994: Hernán Büchi (National)
1988 def. Radomiro Tomic (Christian Democratic), Ricardo Lagos (Socialist)
1994—0000: Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democratic)
1994 def. Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera (Radical), Isabel Allende (Socialist)
1959—1970: Charles de Gaulle (UNR) †
1958 def. Georges Marrane (PCF), Albert Châtelet (UFD)
1965 def. Gaston Deferre (SFIO), Jacques Duclo (PCF), Jean-Louis Tixier Vignancour (DVED)
1970—1971: Maurice Couve de Murville (UDR)
1971—1976: André Malraux (UDR) †
1970 def. Roger Garaudy (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (CD), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1976—1977: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR)
1977—1991: Gaston Defferre (FDS/CDS)
1976 def. Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR), François Mitterrand (PS), Jean Royer (DVD)
1983 def. Georges Marchais (PCF), Marie France-Garaud (RPR), Coluche (MOU)
1991—0000: Jacques Chirac (RPR)
1990 def. Jacques Delors (CDS), Robert Hue (PCF), Jacques Médecin (PRL), Lionel Jospin (PS)
1962—1968: Georges Pompidou (UDR)
1967 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), François Mitterrand (FGDS), Pierre Mendès France (PSU), Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour (ARLP)
1968—1972: Maurice Couve de Murville (UDR)
1968 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), François Mitterrand (FGDS), Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour (ARLP), Pierre Mendès France (PSU)
1972—1976: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR/URP)
1973 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Georges Marchais (PCF), François Mitterrand (PS-MRG), François Brigneau (ARLP), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1976—1977: Pierre Messmer (URP)
1977—1983: Jean Lecanuet (FDS)
1977 def. Jacques Chirac (RPR-UDF), Georges Marchais (PCF), François Mitterrand (PS-MRG), François Brigneau (ARLP), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1982 def. Jacques Chirac (RPR-UDF), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Joxe (PS-MRG), Jacques Medecin (PRL), Huguette Bouchardeau (PSU)
1983—1985: Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber (FDS)
1985—1987: Jacques Delors (CDS)
1987—1991: Valery Giscard d’Estaing (UDF)
1991—0000: Édouard Balladur (UDF)
1987 def. Jacques Delors (CDS), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Joxe (PS-MRG), Jacques Medecin (PRL), Huguette Bouchardeau (PSU)
1977—1983: Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1977 def. Süleyman Demirel (AP)
1983—1987: Süleyman Demirel (AP)
1983 def. Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1985 def. Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1987—1993: İsmet Sezgin (AP)
1989 def. Erdal İnönü (CHP), Necmettin Erbakan (SP), Bülent Ecevit (Democratic Left)
1993—0000: Erdal İnönü (CHP)
1993 def. Necmettin Erbakan (Welfare), İsmet Sezgin (AP)
1985—1990: Alan García (APRA)
1985 def. Alfonso Barrantes Lingán (United Left)
1990—0000: Mario Vargas Llosa (FREDEMO)
1990 def. Luis Alva Castro (APRA)
1968—1982: Konstantinos Karamanlis (ERE)
1970 def. Stefanos Stefanopoulos (FDK), Spyros Markezinis (Progressive), Petros Garoufalias (National Democratic Union)
1974 def. Spyros Markezinis (Progressive), Stefanos Stefanopoulos (FDK), Petros Garoufalias (National Democratic Union)
1978 def. Spyros Markezinis (Progressive)
1982—1986: Spyros Markezinis (Progressive/People’s Alliance)
1982 def. Konstantinos Karamanlis (ERE)
1986—1990: Konstantinos Karamanlis (People’s Alliance)
1986 def. Andreas Papandreou (Union of the Centre), Georgios Mavrios (The River), Stefanos Stefanopoulos (National Alliance), Charilaos Florakis (Progressive and Left Alliance), Glafcos Clerides (United Front for Cyprus)
1990—0000: Basil Markesinis (People’s Alliance)
1990 def. Andreas Papandreou (Union of the Centre), Taki Theodoracopulos (National Alignment), Charilaos Florakis (Progressive and Left Alliance), Glafcos Clerides (United Front for Cyprus)
1978—1982: P.W. Botha (National) †
1981 def. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert (Progressive Federal)
1982—0000: Magnus Malan (National) [State President from 1987]
1982 def. Radclyffe Cadman (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nastionale)
1987 def. Harry Schwarz (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nasionale)
1992 def. Harry Schwarz (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nasionale)
1975—1980: Jorge Pereira Jardim (People’s National Action)
1975 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (Independent List)
1980—1992: Kaúlza de Arriaga (People’s National Action)
1981 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (National Renovation Party)
1987 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (National Renovation Party)
1992—0000: Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa (People’s National Action)
1992 def. Alberto Massavanhane (National Renovation Party)
1971—1975: Barend Biesheuvel (ARP)
1971 def. Joop van den Uyl (PvdA), Piet de Jong (KVP)
1975—1978: Willem Aantjes (ARP)
1975 def. Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA), Unknown (KVP)
1978—1983: Dries van Agt (CDA)
1979 def. Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA), Bram van der Lek (PSP), Jan Terlouw (D66), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (SGP)
1983—1995: Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA)
1983 def. Dries van Agt (CDA), Bram van der Lek (PSP), Jan Terlouw (D66), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (SGP)
1987 def. Unknown (CDA), Unknown (Democrats 66), Unknown (VVD), Hans Janmaat (CD), Unknown (PSP), Unknown (SGP)
1991 def. Unknown (CDA), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (D66), Hans Janmaat (CD), Unknown (PSP), Unknown (SGP)
1995—0000: Ruud Lubbers (CDA)
1995 def. Ruud Nijhof (PvdA), Frits Bolkestein (VVD), Hans Janmaat (CD), Fred van Mierlo (D66), Andrée van Es (PSP), Bas van der Viles (SGP)
1967—1969: Artur da Costa e Silva (ARENA) *
1967 Unopposed
1969: Pedro Aleixo (ARENA)
1969—1972: Mourão Filho (ARENA) †
1969 def. Juscelino Kubitschek (Broad Front)
1972—1979: Sylvio Frota (ARENA)
1974 def. Almino Afonso (Broad Front)
1979—1984: João Figueiredo (ARENA)
1979 def. Ulysses Guimarães (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1984—1989: Newton Cruz (ARENA)
1984 def. Pedro Simon (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1989—1995: Franco Montoro (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1989 def. Leonidas Pires Gonçalves (ARENA)
1994—0000: Mário Covas (Social Democrats of Brazil)
1994 def. Lula da Silva (Brazilian Workers’ Coalition), Cunha Bueno (Party of Liberals and Democrats), Jair Bolsonaro (Party of Integral Democracy)
1963—1983: Park Chung-hee (Democratic Republican) †
1963 def. Yun Posun (Civil Rule)
1967 def. Yun Posun (New Democratic)
1971 def. Kim Dae-jung (New Democratic)
1972 Unopposed
1978 Unopposed
1983 Unopposed
1983—1984: Roh Jae-hyun (Democratic Republican)
1984—1990: Kim Jae-gyu (Democratic Republican)
1984 def. Kim Jong-pil (ULD)
1990—0000: Kim Dae-jung (New Democratic)
1990 def. Kim Young-sam (Independent), Chung Il-kwon (Democratic Republican), Roh Tae-woo (Independent), Chung Ju-yung (Reunification Democratic), Sun Myung Moon (Party for God, Peace, Unification and Home)
1982—1988: Javier García Paniagua (PRI)
1982 def. Pablo Emilio Madero (PAN)
1988—1994: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (PRD)
1988 def. Arturo Durazo Moreno (PRI), Manuel Clouthier (PAN), Gumersindo Magaña (PDM)
1994—0000: Diego Fernández de Cevallos (PAN)
1994 def. Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD), Francisco Labastida Ochoa (PRI)
1989—1993: Oswaldo Álvarez Paz (COPEI)
