Miranda's Dream. ¡Por una Latino América fuerte!.- A Gran Colombia TL
- Thread starter Red_Galiray
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Thanks. I'll add the silver border as soon as I get around to updating this.
Why don't you use Thunder flag for zulia state (OTL Flag) i mean it looks so cool, it has a thunder on it (represents the best feature of that state)... At least just using the thunder only on another flag...
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bandera_del_estado_Zulia#/media/File:Flag_of_Zulia_State.svg
https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bandera_del_estado_Zulia#/media/File:Flag_of_Zulia_State.svg
I don't really like it if I'm being honest. Besides, ITTL most of the state flags are designed around the 1860's due to an event that hasn't happened yet, and the Thunder Flag doesn't really fit the time period.
Chapter 42: So far from God.
The Rape of Louisiana, the shockingly bloody First Battle of the Mississippi, and the start of Scott’s Piton Plan, all were moments of great importance in American history and in their understanding of war. But for Mexico, the defining moment of their struggle against the US was in Veracruz. The best and worst of men was exposed there, combining tales of great heroism with shocking stories of appalling atrocities. Veracruz has made a dent in Mexican popular consciousness and continued shaping Mexican history and politics for decades to come.
For most Mexicans, especially those living in Mexico City, the main shock of the battle didn’t come from the reports of casualties suffered in the defense of the port, but rather from the sight of the thousands of refugees who were forced out of their homes. The city of Veracruz was shelled almost continuously, due to this the Castillo government ordered the evacuation of all civilians in war areas. General Zapatero conducted the evacuation brilliantly, but the government then had to face a difficult dilemma: what to do with the refugees?
Veracruz was one of Mexico’s largest and most important cities. With more than 20,000 people, evacuating Veracruz was a logistical and humanitarian nightmare. Further compounding the situation was that Veracruz had become a war time boom town. Since most of Mexico’s commerce went through the port city, the increased volume of trade thanks to the war increased the profits of its merchants and offered abundant opportunities for everyone.
Unlike what most people think, the evacuation of Veracruz started before the first American troops had landed. The Third Battle of the Gulf that killed de la Fontaine and forced the French fleet to retreat for the time being alerted Zapatero of the Americans’ intention to take the city. Most of the wealthy of Veracruz immediately evacuated, taking the Mexico City-Veracruz railway. The poor, however, were left there and had to be evacuated later by the army.
Refugees from Veracruz, made by Luis Tamayo. This Chilean journalist was the main reporter of the situation in Veracruz.
The Mexican Army was ill equipped to function as a welfare agency. Zapatero and his army were in a desperate fight to hold back the Americans, who attacked with much more force than expected. The Castillo government, struggling to raise enough troops for Lombardini, Ruiz, and Zapatero, decided to conscript all the men of Veracruz into the army. Unfortunately, this left thousands of women and children defenseless, and since the army units were too busy fighting the Americans, they often couldn’t find food or shelter on their own.
The Mexican rail system was not developed enough to transport the more than 20,000 civilians to Mexico City. The government was between a rock and a hard place, and its final decision was heavily criticized at the time and is controversial even nowadays: the civilians were grouped together in refugee camps in nearby towns and villages. The exception was wounded soldiers and civilians, who would be rushed to the capital immediately.
The result was predictable. The refugee camps were often mismanaged, with scenes of corruption and abuse going on behind the scenes. They were also fertile ground for disease and crime, with only militia there to protect the civilians, militia who often did the opposite. Food was scarce, consisting mostly of leftover hardtack rations and almost rotten meat, and shelter was almost not existent.
The civilians who hadn’t been evacuated yet also suffered at the hands of the gringos. Artillery strikes were very common, starting fires, killing and wounding hundreds. Rape and massacres were common if the Americans managed to reach areas where the civilians hadn’t been evacuated yet. One of Mexico’s most famous but also tragic tales of heroism was a result of this, as forty boys, the oldest seventeen, the youngest eleven, managed to hold back an American assault long enough for a Guadalajara regiment to arrive and counterattack. Most of these young heroes died, but were immortalized forever by their noble deeds, which allowed the army to evacuate the city’s hospital.
Los Niños Heroes.
Zapatero and his men, and later Salazar as well, were also forever immortalized for their defense of Veracruz, which was named a heroic city (ciudad heroica). On the other hand, the people of Mexico didn’t think much of Castillo and his government. They thought that the government was seriously mismanaging the campaign. The historical opinion is divided, with some historians arguing that this criticism was more a result of Mexicans trying to find a scapegoat for the suffering of their compatriots rather than genuine ineptitude on Castillo’s part. Yet it can’t be denied that the Mexican Army’s serious issues only further aggravated the situation in Veracruz.
First and foremost was the inadequacy of the Imperial Army Medical Corps (Cuerpo Médico del Ejército Imperial). Led by Pedro van der Liden, a French surgeon [1], the Medical Corps was forced to perform miracles of logistics and supplies to assist to Ruiz’s wounded men during the Louisiana campaign. Van der Liden and his talented corps of medical officers proved up to the task, not only keeping the pace with Ruiz’s army but managing to provide timely medical attention to wounded and sick soldiers. Van der Liden is still celebrated as a national hero in Mexico, but when the battle of Veracruz started there were many who clamored that he and his doctors ought to go to Veracruz instead of staying in Louisiana.