1988 def. Carlos Andrés Pérez (Democratic Action)
1993—0000: Irene Sáez (IRENE)
1993 def. Andrés Velásquez (LCR)
1965—1998: Mobutu Sese Seko (MPR)
1998—0000: Nyiwa Mobutu (MPR)
1978—1993: Ivan Stambolić (SKS/SPS)
1993—0000: Vuk Drašković (SPO)
1993 def. Slavko Ćuruvija (DS), Ivan Stambolić (SPS)
1964—1978: Ian Smith (Rhodesian Front)
1978—1992: P.K. van der Byl (Rhodesian Front)
1976—1978: Giulio Andreotti (Christian Democracy)
1978—1979: Aldo Moro (Christian Democracy)
1979—1984: Enrico Berlinguer (PCI) †
1979 def. Aldo Moro (Christian Democracy), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PDSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI), Unknown (Proletarian Democracy), Marco Pannella (Radical)
1984 def. Unknown (Christian Democracy), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PDSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI), Unknown (Proletarian Democracy), Marco Pannella (Radical)
1984: Alessandro Natta (PCI) †
1984—1986: Achille Occhetto (PCI)
1986—1988: Giovanni Goria (Christian Democracy)
1986 def. Achille Occhetto (PCI), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI)
1988—1990: Arnaldo Forlani (Christian Democracy)
1990—1991: Giulio Andreotti (Christian Democracy)
1991—1993: Beniamino Andreatta (Christian Democracy)
1991 def. Achille Occhetto (PCI), Adriana Poli Bortone (MSI), Umberto Bossi (Northern League), Bettino Craxi (PSI), Denis Verdini (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI)
1993—1995: Paolo Savona (Independent)
1995: Mariotto Segni (People’s)
1995—0000: Massimo D’Alema (PCI)
1995 def. Domenico Fisichella (National Democracy), Romano Prodi (People’s), Umberto Bossi (Northern League), Silvio Berlusconi (Forza Italia), Giorgio La Malfa (Union of the Centre)
1974—1988: Moshe Dayan (Labor)
1988: Shimon Peres (Labor/Alignment)
1988—0000: Yonatan Netanyahu (Likud)
1988 def. Shimon Peres (Alignment), Meir Kahane (Kach), Avner Hai Shaki (Mafdal)
1988?—1993: Yitzhak Shamir (Likud)
1993—0000: Meir Kahane (Kach)
1993 def. Yitzhak Rabin (Labor)
1966—1972: Josef Klaus (ÖVP)
1966 def. Bruno Pittermann (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1970 def. Bruno Kleisky (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1972—1979: Karl Schleinzer (ÖVP)
1974 def. Unknown (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1978 def. Unknown (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1979—1982: Ernst Strachwitz (ÖVP)
1982—1990: Fred Sinowatz (SPÖ)
1982 def. Ernst Strachwitz (ÖVP), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1986 def. Karel Schwarzenberg (ÖVP), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1990—0000: Karel Schwarzenberg (ÖVP)
1990 def. Alexander Van der Bellen (SPÖ), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1994 def. Alexander Van der Bellen (SPÖ), Jörg Haider (BZÖ), Heide Schmidt (FPÖ)
World Leaders in No Southern Strategy
Key:
Italics—Caretaker/interim officeholder without election victory
†—Died in office
*—Resigned due to unusual circumstances
Presidents of the United States
1963—1969: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic)
1964 (with Hubert Humphrey) def. Barry Goldwater/William Miller (Republican), Ross Barnett/George Wallace (Dixiecrat)
1969—1973: Hubert Humphrey (Democratic) †
1968 (with John Connally) def. Ronald Reagan/Edward Brooke (Republican), George Wallace/Albert Watson (Dixiecrat)
1972 (with Henry Howell) def. John Connally/Howard Baker (Republican), Jacob Javits/George Murphy (Independent Republican)
1973—1977: Henry Howell (Democratic)
1977—1981: Roger MacBride (Republican) *
1976 (with Roy Cohn) def. Henry Howell/Albert Brewer (Democratic), Pete McCloskey/Lowell Weicker (Independent Republican)
1980 (with Roy Cohn) def. Henry Jackson/Birch Bayh (Democratic)
1981—1989: Roy Cohn (Republican)
1984 (with Shirley T. Black) def. Jesse Unruh/Hugh Carey (Democratic), Jesse Helms/Evan Mecham (National Conservative)
1989—0000: W. Fox McKeithen (Democratic)
1988 (with Bruce Babbitt) def. Shirley T. Black/Elliot Richardson (Republican), Pat Robertson/Meldrim Thomson (National Conservative)
1992 (with Bruce Babbitt) def. Carroll Campbell/Bob Dornan (National Conservative), R. Budd Dwyer/Tonie Nathan (Republican),
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1963—1967: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative)
1964 def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1967—1971: Reginald Maudling (Conservative)
1967 def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1971—1981: Peter Shore (Labour)
1971 def. Reginald Maudling (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1975 def. Reginald Maudling (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1980 def. Alan Clark (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1981—0000: Alan Clark (Conservative)
1981 def. Tony Crosland (Labour), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal), Albert Booth (Democratic Socialist)
1985 def. Denis Healey (Labour), Peter Hain (Liberal), Albert Booth (Democratic Socialist)
1989 def. Unknown (Labour), Unknown (Liberal), Unknown (Democratic Socialist)
Prime Ministers of Australia
1972—1985: Gough Whitlam (Labor)
1984 def. Andrew Peacock (National/Liberal Coalition), Unknown (Democratic Labour)
1985—1987: Bill Hayden (Labor)
1987—0000: Joh Bjelke-Petersen (National/Liberal Coalition)
1987 def. Bill Hayden (Labor)
1990 def. John Dawkins (Labor), Don Chipp (Democrats)
Prime Ministers of Canada
1979—1992: Alan Eagleson (Progressive Conservative)
1979 def. Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1983 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Colin Thatcher (Liberal), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1987 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit), Frank Stronach (Liberal)
1991 def. James Laxer (New Democratic), Frank Stronach (Liberal), Fabien Roy (Social Credit), Paul Hellyer (Action Canada)
1992—1994: Erik Nielsen (Progressive Conservative)
1994—0000: Paul Hellyer (Social Credit)
1994 def. James Laxer (New Democratic), Frank Stronach (Liberal), Erik Nielsen (Progressive Conservative)
Chancellors of West Germany
1976—1984: Rainer Barzel (CDU)
1976 def. Helmut Schmidt (SPD), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1980 def. Helmut Schmidt (SPD), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1984—0000: Hans-Jochen Vogel (SPD)
1984 def. Rainer Barzel (CDU), Werner Maihofer (FDP), Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Adolf von Thadden (NPD)
1988 def. Bernhard Vogel (CDU), Unknown (CSU), Unknown (FDP), Unknown (NPD)
1992 def. Bernhard Vogel (CDU), Franz Handlos (CSU), Gerhart Baum (FDP), Franz Schönhuber (NPD)
Prime Ministers of Portugal
1974—1975: Vasco de Almeida e Costa (Independent)
1976—1978: Mário Soares (PS)
1976 def. Francisco de Sá Carneiro (AD), Álvaro Cunhal (APU)
1978—????: Francisco de Sá Carneiro (AD)
1978 def. Mário Soares (PS), Álvaro Cunhal (APU)
General Secretary/Prime Ministers of East Germany
1971—1990: Erich Honecker (SED)
1990—1994: Hans Modrow (SED/PDS) [Prime Minister from 1993]
1994—0000: Pieter-Michael Diestel (DSU)
1994 def. Hans Modrow (PDS), Lothar de Mazière (CDU), Ibrahim Böhme (SPD), Wolfgang Raus (NDPD), Joachim Gauck (Alliance ’94)
Taoisigh of Ireland
1971—1982: Liam Cosgrave (Fine Gael)
1972 def. Jack Lynch (Fianna Fáil), Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1976 def. George Colley (Fianna Fáil), Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1980 def. Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Desmond O’Malley (Fianna Fáil), Stephen Coughlan (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Bernadette McAliskey (Workers’)
1982—1987: Oliver J. Flanagan (Fine Gael) †