With the fall of Veracruz’s own hospital, a make shift one was erected in the Santo Domingo Convent. The elite of Mexico’s doctors were far to the north, so the Army had to make do with young medicine and even law students, who often failed to provide adequate care for the wounded soldiers and civilians. The interruption of trade through Veracruz was also heavily felt – Doctor Pablo Gutierrez, the leader of the medics in Veracruz, despaired due to the lack of medicine and medical supplies. The Medical Corps also did not posses an adequate system for the timely evacuation of soldiers from active battlefields.
But when the men of Mexico failed to stand up to the challenge, the women stepped forward. The Mexican Women’s Movement (Movimiento de Mujeres Mexicanas), popularly known as the 3M, was formed soon after the fall of Fort Santiago. Even before the foundation of the 3M, Veracruzian Women had been doing much for the soldiers. One woman, Ana Burgos, when asked to evacuate immediately by an officer, defiantly declared that she would stay to take care of “her boys”.
Nurses of the 3M.
The efforts by not only the men, but the women and children too, led to many Mexican women from the capital and other cities wanting to take part in the action as well. Juana Dosamantes and other women sprang to the call of their emperor and country, even though it wasn’t addressed towards them. The 3M was nothing more than a small movement of brave women who went to the front to serve as nurses for the men. Many officers and members of the government saw it as nothing but a silly and dangerous endeavor, for they thought that the battlefield and its horrors were something no lady should see. Yet the 3M grew exponentially after it received the support of one of Mexico’s most important women, and perhaps the most loved, Princess Isabel.
Princess Isabel was Agustin II’s eldest daughter. Since Mexican law allowed for females to accede to the throne if there aren’t any available male heirs, she was also the Empire’s crown princess until the birth of her younger brother Carlos. Despite being just above twenty years old, Princess Isabel showed great love for her people, and was thus loved in return. Commonly hailed as Mexico’s most beautiful flower, Princess Isabel was known for starting humanitarian projects to take care of Mexico’s poor. And now that war had started, she felt the call of her country.
Isabel’s support allowed the 3M to grow into a national organization. Thousands of Mexican women went to Veracruz to serve as nurses. Zapatero and later Salazar were both skeptic of the organization yet allowed them to serve. Isabel herself, defying her father’s requests, went to the front and took care of some soldiers personally. Her diary reveals that the experience was profoundly traumatizing, for she did not expect to see so much suffering, yet she stayed and continued lending her support to the 3M.
The 3M was primarily financed not by the government but by communal action. Cities and villages throughout Mexico held fairs and collected money to provide their soldiers with blankets, better food, medical supplies and more. The 3M also advised soldiers on how to cook and how to clean to prevent disease. The women were generally loved by the men, who saw their life conditions improve thanks to them. The thousands of often unpaid volunteers cared for the men, cooked for them, and offered great comfort that, undoubtedly, helped many carry on despite the struggles of war.
Her Highness, Princess Isabel of Mexico of the House of Iturbide.
Some women, of course, provided other type of comfort. Camp followers were still common. Many wives and girlfriends, even daughters and friends, chose to stay with the men in their lives. But a lot of camp followers were prostitutes who offered sexual release to both Mexican and American soldiers. Venereal disease spread through Salazar’s camps, outraging the general. However, this kind of disease was not the greater threat to the irate commander’s men. Rather, other more lethal diseases such as malaria, typhoid fever and dysentery wrecked the camps and killed thousands.
Disease was one of the Mexican-American War’s greatest killers, just like in other wars of the time period. Around four fifths of all fatalities were due to disease. It spread through the army camps like wildfire due to a combination of lack of hygiene and the concentration of thousands of young men, many of whom had never let their native villages before the Mexican government drafted them. Diseases proved to me far more lethal to the Americans, who couldn’t evacuate their soldiers as easily as the Mexicans could, and who were more vulnerable due to having even worse camps and being from colder climates.
The condition of the American camps was appalling, and many tried to take steps to improve their condition, yet the American Sanitary Commission had a more daunting task in which it, it’s generally agreed, ultimately failed. While the Mexican Medical Corps found valuable and often vital help in the 3M, the American Sanitary Commission often refused to accept the help of many American women who wanted to emulate the example of the Mexican nurses. Causes include, ironically enough, the fact that the ASC was more well established and thus resistant to change. The MMC was, in contrast, almost desperate and the sponsoring of the 3M by Princess Isabel was enough to get the government and Salazar to accept their help.
An American nurse takes care of wounded men near the Mississippi.
The image of a warrior woman who takes care of home and fights alongside the men, often displaying bravery just as great if not greater, has long been deeply rooted into Latin American consciousness, since the Independence Wars at the very least. Women associations in Colombia celebrated the 3M and held fairs to raise funds. A distinguished guest in many of those fairs was Manuelita Saenz[2], a known libertadora and influential adviser to Santander during his reforms.
The American ideal for women was different. Seen, especially in the South, as fragile creatures who the man should fight for and not fight alongside, women were not allowed officially to accompany the army. The Army of the Mississippi had thousands of camp followers and refugees from Louisiana, it’s true, but Patterson’s Frog Army could exclude women more efficiently. It suffered as a result, for the male nurses of the ASC proved to be incapable and rough, being described by an American private as drunkards and butchers. The same American private eyed the Mexican nurses with jealously, probably longing for his home and the girls back there. He also was probably envious of the Mexican’s greater rations.
At first, supplying Veracruz with fresh rations and everything an army needed such as uniforms, blankets, boots, and tents, was easy, for Perry and his fleet controlled the seas. The journey from Florida and Mobile to Veracruz was long and boring, but the Navy managed to make continuous voyages that kept Patterson’s forces supplied. Despite the American capacity for food and arms production, the long distances meant that the ordinance and food, often made in the North, was in not so good state when it finally reached the soldiers’ hands. To supplement their diet the Americans often looted the civilians of Veracruz before the evacuation and their abandoned homes after it. In one occasion an American party even reached a refugee camp and sacked it before going back.
The Americans saw this as payback for Mexican actions in Louisiana. An Arkansas regiment reportedly charged into battle crying “For Louisiana! For Texas!” Many of those Americans were fueled by anger and desire for revenge. Others simply saw it as their duty towards their country and people. In the first few weeks, when it seemed that Veracruz would fall at any moment, patriotism and love for the US seemed to be enough to keep the soldiers going. But once supply problems started to take their toll in their health, many found out that patriotism was not replacement for food and medicine.
American soldiers in Veracruz.
When the French came back, they came back in force. Perry was attacked near the coast of Cuba and driven back in the ensuing battle. Though losses were equal on both sides, it made the shipment of salted meat and medicine arrive late. This relatively little inconvenience was but the start of American problems. A proto-ironclad, La Gloire, arrived at Veracruz helped to break the siege of Fort San Juan de Ulua. The emaciated troops there, trapped by Perry early in the campaign, were now able to get food and shells, and the mighty fort became the greatest threat the Americans faced once again.
A second proto-ironclad, La Victoire, then set forth to chase Perry. La Victoire was a rare hybrid, covered in steel but not completely, hard to maneuver and very slow, it was at the same time powerful. Perry’s task force was barely able to scratch its surface before La Victoire sunk two battleships. Both La Victoire and La Gloire remained in Mexican waters around Veracruz, allowing trade to resume. However, they were for the most part sitting ducks.
Knowing that he couldn’t outright destroy the ships, Perry instead changed strategy and started loading fast, lithe ships with the supplies Patterson needed. But the iron giants weren’t the only French vessels roaming the Caribbean. As a result, the small supply ships often had to travel together with battleships in a sort of convoy system. Perry managed to keep Patterson’s men from starving, but the support his naval guns offered was sorely missed. Not as missed as the food however.
The meat ration was reduced first, and the hardtack ration increased as a trade-off. The meat itself was of lower quality now. Medicine to treat malaria and dysentery was also lacking, especially after the US shot itself in the foot by embargoing Colombia, the only producer of the malaria-treating plant cascarilla. Not a long time passed before the soldiers had to live practically on hardtack alone and, if sick, had nothing to treat their symptoms. At any given time anywhere from a fourth to even a third of Patterson’s men were in the sick list. As soon as possible those men would be evacuated and taken back to the US, but Perry’s ships didn’t seem to be coming fast enough. By contrast, sick or wounded Mexicans could be quickly evacuated to army hospitals, which the Americans idealized as “places warm as home for them, with women and food”, as an Ohio soldier, sick with malaria, put it.
La Gloire
Patterson demanded action from Perry. But this demand offended the proud Commodore. Who exactly was in charge in Veracruz was not clear. Both Patterson and Perry had at first decided to keep to themselves, since they were from different departments. This worked reasonably well, both Army and Navy coordinating often enough. But now Patterson was asserting that he was in overall command in Veracruz, and thus could order Perry around. General in Chief Winfield Scott had not been consulted for the operations in Veracruz due to Polk’s distaste for him, so Perry asked the Commander in Chief instead. Polk, irked by Patterson’s lack of success but not entirely pleased with Perry either, decided that both were separate and while they should “cooperate for the common interests of America” no one could give orders to the other.
This started a breakdown of Army-Navy cooperation that eventually led the Americans to disaster. Perry, on the meantime, commissioned American ironclads from Boston and Virginia dockyards, to be designed by Samuel M. Pook. Yet building them would take time. In the meantime, Secretary of the Navy John Y. Mason bypassed Polk and asked Perry to try and make a stand. Polk would find out about the Battle of Tuxpan from newspapers, and the loss of two battleships to the iron behemoths. A furious Polk confronted Mason, an old friend of his, and ended up firing him. George Bancroft was appointed to replace Mason. Bancroft immediately started reforms to improve the discipline and training of the navy and gave more founding to Pook.
This affair weakened the cabinet, as Liberal criticism of the Polk Administration rose to a crescendo. The House elections in August 1858 were fast approaching, and it seemed that the next Congress would be dominated by the mostly-northern “Peace Liberals”, who favored a quick end to the war. The Peace Liberals, as Liberal Representative from Illinois Abraham Lincoln said, wanted to stop the bloodshed caused by the “unconstitutional, inhumane war” Polk and his Democrats forced into the US. The Liberals, however, were not united behind prosecution of peace, with several southern Liberals such as Alexander Stephens being War Liberals that wanted to pursue the war to its conclusion.
The Liberal Party was the minority party in Congress, and its internal divisions did not help, but the Democrats were just as divided. Hawks and Doves fought over whether the war should continue as well. This created strange coalitions, the strangest thus far being an alliance between the Liberals and enough Hawks to protect Scott from Polk's and Secretary of War William Marcy’s attacks. Peace Liberals believed that Scott was their man and preferred him as head of the Army of the Mississippi; War Liberals believed in his generalship and thought that keeping him in charge was the best option for victory; and the Hawks decided that Polk attacking their General in Chief was counterproductive and would lead to defeat. The strange coalition managed to pass a bill that promoted Scott and forbade Polk from dismissing him without Congressional approval over Polk’s veto after Butler’s failure in the First Battle of the Mississippi – the first veto override by Congress.