1984 def. Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Patrick Hillery (Fianna Fáil), Stephen Coughlan (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Bernadette McAliskey (Workers’)
1987—1989: Austin Currie (Fine Gael)
1989—1996: Charles Haughey (Óglaigh na Poblachta) *
1989 def. Austin Currie (Fine Gael), Patrick Hillery (Fianna Fáil), Dick Spring (Labour), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group), Proinsias de Rossa (Workers’)
1993 def. Austin Currie (Fine Gael), Conor Cruise O’Brien (Labour), Desmond O’Malley (Progressive Democrats), Proinsias de Rossa (Workers’), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group)
1996—1997: Pádraig Flynn (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1997—0000: Conor Cruise O’Brien (Labour)
1997 def. Pádraig Flynn (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Liam T. Cosgrave (Fine Gael), Desmond O’Malley (Progressive Democrats), Proinsias de Rossa (Democratic Left), Dublin Bay Loftus (Independent Technical Group)
Presidents of Ireland
1973—1987: Tom O'Higgins (Fine Gael)
1973 def. Erskine H. Childers (Fianna Fáil), Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1980 def. Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta), Joseph Brennan (Fianna Fáil)
1987—1994: Neil Blaney (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1987 def. Mary Robinson (Labour), Peter Barry (Fine Gael), Mary Harney (Fianna Fáil), Seán MacBride (Independent)
1994—0000: Dana Rosemary Scanlon (Óglaigh na Poblachta)
1994 def. Alan Dukes (Fine Gael), Jim Gibbons (Progressive Democrats), Adi Roche (Independent)
Presidents of Chile
1964—1970: Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democratic)
1964 def. Salvador Allende (Socialist), Julio Durán (Radical)
1970—1976: Radomiro Tomic (Christian Democratic)
1970 def. Jorge Alessandri (Independent), Salvador Allende (Socialist)
1976—1977: Salvador Allende (Socialist) *
1976 def. Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democratic)
1977—1980: Roberto Viaux (Independent) *
1980—1982: Fernando Sanhueza Herbage (Christian Democratic)
1982—1988: Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democratic)
1982 def. Clodomiro Almeyda (Socialist), Patricio Carjaval (National)
1988—1994: Hernán Büchi (National)
1988 def. Radomiro Tomic (Christian Democratic), Ricardo Lagos (Socialist)
1994—0000: Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democratic)
1994 def. Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera (Radical), Isabel Allende (Socialist)
Presidents of France
1959—1970: Charles de Gaulle (UNR) †
1958 def. Georges Marrane (PCF), Albert Châtelet (UFD)
1965 def. Gaston Deferre (SFIO), Jacques Duclo (PCF), Jean-Louis Tixier Vignancour (DVED)
1970—1971: Maurice Couve de Murville (UDR)
1971—1976: André Malraux (UDR) †
1970 def. Roger Garaudy (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (CD), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1976—1977: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR)
1977—1991: Gaston Defferre (FDS/CDS)
1976 def. Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR), François Mitterrand (PS), Jean Royer (DVD)
1983 def. Georges Marchais (PCF), Marie France-Garaud (RPR), Coluche (MOU)
1991—0000: Jacques Chirac (RPR)
1990 def. Jacques Delors (CDS), Robert Hue (PCF), Jacques Médecin (PRL), Lionel Jospin (PS)
Prime Ministers of France
1962—1968: Georges Pompidou (UDR)
1967 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), François Mitterrand (FGDS), Pierre Mendès France (PSU), Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour (ARLP)
1968—1972: Maurice Couve de Murville (UDR)
1968 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), François Mitterrand (FGDS), Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour (ARLP), Pierre Mendès France (PSU)
1972—1976: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (UDR/URP)
1973 def. Gaston Defferre (TF), Georges Marchais (PCF), François Mitterrand (PS-MRG), François Brigneau (ARLP), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1976—1977: Pierre Messmer (URP)
1977—1983: Jean Lecanuet (FDS)
1977 def. Jacques Chirac (RPR-UDF), Georges Marchais (PCF), François Mitterrand (PS-MRG), François Brigneau (ARLP), Michel Rocard (PSU)
1982 def. Jacques Chirac (RPR-UDF), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Joxe (PS-MRG), Jacques Medecin (PRL), Huguette Bouchardeau (PSU)
1983—1985: Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber (FDS)
1985—1987: Jacques Delors (CDS)
1987—1991: Valery Giscard d’Estaing (UDF)
1991—0000: Édouard Balladur (UDF)
1987 def. Jacques Delors (CDS), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Joxe (PS-MRG), Jacques Medecin (PRL), Huguette Bouchardeau (PSU)
Prime Ministers of Turkey
1977—1983: Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1977 def. Süleyman Demirel (AP)
1983—1987: Süleyman Demirel (AP)
1983 def. Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1985 def. Bülent Ecevit (CHP)
1987—1993: İsmet Sezgin (AP)
1989 def. Erdal İnönü (CHP), Necmettin Erbakan (SP), Bülent Ecevit (Democratic Left)
1993—0000: Erdal İnönü (CHP)
1993 def. Necmettin Erbakan (Welfare), İsmet Sezgin (AP)
Presidents of Peru
1985—1990: Alan García (APRA)
1985 def. Alfonso Barrantes Lingán (United Left)
1990—0000: Mario Vargas Llosa (FREDEMO)
1990 def. Luis Alva Castro (APRA)
Prime Ministers of Greece and Cyprus
1968—1982: Konstantinos Karamanlis (ERE)
1970 def. Stefanos Stefanopoulos (FDK), Spyros Markezinis (Progressive), Petros Garoufalias (National Democratic Union)
1974 def. Spyros Markezinis (Progressive), Stefanos Stefanopoulos (FDK), Petros Garoufalias (National Democratic Union)
1978 def. Spyros Markezinis (Progressive)
1982—1986: Spyros Markezinis (Progressive/People’s Alliance)
1982 def. Konstantinos Karamanlis (ERE)
1986—1990: Konstantinos Karamanlis (People’s Alliance)
1986 def. Andreas Papandreou (Union of the Centre), Georgios Mavrios (The River), Stefanos Stefanopoulos (National Alliance), Charilaos Florakis (Progressive and Left Alliance), Glafcos Clerides (United Front for Cyprus)
1990—0000: Basil Markesinis (People’s Alliance)
1990 def. Andreas Papandreou (Union of the Centre), Taki Theodoracopulos (National Alignment), Charilaos Florakis (Progressive and Left Alliance), Glafcos Clerides (United Front for Cyprus)
Prime Ministers/State President of South Africa
1978—1982: P.W. Botha (National) †
1981 def. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert (Progressive Federal)
1982—0000: Magnus Malan (National) [State President from 1987]
1982 def. Radclyffe Cadman (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nastionale)
1987 def. Harry Schwarz (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nasionale)
1992 def. Harry Schwarz (United), Jaap Marais (Herstigte Nasionale)
Prime Ministers of Laurentina
1975—1980: Jorge Pereira Jardim (People’s National Action)
1975 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (Independent List)
1980—1992: Kaúlza de Arriaga (People’s National Action)
1981 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (National Renovation Party)
1987 def. Manuel Pimentel Pereira dos Santos (National Renovation Party)
1992—0000: Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa (People’s National Action)
1992 def. Alberto Massavanhane (National Renovation Party)
Prime Ministers of the Netherlands
1971—1975: Barend Biesheuvel (ARP)
1971 def. Joop van den Uyl (PvdA), Piet de Jong (KVP)
1975—1978: Willem Aantjes (ARP)
1975 def. Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA), Unknown (KVP)
1978—1983: Dries van Agt (CDA)
1979 def. Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA), Bram van der Lek (PSP), Jan Terlouw (D66), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (SGP)
1983—1995: Willem Drees Jr. (PvdA)