Depiction of the Peace Liberals as venenous snakes.
This coalition only seemed to weaken the Liberals however, for many southern Liberals felt that they had more in common with southern Democrats than with their fellow party members. Dove and many Hawk Democrats were, on the other hand, outraged by the betrayal of those who caucused with the Liberals against their president. Some were even expulsed from the party due to this.
Yet, the Liberals held together despite their conflicting fractions. This led to a divided campaign where the party promised something in pro-peace areas and something completely different in pro-war districts. The Democrats, by contrast, decided to purge the pro-peace elements of the party and presented a united front against this enemy within. Despite this, most Liberals had full confidence in victory and party newspapers openly proclaimed a Liberal-dominated Congress come the next elections.
While many Americans lost their confidence in Polk and his skills as Commander in Chief, many still believed in him. The same can’t be said of Castillo. Many within Parliament, including his own party, were losing confidence on him, especially since the start of the Battle of Veracruz.
The start of the war ignited the flame of Mexican nationalism and therefore the two main parties of Mexico, the National Patriotic Party and the Liberal-Federal Union, decided to set their differences apart for the time being. A string of acts to prosecute the war effectively passed parliament and were signed into law with almost complete approval. Yet, as the war dragged on, Mexican leftists started to have second thoughts on cooperating with their old rivals.
Especially contentious were war measures seen as too radical, or, more often, too tyrannical. “Don Castillo fastens the chains of tyranny while we fight for our liberty”, warmed Representative Jorge Reyer, a Federalist from Nuevo Leon. Reyer’s warnings carried some truth – the Castillo government passed laws limiting freedom of speech, providing for the arrest of anti-war agitators, allowing for forced requisitions from civilians around Veracruz, Texas and California, and instituting martial law in areas near the battle fronts. But by far the acts that most alienated the Mexican left were those concerning conscription and the economy.
Conscript Militia units.
Most politicians didn’t oppose conscription on principle, but rather feared its social effects. Mexico had wanted to distance itself from its old model of conscript armies and instead focused on training and outfitting a professional force. But despite their earlier manpower advantage and the belief that patriotism would drive enough men to volunteer, it was clear that without conscription, Mexico couldn’t win. Many poor Mestizo and Indigenous farmers or peones were not willing to abandon their families and die for some politicians far away in Mexico City. But Parliament believed they ought to, for what greater cause is there than defense of God, Fatherland and Liberty? The Conscription Act was approved in early 1852.
Yet the effects on Mexican population, especially little villages and border areas, were appalling. Draft dodgers virtually ruled entire areas, where no conscription officers could go without being lynched. The men from some villages could only be recruited by sending heavily armed army platoons there, and sometimes those platoons returned with less men because so many deserted on the way. Even when they were successfully recruited, the draftees often proved to have low morale and deserted the first chance they got. Salazar considered draftee regiments “raw and useless”, and Ruiz held them in contempt. As for the Homefront, the press often published stories of women and children dying of hunger because their husbands had been drafted into the army.
Conscription into the Mexican Army during the war was a messy, corrupt and inefficient process that brought criticism to Castillo by opponents who labelled it as an inhumane measure. It was seen as a terrible law that took fathers, brothers and sons from their homes and sent them to die far away, in a war that many believed Castillo didn’t finish because he didn’t want to, never mind Polk’s refusal to negotiate anything that didn’t include the annexations of Texas and California. Many within Mexico didn’t understand the political subtleties that prevented peace negotiations from being started, and among those who did understand, some believed that conserving those far away provinces, already full of gringos, was not worth the sacrifice.
Particularly infuriating was that rich men could send poor Mayans in their place, or simply play to be excluded from the draft. Professionals, noblemen, industrialists, teachers and more were exempted from the draft by the virtue of their profession. Doctors were drafted into the Medical Corps, but despite this many middle-class men chaffed at this injustice. “The rich man stays home and waves a little flag, while the poor man goes to the front and actually fights for his nation” complained an Oaxaca volunteer. Yet most of the people’s resentment was towards Castillo.
Poor farmers drafted into the Army.
“The youth of Mexico is being sacrificed, her women are alone, her children are left without support, our forefathers without sons… Every patriot ought to recognize that the reason of all these injustices lies in our immoral, corrupt and arrogant Prime Minister, who does nothing, understands nothing, and achieves nothing but bloodshed, social turmoil and economic ruin”, declared a heated Liberal-Federal Representative from Veracruz. Castillo resented these remarks immensely and tried to have him arrested for anti-war agitation, which only made criticism of his government sharper. Yet, in private correspondence with his wife, Castillo admitted that he found some truth on the Representative’s last statement about the economic ruin the war had brought.
When it comes to the Mexican economy, like in many other aspects of the war, Mexico started a step ahead of the US but eventually fell behind. The far more centralized Mexican economy, including the Bank of Mexico, the only entity authorized to print and regulate the national currency, was more easily controlled by the government, which issued a series of war measures to finance the war.
Mexico’s economy was largely agrarian. Large landowners and the church controlled most of Mexico’s farms, which were labored by poor Indians. Industry and manufacturing were small, and silver mining and tariffs propped a lot of the economy. Though the Church no longer could take the colonial diezmo, a 10% tax on the produce of the Indians, they still owned large tracks of fertile land. Mexico’s agricultural products were used mostly to sustain the country itself, not for exportation. And the few goods that could be exported, such as silver, often produced a deficit since Mexico had to import mercury and tools from other countries, mainly France. The state was heavily indebted as a result.