1983 def. Dries van Agt (CDA), Bram van der Lek (PSP), Jan Terlouw (D66), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (SGP)
1987 def. Unknown (CDA), Unknown (Democrats 66), Unknown (VVD), Hans Janmaat (CD), Unknown (PSP), Unknown (SGP)
1991 def. Unknown (CDA), Unknown (VVD), Unknown (D66), Hans Janmaat (CD), Unknown (PSP), Unknown (SGP)
1995—0000: Ruud Lubbers (CDA)
1995 def. Ruud Nijhof (PvdA), Frits Bolkestein (VVD), Hans Janmaat (CD), Fred van Mierlo (D66), Andrée van Es (PSP), Bas van der Viles (SGP)
Presidents of Brazil
1967—1969: Artur da Costa e Silva (ARENA) *
1967 Unopposed
1969: Pedro Aleixo (ARENA)
1969—1972: Mourão Filho (ARENA) †
1969 def. Juscelino Kubitschek (Broad Front)
1972—1979: Sylvio Frota (ARENA)
1974 def. Almino Afonso (Broad Front)
1979—1984: João Figueiredo (ARENA)
1979 def. Ulysses Guimarães (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1984—1989: Newton Cruz (ARENA)
1984 def. Pedro Simon (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1989—1995: Franco Montoro (Brazilian Democratic Movement)
1989 def. Leonidas Pires Gonçalves (ARENA)
1994—0000: Mário Covas (Social Democrats of Brazil)
1994 def. Lula da Silva (Brazilian Workers’ Coalition), Cunha Bueno (Party of Liberals and Democrats), Jair Bolsonaro (Party of Integral Democracy)
Presidents of the Republic of Korea
1963—1983: Park Chung-hee (Democratic Republican) †
1963 def. Yun Posun (Civil Rule)
1967 def. Yun Posun (New Democratic)
1971 def. Kim Dae-jung (New Democratic)
1972 Unopposed
1978 Unopposed
1983 Unopposed
1983—1984: Roh Jae-hyun (Democratic Republican)
1984—1990: Kim Jae-gyu (Democratic Republican)
1984 def. Kim Jong-pil (ULD)
1990—0000: Kim Dae-jung (New Democratic)
1990 def. Kim Young-sam (Independent), Chung Il-kwon (Democratic Republican), Roh Tae-woo (Independent), Chung Ju-yung (Reunification Democratic), Sun Myung Moon (Party for God, Peace, Unification and Home)
Presidents of Mexico
1982—1988: Javier García Paniagua (PRI)
1982 def. Pablo Emilio Madero (PAN)
1988—1994: Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (PRD)
1988 def. Arturo Durazo Moreno (PRI), Manuel Clouthier (PAN), Gumersindo Magaña (PDM)
1994—0000: Diego Fernández de Cevallos (PAN)
1994 def. Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD), Francisco Labastida Ochoa (PRI)
Presidents of Venezuela
1989—1993: Oswaldo Álvarez Paz (COPEI)
1988 def. Carlos Andrés Pérez (Democratic Action)
1993—0000: Irene Sáez (IRENE)
1993 def. Andrés Velásquez (LCR)
Presidents of Zaire
1965—1998: Mobutu Sese Seko (MPR)
1998—0000: Nyiwa Mobutu (MPR)
Prime Ministers of Serbia
1978—1993: Ivan Stambolić (SKS/SPS)
1993—0000: Vuk Drašković (SPO)
1993 def. Slavko Ćuruvija (DS), Ivan Stambolić (SPS)
Prime Ministers of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia
1964—1978: Ian Smith (Rhodesian Front)
1978—1992: P.K. van der Byl (Rhodesian Front)
Prime Ministers of Italy
1976—1978: Giulio Andreotti (Christian Democracy)
1978—1979: Aldo Moro (Christian Democracy)
1979—1984: Enrico Berlinguer (PCI) †
1979 def. Aldo Moro (Christian Democracy), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PDSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI), Unknown (Proletarian Democracy), Marco Pannella (Radical)
1984 def. Unknown (Christian Democracy), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PDSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI), Unknown (Proletarian Democracy), Marco Pannella (Radical)
1984: Alessandro Natta (PCI) †
1984—1986: Achille Occhetto (PCI)
1986—1988: Giovanni Goria (Christian Democracy)
1986 def. Achille Occhetto (PCI), Unknown (MSI), Unknown (PSI), Unknown (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI)
1988—1990: Arnaldo Forlani (Christian Democracy)
1990—1991: Giulio Andreotti (Christian Democracy)
1991—1993: Beniamino Andreatta (Christian Democracy)
1991 def. Achille Occhetto (PCI), Adriana Poli Bortone (MSI), Umberto Bossi (Northern League), Bettino Craxi (PSI), Denis Verdini (PRI), Unknown (PSDI), Unknown (PLI)
1993—1995: Paolo Savona (Independent)
1995: Mariotto Segni (People’s)
1995—0000: Massimo D’Alema (PCI)
1995 def. Domenico Fisichella (National Democracy), Romano Prodi (People’s), Umberto Bossi (Northern League), Silvio Berlusconi (Forza Italia), Giorgio La Malfa (Union of the Centre)
Prime Ministers of Israel
1974—1988: Moshe Dayan (Labor)
1988: Shimon Peres (Labor/Alignment)
1988—0000: Yonatan Netanyahu (Likud)
1988 def. Shimon Peres (Alignment), Meir Kahane (Kach), Avner Hai Shaki (Mafdal)
Presidents of Israel
1988?—1993: Yitzhak Shamir (Likud)
1993—0000: Meir Kahane (Kach)
1993 def. Yitzhak Rabin (Labor)
Chancellors of Austria
1966—1972: Josef Klaus (ÖVP)
1966 def. Bruno Pittermann (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1970 def. Bruno Kleisky (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1972—1979: Karl Schleinzer (ÖVP)
1974 def. Unknown (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1978 def. Unknown (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1979—1982: Ernst Strachwitz (ÖVP)
1982—1990: Fred Sinowatz (SPÖ)
1982 def. Ernst Strachwitz (ÖVP), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1986 def. Karel Schwarzenberg (ÖVP), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1990—0000: Karel Schwarzenberg (ÖVP)
1990 def. Alexander Van der Bellen (SPÖ), Norbert Steger (FPÖ)
1994 def. Alexander Van der Bellen (SPÖ), Jörg Haider (BZÖ), Heide Schmidt (FPÖ)
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Thanks!! I thought this would be a good way to incentivize myself to read through all of the foreign affairs updates and catch myself up on the state of the world ITTL. If Dwyer wins, it’ll be an interesting world he’s inheriting!
When we do, I'll be here to log it.
In fact, @Gonzo, maybe if you want to threadmark that post, I can continuously add new information to it whenever a new update lands!
Nice work putting together the leaders of many countries ITTL! 
There's a small typo:
There's a small typo:
It should be Francisco de Sá Carneiro.
Fixed!Nice work putting together the leaders of many countries ITTL!
There's a small typo:
It should be Francisco de Sá Carneiro.
@Gonzo I saw this on your test thread and I’d like to ask is this all canon?imagedump
Update 96: 1992 Presidential election and some downballot stuff
The 1992 Presidential election was the first one with an incumbent Democratic President since 1976. And while Howell was struggling with the baggage and trauma of three consecutive Democratic Presidencies behind him, a bad international position for the United States, and an unfavorable economy, McKeithen faced the opposite problem. By all accounts he was a shoe-in for re-election, but the President refused to coast on glory and ran a high-profile campaign based on national and international success.
His main problem remained that he was fairly limp in terms of support, if given the chance to say the “somewhat” supported him or "very much” supported him, even card carrying Democrats would likely pick “somewhat”. Independents polled slightly better in that aspect, but overall they remained split on the President.
From the outset of the general election, Bud Dwyer had to deal with a tainted image. Despite being a legitimate method of obtaining the nomination, opposition media relentlessly ran with the charge of Dwyer having “stolen” the nomination from Clinton or du Pont (depending on who they were marketing to). Wherever the campaign went came hecklers. Whenever they wanted to talk about business, jobs, and his past as Governor the interviewers wanted to ask about the 'controversy' and if Dwyer would like to address, which lead to more sharp comments from him, which in turn further incentive the media to stoke the flames of that.