France emerged as the main financial backer of the Empire yet paying the interests in those debts wasn’t easy. Mexico enacted several laws rising taxes and enacted new taxes on land, “luxury goods”, agricultural produce and property. These taxes also hit the poor disproportionately. The Church and some high-ranking politicians were exempted, and the landowners that did have to pay the taxes could often afford to do so – their poor workers, not so much. Taxes on alcohol, and the increased price of cotton manufactures from Britain and Colombia due to the blockade and tariffs caused discontent.
A Mexican Hacienda.
The Mexican government also tried to raise money by the selling of bonds. Economy Minister Nicolas Larrea tried to sell over 100$ millon at an 8% rate. But most investors weren’t willing to buy them, for inflation outpaced the bonds’ rates. Without other options, Larrea was forced to print more Imperials, which brought depreciation and inflation. The Imperials were declared legal tender by Parliament, but since the Mexican economy was weak and investors didn’t have confidence on Imperials not backed by gold or silver, the Ministry was forced to print more. Before long, Larrea was lamenting that most of the government’s revenue was used to pay war debts. It seemed that the Imperial Herald’s prediction of economic ruin, catastrophic inflation and chronic shortages was going to come true after all.
Though the economic situation had not reached such a low point yet, the Herald hit the mark when it predicted shortages, especially of arms, ammunitions, artillery, uniforms, boots, blankets, salt and other supplies for the soldiers. Salazar’s men spent many miserable nights in Veracruz, exposed to the cruel elements of nature. To be fair, the Americans didn’t fare any better, but this was a logistic, not economic problem, the American economy being powerful enough to finance the war.
The Third Bank of the United States, charter granted by Liberal President William Henry Harrison in 1836, had a dominant place in the American economy, especially in New England and the Middle Atlantic States. The Bank, the lovechild of Liberals such as Clay and Webster, printed around 30% of the national currency, controlled a large part of the Treasury’s gold reserves, and served to spearhead Clay’s American system of internal improvements, building of infrastructure, and establishment of commercial tariffs.
Yet many didn’t like this new industrial America. The Jeffersonian ideal of the free farmer was alive, and many considered employment by big industrialist to be “wage slavery”. The Liberals insisted that industry and banks had allowed social mobility and prosperity; the Democrats preached that this was just a lie from non-producers who stole from the laborer. The Bank War thus started, with Democrats opposing the re-chartering of the Bank of the United States In 1856, and the Liberals promoting it. In the background there was the class conflict between poor farmers and workers who resented the power of the economic elites of New York and Philadelphia (and of the foreigner bankers who owned up to half of the bank stock as well), and the upwardly mobile workers who saw the Bank as the way to economic prosperity.
Anti-wage slavery cartoon.
Whenever the Liberals controlled Congress and the White House, the Bank prospered. When the Democrats finally wrestled the White House back with the election of Lewis Cass, anti-Bank measures were taken, increasing the power of state banks and blocking many internal improvements bills through vetoes.
After Cass was assassinated and Polk won the elections of 1851, he promised to veto any bills concerning the bank come 1856. Yet, much to Polk’s chagrin, he found out that cooperating with the banking tyrants was the best way of financing the war.
After the Democrats and Polk convinced enough Liberals in both Congress and the Senate to vote for war with Mexico (the ones that eventually became the "War Liberals”), what seemed to be an economic revival after the Panic of 1849 started. The War Department signed thousands of contracts for the production of weapons, uniforms, ships, and food. The Patriotic frenzy that followed the official declaration of war seemed to revitalize the economy, and investors, both American and British, expressed their confidence in victory by buying stock of several companies who appeared to promote the settlement of Texas, California and any new territories that might be acquired. Unfortunately, this created a bubble, one that burst with terrible economic consequences once Ruiz took New Orleans. Add this and rising insurance prices for ships thanks to French involvement, depressed trade with Britain and the rest of Europe, and the aftermath of the not-yet-healed Panic of 1849, and you have a recipe for economic collapse.
Wall Street flew into a Panic as thousands tried to sold actions they had bought. The result was predictable: specie payments were suspended, and the rating of the government plummeted. The Polk administration required payments to be realized only in specie, which created trade imbalances that depleted the Treasury’s vaults. This was a result of Polk’s attempt to distance his administration from the banks, and his establishment of an independent treasury. The chain reaction made the American economy grind to a halt. Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, was forced to resign as a result, especially after it was found out that he was a banking wolf in hard money sheep clothing – he had used his position to transfer funds to banks. Francis Preston Blair was appointed in his place, despite the fact that Polk did not like him.
Francis Preston Blair.
Blair, a skilled journalist and more willing to compromise than Polk, worked tirelessly to promote his winning strategy of selling war bonds. He pioneered something seen as revolutionary back then: the selling of cheap war bonds to the common people. Many scowled at the idea, yet it succeeded beyond Blair’s wildest dreams: over 200$ million dollars were sold in Treasury bonds. Blair managed to frame the funding of the war as another, perhaps more important patriotic struggle. Through his connections in several prominent newspapers, Blair effectively revolutionized the American press and transformed it into a propaganda machine. He also lowered the tariffs, increasing trade with Britain – “Blair did more to improve relations with Britain than Secretary of State Buchanan ever did” in the words of one historian), which in turn resulted in increased revenue.
Still, Polk couldn’t bring himself to like Blair. Blair’s dealings and his efforts to build infrastructure to keep Scott supplied reeked of corruption, populism, and the worst smell of them all, the Liberal Party. After all, wasn’t Blair working with Liberals to approve internal improvement bills and bank-friendly measures to supply an army led by Liberals?
Buchanan and Marcy both advised to retain Blair in the government because, despite his supposed faults, Blair had managed to stabilize the Treasury and inspire confidence in the American economy once again by backing Treasury notes with the selling of bonds. This pumped new money into the economy while preventing runaway inflation. Nonetheless, the real hero on Polk’s eyes was still McLain, the commander of American armies in California, who had, through his capture of Yerba Buena and the gold mines, preserved American morale and creditor confidence in victory. Blair, an early supporter of Polk, saw his hero as he really was, and was bitterly disappointed. Yet he remained in the cabinet, because he felt it was his duty.
McLain was unprecedented in that he was a Navy commodore who was given command of overrall land operations. Polk's reasoning was that the Army in California depended in the Navy for transport and supply.
Polk’s lack of confidence in his own cabinet members mirror the lack of confidence the public had on “meandrous” Polk, who was seen as “a rambling fool”, “a petty criminal who pursued an unconstitutional war”, “a traitor to American values and the American people”, to use some of the names given to him by the opposition press. But they would have been enemies whether there was a war or not. Most had, in fact, been enemies of Polk since his days as a fiery candidate in the Democratic convention. Castillo, on the other hand, saw former allies turn against him, denouncing him as an incompetent leader that had to be ousted for the wellbeing of Mexico. Several events marked the dramatic fall of Castillo, usually military and social disasters that changed public opinion.
Especially galvanizing was the total defeat of Lombardini at the Battle of Mount Diablo. The Mexican government had “abandoned” the people of California in Lombardini’s words, so the irked general decided to take matters in his own hands. He renamed the remains of his old Army of the West to Army of the Californias (Ejército de las Californias) and started to recruit and train Californios. He had managed to convince Castillo to finally send a reserve army, but Veracruz changed that. Shortly after that, Castillo ordered Noble (who had been promoted from Colonel to General) and his Indian Cavalry to Louisiana, on Ruiz’s request.
A furious Lombardini, after writing several letters in which he harshly criticized Castillo and Parliament, set forth to San Luis Obispo and further south and started to draft men there. This produced the strange spectacle of Lombardini’s agents and Castillo’s competing to draft men into the same army, though not the same command.
Either way, Lombardini managed to scrap together a force of 10,000, the largest force thus far seen in the West Coast. McLain, however, had not rested in his laurels. He and Starling worked together to whip their men into shape. Though both “Warriors of the West” were admired for conquering California with only militias, McLain was, in truth, not pleased with this arrangement. American mobilization finally allowed Polk, who liked the Democrat McLain, to send army units. They made the long and miserable journey from Charleston to Yerba Buena and arrived there towards the end of 1853. McLain had wanted to immediately attack, but the lack of discipline of his new troops frustrated him. “Pickpockets, thieves, greedy men who fight for profit and not for their country!” he declared, unfavorably comparing them with his gallant Californians.
American troops depart Charleston for California.
Indeed, many of the new troops of the 7,000 strong American Army of the Pacific were drawn there by the possibility of land and gold in California, which had become a promised land of sorts. In fact, the capture of Yerba Buena had given the Americans control of the Sacramento River and its tributaries, which flowed into the Bay. The first mining town, Sacramento, had already been founded. The Americans had taken control of most of the coast between Monterey and Yerba Buena, but Lombardini managed to keep them from crossing the Guadalupe river and reaching San Jose, where Lombardini had based himself.
Lombardini started to plan his next move. The Americans had control of most rivers around the area. They hadn’t penetrated deep into the river system yet, but they could eventually take the Joaquin River. If they did, they could launch expeditions to areas south of the Mexican force and maintain them supplied. The possibility of being encircled would be enough to make Lombardini retreat, yielding almost the entire Upper California to McLean.
Lombardini believed that McLean was dependent on supply through the Sacramento River. With this (false) information in mind, Lombardini decided to go north to the town of Martinez, across Benecia in a narrow part of the Bay. There Lombardini would plant artillery, closing the tributaries of the Sacramento to the Americans. According to the Mexican commander’s plan, McLean would be forced to abandon his defenses in Santa Clara and go confront him. If he went by water, the Mexican artillery would destroy his fleet and sink his army; if he went by land, the hills of Mount Diablo would make the attack come to grief.
The American Navy in Yerba Buena.
McLean recognized Lombardini’s supposedly brilliant stroke as what it really was: an ill-conceived plan than hinged completely in McLean going north to face him instead of staying put. Still, McLean saw his chance, and leaving a skeleton force to face the skeleton force Lombardini had left in San Jose, he went north by ship and waited for Lombardini in a mountain pass west of Mount Diablo. Meanwhile, the Mexican soldiers were marching north. Lombardini had departed San Luis Obispo with promises of victory and a parade, but his conscripted men weren’t really looking forward to facing the Americans.
After two weeks of marching Lombardini’s exhausted and hungry force finally reached the mountain pass only to encounter Starling and his force. Thinking that it was only a small garrison, Lombardini ordered an attack, that went disastrously, with Starling repulsing most attacks. McLean them ordered a counterattack that broke the Mexicans, who started to run, usually just throwing their weapons away. The cavalry then rolled up the Mexican flank, capturing a whole third of the army. Lombardini managed to escape without being captured, but in the aftermath of the battle his army just melted away. He reached San Jose three weeks later, in August, but found it under American control. Forced to continue south, Lombardini and the remains of his army arrived at San Juan Obispo after another month.