An unnamed aide to Dwyer noted that the Republican Party was very begrudging in their support. They had wanted Clinton or du Pont or Raese. Even the most devoted of Dwyer partisans, who sincerely believed in their candidate as the right man for the job, felt alienated at how Dwyer was incapable combating the smears against him, how distant my Republicans were towards him, or advertising his successes as Governor of Pennsylvania. As one aide said after the election, “[w]e felt like David with no slingshot trying to fight two Goliaths.”
The National Conservatives made a point to pitch themselves to all religions, even going beyond just the Abrahamic ones. Dornan would travel between multiple churches, mosques, gurdwaras, and synagogues in a day to preach pan-religious solidarity against atheism and communism. He went as far as to encourage sympathetic preachers to instruct that not voting for them would invite government interference, suppression, and extermination akin to the Soviet Union.
Carroll Campbell meanwhile, attempted a more diplomatic outreach to voters of all religious affiliations and race. When asked why so few black voters supported the National Conservatives, Campbell replied that “we haven't given them a good reason too. And I intend to change that.” Explaining further on the issue, Campbell stated that, “if they think that we are a bunch of snarling racists who hate their very presence, are they going to sit down and hear out our platform? Are they going to bother to go out of their way and see if their views line up with ours? Of course they won't. They won't even bother getting near the door let alone put a foot through it.” When asked about specific policies to help African-Americans, Campbell tended to shy away and focus more on general policies like bringing in foreign investment and supporting small business; or just highlighting the history of black conservatives.
His running mate, Bob Dornan, undermined his message of unity, as he often went on the fierce and confrontative route. He attacked supporters of same-sex marriage, still a fringe issue in 1992, as the “last vestiges of American fascism”. He accused Dwyer of money laundering and corruption as Governor of Pennsylvania. He attacked McKeithen for being sympathetic to atheistic regimes and looking to construct a “kill list” in the 1990 census of minority religions. As his rhetoric continued to rise, so did protests against the man personally, and even National Conservatives wondered if they were playing with fire
Near the end of the election, all three candidates swarmed to California. While the Democrats had won California in the last two elections, and the Republicans the last four elections before that, it was polling within the margin of error for McKeithen and Dwyer. Seeing electoral gold, all three candidates blew through, collectively, tens of millions of dollars in the Golden State. Ed Clark, despite being a Republican, refused to campaign for his party and telling voters to “do as they pleased”, giving a blow to Dwyer's struggling campaign.
As late as election night, Americans sat up wondering who, if anyone, would win the election. Late night TV shows ran entire segments explaining to people what exactly happened if no one candidate won the electoral vote. The Democrats in the House and Senate prepared for a grueling potential second round for President.
Like Humphrey twenty years prior, McKeithen won without New York or California. Losing both states stung, but sweeping the Mid-West and most of the Interior West came as a surprise to many. Many hadn't voted Democratic since Johnson.
Despite McKeithen winning the election, getting the highest number of voters in Democratic Party history up until then, getting 2.6 million more voters compared to 1988, and winning 6 more states compared to 1988, it was the 7th consecutive election the Democrats either lost, or received a plurality of, the popular vote. In this election the plurality had shrunk by more than a percent, from 43.12% to 41.87%, the later being the lowest percentage of the vote a winning Democrat had received since Woodrow Wilson's 41.84% in 1912. The ecstasy gained by winning carried an undercurrent of worry that their party was winning by weaker and weaker margins. Whether it was the party truly weakening or the emergence of a new party system, no one knew for sure. But for the time being, they rejoiced.
The Republicans were, by and large, a strong but embarrassed force. The lowest popular vote and electoral vote since Barry Goldwater, the sting of placing third place in the electoral college for the third time this century, and losing large swathes of the voters for four consecutive elections had made them resentful. Resentful against the Democrats and National Conservatives, against the media for treating their candidate as illegitimate, and against Bud Dwyer personally for performing so badly (one unnamed House member explicitly comparing him to a limp penis).
Despite losing, the National Conservatives felt vindicated. They had won California by the skin of their teeth, embarrassed the Republicans by forcing them into third place, and had gained their highest amount of popular and electoral votes. They had gained a foothold in American politics, and no one could stop them now.
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New Hampshire had many oddities in its politics. As of 1990, with Vermont's recent constitutional changes, it remained the only state in the Union to have their gubernatorial terms last for two years. While every other state changed to quadrennial elections, the Granite State remained firm and put down any attempts to change it. New Hampshire also retained the largest lower house in the United States (even after paring it down from four-hundred to two-hundred and forty in the late 1980's), the fourth smallest upper house, and also tended to feature many repeating names in the gubernatorial elections.
Meldrim Thompson was elected five times as Governor, over eight attempts, representing two parties and one independent candidacy. His seemingly never ending campaigns became the butt of many political jokes in the state, and his nomination as the Vice-Presidential candidate for the 1988 National Conservative campaign came as a surprise to many. Most figured he was done with running in elections himself, instead preferring to be a party elder in New England. He surprised detractors and friends yet again by announcing a ninth campaign for Governor, his first in a decade. He easily won the National Conservative nomination against meager opposition.
Incumbent Governor John A. Durkin had previously faced off with Thompson in 1974 (where Durkin won) and 1976 (where Thompson won). Durkin did not continue running for Governor like Thompson, instead going to contest the Attorney Generalship (which he won multiple times) and the United States Senate (which he lost twice). 1992 represented their third election together. Durkin had been Governor since 1987 and easily fended off Democratic challengers to office and won the general elections by close margins since.
The Republican nominee, Robert Clinton “Bob” Smith, was the President of the New Hampshire Senate. As a state legislator he worked to bridge the gap between conservative Republicans and the National Conservatives, and indeed he owed his position as Senate President to three National Conservative members who backed him over the orthodox Republican pick. It was widely expected that if Thompson hadn't run then Smith would have received the backing of both parties for the Governorship.
Thompson's nomination threw a wrench into those plans. Most of the Republican campaign was geared toward convincing Thompson voters to vote Smith, and for Thompson himself to withdraw. This backfired as the Thompson campaign openly refused and attacked the Republicans for trying to harass them into submission.
This divide allowed Durkin to win with not only a twenty-one point margin, but also win with a majority of the vote. His term as Governor had been focused on local issues, such as school funding, keeping taxes low, and fighting against high insurance rates (a holdover from his term as Attorney General).
With a majority of Republicans and National Conservatives in the previous General Court, he had to work closely with independent-minded members to get much legislation passed. Following a strong showing for down-ballot Democrats, including a fifty seat gain in the House, his position became much stronger in the next two years.
---
While McKeithen looked strong going into the Presidential election, north to south, and east to west, few in New York expected his coattails would be enough to beat well entrenched Senators like Jay Rockefeller. He had the name, the cash, the power in Congress and in his state, and to top it off he was even popular. For this reason, many high profile candidates (like previous Senator, and perennial hypothetical candidate, Robert Kennedy, Congressman Mark Green, or the recently elected Governor James Griffin). Out of a small field of candidates, civil rights activist and social worker Clara Virginia Clark emerged as the Democratic candidate. Clark, a black woman who moved from Alabama to New York in 1971, had been involved in local community affairs, had been politically involved for years; but had never held office before, had very little cash on hand (a fact accentuated by her opponents titanic war chest), and struggled to unite an anemic party apparatus against a presumed defeat.
The main constituencies that were die-hard anti-Rockefeller were the urban poor (who would vote Democratic no matter what) and the last bitter holdouts of the state National Conservative Party that refused to acknowledge their party's merger (or, in their parlance, annexation) by the Republicans (who were never going to vote for a black woman from New York City – and who were buoyed by the national fortunes of Campbell). Given his overwhelming lead in the polls and money advantage, Jay Rockefeller elected to ignore Clark and focus on keeping Dwyer afloat in the state (a strategy that paid dividends as Rockefeller won re-election by more than 25%, and Dwyer by more than 5%).