The Battle of Mount Diablo destroyed the Army of the Californias and firmly confirmed American control of the region. The people of San Juan Obispo and Mexico City cheered when they saw Lombardini part with promises to kick away the gringos and great fanfare. Now they gave in to despair when they saw him return a broken man, and without his glorious army – only a thousand men remained. McLean and Starling, on the other hand, became national heroes who “saved the national economy and secured the west for the expansion of American civilization” in the words of Polk.
Despite this disastrous reverse, most Mexicans were more worried with Veracruz and the supposed lack of government response. The deteriorating economy of the Empire, the suffering of the refugees, the appalling conditions under which soldiers fought, the apparent lack of government support for the poor… all conspired to bring about the collapse of Castillo’s government. A vote of no confidence passed the House. Emperor Agustin II, an old friend and supporter of Castillo, initially refused to grant his assent, but a broken and heartsick Castillo decided to resign himself not only from the post of Prime Minister but also from parliament.
The vote came to pass thanks to the tireless work of Representative Benito Juarez, a Federal-Liberal who truly believed that the country needed someone better in that trying hour. He and other Mexican leftist managed to finally formalize the Federal-Liberal Union into what Juarez called the Leftist Union (Unión de Izquierdas). Since the controversial Castillo government had divided the National Patriots, it was the Leftist that dictated the terms for the next government. Some Federals could still not swallow Juarez and his radical ideas, such as his distaste for the Church, so the Leftist Union instead nominated the Federal Miguel Angel Solano as a compromise.
Juarez, who believed himself to be the father of this new, stronger coalition, never forgave some of the representatives who opposed his bid for the premiership. Agustin II, similarly, never forgave Juarez for his role in Castillo’s fall.
Benito Juarez, one of the few Indigenous Mexican Representatives. He represented Oaxaca's southern districts in Parliament.
This political shakeup in the Mexican government came in the worst possible time, as Winfield Scott finally started his offensive with the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse, while Salazar bogged down in Veracruz and Lombardini was defeated completely in California. Mexican prospects started to look grim while American confidence in eventual victory rose. But there were still obstacles to be overcame, namely the Grand Army of the North in Louisiana and Salazar’s Grand Army of the South in Veracruz.
But the American expressed their faith in eventual victory over those obstacles and many more such as political intrigues and economic downturns. The Mexican government was not so sure it could overcome its own economic and social shortcomings. And Mexico knew that as the war dragged on, its weaknesses would become more apparent.
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[1] Actually Belgian, but since Belgium doesn't exist and Wallonian is French, he's French ITTL.
[2] Now, some of you may wonder what Saenz did OTL? And also what she did ITTL, since it is mentioned that she was important, but not what she did exactly.
In OTL, Saenz abandonned her English husband and accompanied Bolivar in his campaigns, even saving his life once and fighting in the Battle of Pichincha. However, the earlier end of the war ITTL means that her role during the Independence Wars was not as big, but probably more decisive. She helped the Liberator Army during the Siege of Quito and afterwards followed them and Bolivar (being just barely twenty!). So she's still a war heroine. After the war she broke up with Bolivar since the democratic Colombian regime caused her to dislike Bolivar's authoritarian means. Later, she helped Santander as an unofficial but important advisor. So, yeah, she's pretty big as an icon for women through Latin America both ITTL and IOTL.
For most Mexicans, especially those living in Mexico City, the main shock of the battle didn’t come from the reports of casualties suffered in the defense of the port, but rather from the sight of the thousands of refugees who were forced out of their homes. The city of Veracruz was shelled almost continuously, due to this the Castillo government ordered the evacuation of all civilians in war areas. General Zapatero conducted the evacuation brilliantly, but the government then had to face a difficult dilemma: what to do with the refugees?
Veracruz was one of Mexico’s largest and most important cities. With more than 20,000 people, evacuating Veracruz was a logistical and humanitarian nightmare. Further compounding the situation was that Veracruz had become a war time boom town. Since most of Mexico’s commerce went through the port city, the increased volume of trade thanks to the war increased the profits of its merchants and offered abundant opportunities for everyone.
Unlike what most people think, the evacuation of Veracruz started before the first American troops had landed. The Third Battle of the Gulf that killed de la Fontaine and forced the French fleet to retreat for the time being alerted Zapatero of the Americans’ intention to take the city. Most of the wealthy of Veracruz immediately evacuated, taking the Mexico City-Veracruz railway. The poor, however, were left there and had to be evacuated later by the army.
Refugees from Veracruz, made by Luis Tamayo. This Chilean journalist was the main reporter of the situation in Veracruz.
The Mexican Army was ill equipped to function as a welfare agency. Zapatero and his army were in a desperate fight to hold back the Americans, who attacked with much more force than expected. The Castillo government, struggling to raise enough troops for Lombardini, Ruiz, and Zapatero, decided to conscript all the men of Veracruz into the army. Unfortunately, this left thousands of women and children defenseless, and since the army units were too busy fighting the Americans, they often couldn’t find food or shelter on their own.
The Mexican rail system was not developed enough to transport the more than 20,000 civilians to Mexico City. The government was between a rock and a hard place, and its final decision was heavily criticized at the time and is controversial even nowadays: the civilians were grouped together in refugee camps in nearby towns and villages. The exception was wounded soldiers and civilians, who would be rushed to the capital immediately.
The result was predictable. The refugee camps were often mismanaged, with scenes of corruption and abuse going on behind the scenes. They were also fertile ground for disease and crime, with only militia there to protect the civilians, militia who often did the opposite. Food was scarce, consisting mostly of leftover hardtack rations and almost rotten meat, and shelter was almost not existent.