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Since the New Deal years, West Virginia was a Democratic state. Their economy was centered on energy, specifically coal. Coal proved to be an anchor to West Virginia, supporters of the industry claimed it made the state what it was; opponents of it said that it dragged them down and threatened to drown it.
Coal was not profitable, a fact that became more and more true as time went on. After the end of World War 2, mechanization made the jobs of many coal-miners redundant and then expendable. During the 1950's the state was an economic mess, and only the work of the Great Society provided a relief to the poverty struck region. But as much of a buoy as the federal government was, the fact remained that the states traditional economy was unprofitable. It had to adapt or remain stuck in misery.
But attempts at radical economic reform were stopped and started by various problems, usually political in nature. The efforts of Governor Darrell McGraw to attract foreign and domestic businesses ended with his conviction of federal bribery charges. The remaining years of his term were filled in by Speaker of the House of Delegates, Ivor F. Boiarsky. While the Speaker is normally second in line for the Governorship, the first-in-line (President of the Senate Dan Tonkovich) had resigned earlier from his office due to an unrelated scandal. He, too, later pleaded guilty to a federal crime but managed to avoid the very public display that McGraw was in.
This embarrassing display of political corruption, where two separate high-ranking public officials were forced out of office for unrelated scandals, pushed the issue of political reform ahead of economic reform in the voters eyes. Boiarsky, who was West Virginia's first Governor to ascend from the Speakership and the state's first Jewish Governor, pushed for harder anti-corruption laws. He also oversaw the establishment of a separately elected Lt. Governor, and a line of succession for the Governorship, which saw the elected statewide offices put ahead the top two legislative positions. And, despite the large amount of work he had done, Boiarsky did not live to see how well his anti-corruption initiatives worked, he died only two months after leaving office, but he did indirectly impact the future of the state through his brief tenure. A cleaner and less corrupt state opened up more economic opportunities for the state.
The preceding three governors did not engage in much, if any, attempts at economic diversification. They spent much of their time either in the limelight, as did the flamboyant Governor Manchin, or arguing with the state legislature, as did Underwood and Raese. Even as the state economy was hit hard in the 1980's, it seemed as though no one had any big plans for West Virginia's future. They had pounded the drums of coal, coal, and more coal as the panacea for West Virginia. Not the Democrats, not the Republicans, and especially not the National Conservatives (whose small heyday in the 1980's was quickly squandered by infighting and factionalism).
So by the time the 1990's arrived, everyone was surprised when the two nominees for Governor, Simon Galperin for the Democrats, and Jon McBride for the Republicans, both put forth wide-reaching and ambitious proposals for the state. Galperin took the unusual and politically risky route of attacking coal, labeling it “not just bad environmentally […] but also economically and spiritually” for West Virginia. He emphasized various alternate methods of putting money in people's pockets, such as high-tech jobs, tourism for West Virginia's unique landscape, and more ecologically friendly jobs.
“Coal is unreliable. It always has been.” Galperin announced at a Barrakville meet and greet. “And our failure to break our addiction to it will leave us in further miserly.” He especially criticized Raese for his time spent courting votes around the country, and time spent courting money from the coal lobby instead of working in Charleston. He called it a bad Christmas with “no presents, [and] no coal.” His fellow Democrats were split, with many not enthused with his platform. One anonymous state legislator castigated his former colleague for acting “too pious” on economic issues, and running a “San Francisco platform in Charleston”. In a state that was practically built on coal, Galperin chose the riskiest of platforms. And he did so aggressively, with no regard towards the backlash he courted. Some left the party outright in the face of this.
His Republican challenger, meanwhile, tried to balance radical action with mainstream political philosophy. His platform was similar to Galperin's in that he pledge to attract new businesses to the state, but he disagreed with the idea that the coal industry was a handicap to the state. “We cannot just stop digging and abandon this economy opportunity we have.” He emphasized the unique benefits that West Virginia had and should take advantage of, castigating his opponent for “backstabbing” the states economy in favor of out-of-state elements, a disastrous comment he almost immediately had to retract and apologize for.
The gubernatorial election ran mostly apart from the Presidential election at the same time. At least one poll stated that 20% of Dwyer voters voted Galperin, and upwards of 40% of Campbell voters too. Other polls suggested a more linear correlation between party vote.
Galperin's narrow victory hinged on many facets. Institutional support from Mountain State Democrats, personal approval ratings by voters, and his radical platform had tacit but understated support from the White House, notably McKeithen's August claim that they would find new jobs for “people who have been left behind as the rest of us move forward”, as well as the public support for new industry.
Another part, however hard to judge, was that he caught the public's attention by his call for dramatic action and moving past coal. By promising to supplement jobs, and receiving surprisingly high amounts of support from the business community, he blunted the biggest opposition to green politics, namely the cost that people would have to make, literally or indirectly. MacBride's milquetoast policies, carefully designed to continue Raese into office without alienating people who disliked him, attracted less far less backlash in and out of the party, but also less fervent emotions. His rarely-advertised, but exceptionally destructive plans on unions and pensions scared away many prospective voters and high ranking Democrats (according to the Bluefield Daily Telegraph) including Lieutenant Governor Robert C. Chambers.
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As John Huntsman decide to seek the Presidency instead of a third term as Governor, this left the election for the office open. Lieutenant Governor since 1985 (and former Senator from 1975 to 1981) Jake Garn easily won the Republican Party nomination. The Democrats had no major candidate to rally behind until just a few days before the filing deadline. Actor, director, and businessman Charles Robert Redford Jr., better known as just Robert Redford, announced he would run as the Democratic for Governor.
Known as a very liberal Republican, the decision for the 56 year old to run as a Democrat came as a shock to many. When asked why he switched parties, he admitted that it partially came as a result of him feeling the Republicans were “getting too comfortable” in office, and needed to spend some time out of power. Another part, he later admitted, was that he felt he could win the Democratic primary. Former frontrunner, and then-house minority leader, Douglas Wayne Owens dropped out and instead chose to run as Redford's Lieutenant Governor (which starting in 1992 was an office chosen separately in the primaries, but would run together with the gubernatorial nominee in the general election).
The presence of four separate minor right-wing splinter parties, the National Conservatives, the Free Patriots (who would later drop out and endorse Garn), and two independents, Merrill Cook (who had been a member of both previous parties), and David L. Buhler (a former Republican) made the election a toss-up. Despite this, National Conservative candidate for President, Carroll Campbell, was polled as the likely winner of the state's electoral votes.
Despite Redford's refusal to endorse McKeithen (instead instructing voters to “go with their consciences”), accusations about Redford's religious affiliation (or lack thereof), and being held in complete contempt by a large portion (possibility a supermajority) of the population, and all of his political opponents, he managed to prevail where the President couldn't and won Utah. While well-liked and popular with the Democrats in and out of the state, he faced a hostile public and an even more hostile legislature that wanted nothing to do with him.
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Early 1991, Joseph Curran had made it clear to party leaders that he no longer wanted to be Senator, and was interested in succeeding Mary Pat Clarke as Governor in 1994. Advance of this several candidates ran including former Mayor of Washington D.C. Sterling Tucker, Baltimore City Councilwoman and former Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and former Maryland Governor Robert Sargent Shriver, Jr. (who dropped out late 1991 and dropped back in early 1992). Despite her only statewide race being a 1988 loss against Rogers Morton, Pelosi won a plurality and advanced to the general election against fellow former Congresswoman Marjorie Holt. For the first time both major party candidates for a statewide Maryland election were women.
National and local issues dominated the conversation almost as much as personality and innuendo. Despite accusations of advanced age from Holt (being twenty years older than Pelosi), she defied nay-sayers by touring the state and visiting every county. Pelosi meanwhile doubled down on urban support and largely stayed away from visiting much else aside from population-rich areas. Pelosi, in addition to criticism on her record as City Councilwoman, had to deal with accusations of political improprieties from her father and brothers political careers.
In the same way Joseph Curran lost re-election in 1982 against Morton and made a comeback in 1986 against Mahoney, Pelosi came back strong from her 1988 loss for Senate to win the other seat. Despite an impressive war chest assembled by Holt, the general collapse in support for Dwyer, the unexpected arrest and fleeing of the state by the National Conservative candidate, and a last minute boost for Democrats resulted in the election of Nancy Pelosi.
His main problem remained that he was fairly limp in terms of support, if given the chance to say the “somewhat” supported him or "very much” supported him, even card carrying Democrats would likely pick “somewhat”. Independents polled slightly better in that aspect, but overall they remained split on the President.
From the outset of the general election, Bud Dwyer had to deal with a tainted image. Despite being a legitimate method of obtaining the nomination, opposition media relentlessly ran with the charge of Dwyer having “stolen” the nomination from Clinton or du Pont (depending on who they were marketing to). Wherever the campaign went came hecklers. Whenever they wanted to talk about business, jobs, and his past as Governor the interviewers wanted to ask about the 'controversy' and if Dwyer would like to address, which lead to more sharp comments from him, which in turn further incentive the media to stoke the flames of that.
An unnamed aide to Dwyer noted that the Republican Party was very begrudging in their support. They had wanted Clinton or du Pont or Raese. Even the most devoted of Dwyer partisans, who sincerely believed in their candidate as the right man for the job, felt alienated at how Dwyer was incapable combating the smears against him, how distant my Republicans were towards him, or advertising his successes as Governor of Pennsylvania. As one aide said after the election, “[w]e felt like David with no slingshot trying to fight two Goliaths.”
The National Conservatives made a point to pitch themselves to all religions, even going beyond just the Abrahamic ones. Dornan would travel between multiple churches, mosques, gurdwaras, and synagogues in a day to preach pan-religious solidarity against atheism and communism. He went as far as to encourage sympathetic preachers to instruct that not voting for them would invite government interference, suppression, and extermination akin to the Soviet Union.
Carroll Campbell meanwhile, attempted a more diplomatic outreach to voters of all religious affiliations and race. When asked why so few black voters supported the National Conservatives, Campbell replied that “we haven't given them a good reason too. And I intend to change that.” Explaining further on the issue, Campbell stated that, “if they think that we are a bunch of snarling racists who hate their very presence, are they going to sit down and hear out our platform? Are they going to bother to go out of their way and see if their views line up with ours? Of course they won't. They won't even bother getting near the door let alone put a foot through it.” When asked about specific policies to help African-Americans, Campbell tended to shy away and focus more on general policies like bringing in foreign investment and supporting small business; or just highlighting the history of black conservatives.
His running mate, Bob Dornan, undermined his message of unity, as he often went on the fierce and confrontative route. He attacked supporters of same-sex marriage, still a fringe issue in 1992, as the “last vestiges of American fascism”. He accused Dwyer of money laundering and corruption as Governor of Pennsylvania. He attacked McKeithen for being sympathetic to atheistic regimes and looking to construct a “kill list” in the 1990 census of minority religions. As his rhetoric continued to rise, so did protests against the man personally, and even National Conservatives wondered if they were playing with fire
Near the end of the election, all three candidates swarmed to California. While the Democrats had won California in the last two elections, and the Republicans the last four elections before that, it was polling within the margin of error for McKeithen and Dwyer. Seeing electoral gold, all three candidates blew through, collectively, tens of millions of dollars in the Golden State. Ed Clark, despite being a Republican, refused to campaign for his party and telling voters to “do as they pleased”, giving a blow to Dwyer's struggling campaign.
As late as election night, Americans sat up wondering who, if anyone, would win the election. Late night TV shows ran entire segments explaining to people what exactly happened if no one candidate won the electoral vote. The Democrats in the House and Senate prepared for a grueling potential second round for President.
Despite McKeithen winning the election, getting the highest number of voters in Democratic Party history up until then, getting 2.6 million more voters compared to 1988, and winning 6 more states compared to 1988, it was the 7th consecutive election the Democrats either lost, or received a plurality of, the popular vote. In this election the plurality had shrunk by more than a percent, from 43.12% to 41.87%, the later being the lowest percentage of the vote a winning Democrat had received since Woodrow Wilson's 41.84% in 1912. The ecstasy gained by winning carried an undercurrent of worry that their party was winning by weaker and weaker margins. Whether it was the party truly weakening or the emergence of a new party system, no one knew for sure. But for the time being, they rejoiced.
The Republicans were, by and large, a strong but embarrassed force. The lowest popular vote and electoral vote since Barry Goldwater, the sting of placing third place in the electoral college for the third time this century, and losing large swathes of the voters for four consecutive elections had made them resentful. Resentful against the Democrats and National Conservatives, against the media for treating their candidate as illegitimate, and against Bud Dwyer personally for performing so badly (one unnamed House member explicitly comparing him to a limp penis).
Despite losing, the National Conservatives felt vindicated. They had won California by the skin of their teeth, embarrassed the Republicans by forcing them into third place, and had gained their highest amount of popular and electoral votes. They had gained a foothold in American politics, and no one could stop them now.
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New Hampshire had many oddities in its politics. As of 1990, with Vermont's recent constitutional changes, it remained the only state in the Union to have their gubernatorial terms last for two years. While every other state changed to quadrennial elections, the Granite State remained firm and put down any attempts to change it. New Hampshire also retained the largest lower house in the United States (even after paring it down from four-hundred to two-hundred and forty in the late 1980's), the fourth smallest upper house, and also tended to feature many repeating names in the gubernatorial elections.
Meldrim Thompson was elected five times as Governor, over eight attempts, representing two parties and one independent candidacy. His seemingly never ending campaigns became the butt of many political jokes in the state, and his nomination as the Vice-Presidential candidate for the 1988 National Conservative campaign came as a surprise to many. Most figured he was done with running in elections himself, instead preferring to be a party elder in New England. He surprised detractors and friends yet again by announcing a ninth campaign for Governor, his first in a decade. He easily won the National Conservative nomination against meager opposition.
Incumbent Governor John A. Durkin had previously faced off with Thompson in 1974 (where Durkin won) and 1976 (where Thompson won). Durkin did not continue running for Governor like Thompson, instead going to contest the Attorney Generalship (which he won multiple times) and the United States Senate (which he lost twice). 1992 represented their third election together. Durkin had been Governor since 1987 and easily fended off Democratic challengers to office and won the general elections by close margins since.
The Republican nominee, Robert Clinton “Bob” Smith, was the President of the New Hampshire Senate. As a state legislator he worked to bridge the gap between conservative Republicans and the National Conservatives, and indeed he owed his position as Senate President to three National Conservative members who backed him over the orthodox Republican pick. It was widely expected that if Thompson hadn't run then Smith would have received the backing of both parties for the Governorship.
Thompson's nomination threw a wrench into those plans. Most of the Republican campaign was geared toward convincing Thompson voters to vote Smith, and for Thompson himself to withdraw. This backfired as the Thompson campaign openly refused and attacked the Republicans for trying to harass them into submission.
With a majority of Republicans and National Conservatives in the previous General Court, he had to work closely with independent-minded members to get much legislation passed. Following a strong showing for down-ballot Democrats, including a fifty seat gain in the House, his position became much stronger in the next two years.
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While McKeithen looked strong going into the Presidential election, north to south, and east to west, few in New York expected his coattails would be enough to beat well entrenched Senators like Jay Rockefeller. He had the name, the cash, the power in Congress and in his state, and to top it off he was even popular. For this reason, many high profile candidates (like previous Senator, and perennial hypothetical candidate, Robert Kennedy, Congressman Mark Green, or the recently elected Governor James Griffin). Out of a small field of candidates, civil rights activist and social worker Clara Virginia Clark emerged as the Democratic candidate. Clark, a black woman who moved from Alabama to New York in 1971, had been involved in local community affairs, had been politically involved for years; but had never held office before, had very little cash on hand (a fact accentuated by her opponents titanic war chest), and struggled to unite an anemic party apparatus against a presumed defeat.
The main constituencies that were die-hard anti-Rockefeller were the urban poor (who would vote Democratic no matter what) and the last bitter holdouts of the state National Conservative Party that refused to acknowledge their party's merger (or, in their parlance, annexation) by the Republicans (who were never going to vote for a black woman from New York City – and who were buoyed by the national fortunes of Campbell). Given his overwhelming lead in the polls and money advantage, Jay Rockefeller elected to ignore Clark and focus on keeping Dwyer afloat in the state (a strategy that paid dividends as Rockefeller won re-election by more than 25%, and Dwyer by more than 5%).
Since the New Deal years, West Virginia was a Democratic state. Their economy was centered on energy, specifically coal. Coal proved to be an anchor to West Virginia, supporters of the industry claimed it made the state what it was; opponents of it said that it dragged them down and threatened to drown it.
Coal was not profitable, a fact that became more and more true as time went on. After the end of World War 2, mechanization made the jobs of many coal-miners redundant and then expendable. During the 1950's the state was an economic mess, and only the work of the Great Society provided a relief to the poverty struck region. But as much of a buoy as the federal government was, the fact remained that the states traditional economy was unprofitable. It had to adapt or remain stuck in misery.
But attempts at radical economic reform were stopped and started by various problems, usually political in nature. The efforts of Governor Darrell McGraw to attract foreign and domestic businesses ended with his conviction of federal bribery charges. The remaining years of his term were filled in by Speaker of the House of Delegates, Ivor F. Boiarsky. While the Speaker is normally second in line for the Governorship, the first-in-line (President of the Senate Dan Tonkovich) had resigned earlier from his office due to an unrelated scandal. He, too, later pleaded guilty to a federal crime but managed to avoid the very public display that McGraw was in.
This embarrassing display of political corruption, where two separate high-ranking public officials were forced out of office for unrelated scandals, pushed the issue of political reform ahead of economic reform in the voters eyes. Boiarsky, who was West Virginia's first Governor to ascend from the Speakership and the state's first Jewish Governor, pushed for harder anti-corruption laws. He also oversaw the establishment of a separately elected Lt. Governor, and a line of succession for the Governorship, which saw the elected statewide offices put ahead the top two legislative positions. And, despite the large amount of work he had done, Boiarsky did not live to see how well his anti-corruption initiatives worked, he died only two months after leaving office, but he did indirectly impact the future of the state through his brief tenure. A cleaner and less corrupt state opened up more economic opportunities for the state.
The preceding three governors did not engage in much, if any, attempts at economic diversification. They spent much of their time either in the limelight, as did the flamboyant Governor Manchin, or arguing with the state legislature, as did Underwood and Raese. Even as the state economy was hit hard in the 1980's, it seemed as though no one had any big plans for West Virginia's future. They had pounded the drums of coal, coal, and more coal as the panacea for West Virginia. Not the Democrats, not the Republicans, and especially not the National Conservatives (whose small heyday in the 1980's was quickly squandered by infighting and factionalism).
So by the time the 1990's arrived, everyone was surprised when the two nominees for Governor, Simon Galperin for the Democrats, and Jon McBride for the Republicans, both put forth wide-reaching and ambitious proposals for the state. Galperin took the unusual and politically risky route of attacking coal, labeling it “not just bad environmentally […] but also economically and spiritually” for West Virginia. He emphasized various alternate methods of putting money in people's pockets, such as high-tech jobs, tourism for West Virginia's unique landscape, and more ecologically friendly jobs.
“Coal is unreliable. It always has been.” Galperin announced at a Barrakville meet and greet. “And our failure to break our addiction to it will leave us in further miserly.” He especially criticized Raese for his time spent courting votes around the country, and time spent courting money from the coal lobby instead of working in Charleston. He called it a bad Christmas with “no presents, [and] no coal.” His fellow Democrats were split, with many not enthused with his platform. One anonymous state legislator castigated his former colleague for acting “too pious” on economic issues, and running a “San Francisco platform in Charleston”. In a state that was practically built on coal, Galperin chose the riskiest of platforms. And he did so aggressively, with no regard towards the backlash he courted. Some left the party outright in the face of this.
His Republican challenger, meanwhile, tried to balance radical action with mainstream political philosophy. His platform was similar to Galperin's in that he pledge to attract new businesses to the state, but he disagreed with the idea that the coal industry was a handicap to the state. “We cannot just stop digging and abandon this economy opportunity we have.” He emphasized the unique benefits that West Virginia had and should take advantage of, castigating his opponent for “backstabbing” the states economy in favor of out-of-state elements, a disastrous comment he almost immediately had to retract and apologize for.
The gubernatorial election ran mostly apart from the Presidential election at the same time. At least one poll stated that 20% of Dwyer voters voted Galperin, and upwards of 40% of Campbell voters too. Other polls suggested a more linear correlation between party vote.
Another part, however hard to judge, was that he caught the public's attention by his call for dramatic action and moving past coal. By promising to supplement jobs, and receiving surprisingly high amounts of support from the business community, he blunted the biggest opposition to green politics, namely the cost that people would have to make, literally or indirectly. MacBride's milquetoast policies, carefully designed to continue Raese into office without alienating people who disliked him, attracted less far less backlash in and out of the party, but also less fervent emotions. His rarely-advertised, but exceptionally destructive plans on unions and pensions scared away many prospective voters and high ranking Democrats (according to the Bluefield Daily Telegraph) including Lieutenant Governor Robert C. Chambers.
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As John Huntsman decide to seek the Presidency instead of a third term as Governor, this left the election for the office open. Lieutenant Governor since 1985 (and former Senator from 1975 to 1981) Jake Garn easily won the Republican Party nomination. The Democrats had no major candidate to rally behind until just a few days before the filing deadline. Actor, director, and businessman Charles Robert Redford Jr., better known as just Robert Redford, announced he would run as the Democratic for Governor.
Known as a very liberal Republican, the decision for the 56 year old to run as a Democrat came as a shock to many. When asked why he switched parties, he admitted that it partially came as a result of him feeling the Republicans were “getting too comfortable” in office, and needed to spend some time out of power. Another part, he later admitted, was that he felt he could win the Democratic primary. Former frontrunner, and then-house minority leader, Douglas Wayne Owens dropped out and instead chose to run as Redford's Lieutenant Governor (which starting in 1992 was an office chosen separately in the primaries, but would run together with the gubernatorial nominee in the general election).
The presence of four separate minor right-wing splinter parties, the National Conservatives, the Free Patriots (who would later drop out and endorse Garn), and two independents, Merrill Cook (who had been a member of both previous parties), and David L. Buhler (a former Republican) made the election a toss-up. Despite this, National Conservative candidate for President, Carroll Campbell, was polled as the likely winner of the state's electoral votes.
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Early 1991, Joseph Curran had made it clear to party leaders that he no longer wanted to be Senator, and was interested in succeeding Mary Pat Clarke as Governor in 1994. Advance of this several candidates ran including former Mayor of Washington D.C. Sterling Tucker, Baltimore City Councilwoman and former Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and former Maryland Governor Robert Sargent Shriver, Jr. (who dropped out late 1991 and dropped back in early 1992). Despite her only statewide race being a 1988 loss against Rogers Morton, Pelosi won a plurality and advanced to the general election against fellow former Congresswoman Marjorie Holt. For the first time both major party candidates for a statewide Maryland election were women.
National and local issues dominated the conversation almost as much as personality and innuendo. Despite accusations of advanced age from Holt (being twenty years older than Pelosi), she defied nay-sayers by touring the state and visiting every county. Pelosi meanwhile doubled down on urban support and largely stayed away from visiting much else aside from population-rich areas. Pelosi, in addition to criticism on her record as City Councilwoman, had to deal with accusations of political improprieties from her father and brothers political careers.