The civilians who hadn’t been evacuated yet also suffered at the hands of the gringos. Artillery strikes were very common, starting fires, killing and wounding hundreds. Rape and massacres were common if the Americans managed to reach areas where the civilians hadn’t been evacuated yet. One of Mexico’s most famous but also tragic tales of heroism was a result of this, as forty boys, the oldest seventeen, the youngest eleven, managed to hold back an American assault long enough for a Guadalajara regiment to arrive and counterattack. Most of these young heroes died, but were immortalized forever by their noble deeds, which allowed the army to evacuate the city’s hospital.
Los Niños Heroes.
Zapatero and his men, and later Salazar as well, were also forever immortalized for their defense of Veracruz, which was named a heroic city (ciudad heroica). On the other hand, the people of Mexico didn’t think much of Castillo and his government. They thought that the government was seriously mismanaging the campaign. The historical opinion is divided, with some historians arguing that this criticism was more a result of Mexicans trying to find a scapegoat for the suffering of their compatriots rather than genuine ineptitude on Castillo’s part. Yet it can’t be denied that the Mexican Army’s serious issues only further aggravated the situation in Veracruz.
First and foremost was the inadequacy of the Imperial Army Medical Corps (Cuerpo Médico del Ejército Imperial). Led by Pedro van der Liden, a French surgeon [1], the Medical Corps was forced to perform miracles of logistics and supplies to assist to Ruiz’s wounded men during the Louisiana campaign. Van der Liden and his talented corps of medical officers proved up to the task, not only keeping the pace with Ruiz’s army but managing to provide timely medical attention to wounded and sick soldiers. Van der Liden is still celebrated as a national hero in Mexico, but when the battle of Veracruz started there were many who clamored that he and his doctors ought to go to Veracruz instead of staying in Louisiana.
With the fall of Veracruz’s own hospital, a make shift one was erected in the Santo Domingo Convent. The elite of Mexico’s doctors were far to the north, so the Army had to make do with young medicine and even law students, who often failed to provide adequate care for the wounded soldiers and civilians. The interruption of trade through Veracruz was also heavily felt – Doctor Pablo Gutierrez, the leader of the medics in Veracruz, despaired due to the lack of medicine and medical supplies. The Medical Corps also did not posses an adequate system for the timely evacuation of soldiers from active battlefields.
But when the men of Mexico failed to stand up to the challenge, the women stepped forward. The Mexican Women’s Movement (Movimiento de Mujeres Mexicanas), popularly known as the 3M, was formed soon after the fall of Fort Santiago. Even before the foundation of the 3M, Veracruzian Women had been doing much for the soldiers. One woman, Ana Burgos, when asked to evacuate immediately by an officer, defiantly declared that she would stay to take care of “her boys”.
Nurses of the 3M.
The efforts by not only the men, but the women and children too, led to many Mexican women from the capital and other cities wanting to take part in the action as well. Juana Dosamantes and other women sprang to the call of their emperor and country, even though it wasn’t addressed towards them. The 3M was nothing more than a small movement of brave women who went to the front to serve as nurses for the men. Many officers and members of the government saw it as nothing but a silly and dangerous endeavor, for they thought that the battlefield and its horrors were something no lady should see. Yet the 3M grew exponentially after it received the support of one of Mexico’s most important women, and perhaps the most loved, Princess Isabel.
Princess Isabel was Agustin II’s eldest daughter. Since Mexican law allowed for females to accede to the throne if there aren’t any available male heirs, she was also the Empire’s crown princess until the birth of her younger brother Carlos. Despite being just above twenty years old, Princess Isabel showed great love for her people, and was thus loved in return. Commonly hailed as Mexico’s most beautiful flower, Princess Isabel was known for starting humanitarian projects to take care of Mexico’s poor. And now that war had started, she felt the call of her country.
Isabel’s support allowed the 3M to grow into a national organization. Thousands of Mexican women went to Veracruz to serve as nurses. Zapatero and later Salazar were both skeptic of the organization yet allowed them to serve. Isabel herself, defying her father’s requests, went to the front and took care of some soldiers personally. Her diary reveals that the experience was profoundly traumatizing, for she did not expect to see so much suffering, yet she stayed and continued lending her support to the 3M.
The 3M was primarily financed not by the government but by communal action. Cities and villages throughout Mexico held fairs and collected money to provide their soldiers with blankets, better food, medical supplies and more. The 3M also advised soldiers on how to cook and how to clean to prevent disease. The women were generally loved by the men, who saw their life conditions improve thanks to them. The thousands of often unpaid volunteers cared for the men, cooked for them, and offered great comfort that, undoubtedly, helped many carry on despite the struggles of war.
Her Highness, Princess Isabel of Mexico of the House of Iturbide.
Some women, of course, provided other type of comfort. Camp followers were still common. Many wives and girlfriends, even daughters and friends, chose to stay with the men in their lives. But a lot of camp followers were prostitutes who offered sexual release to both Mexican and American soldiers. Venereal disease spread through Salazar’s camps, outraging the general. However, this kind of disease was not the greater threat to the irate commander’s men. Rather, other more lethal diseases such as malaria, typhoid fever and dysentery wrecked the camps and killed thousands.
Disease was one of the Mexican-American War’s greatest killers, just like in other wars of the time period. Around four fifths of all fatalities were due to disease. It spread through the army camps like wildfire due to a combination of lack of hygiene and the concentration of thousands of young men, many of whom had never let their native villages before the Mexican government drafted them. Diseases proved to me far more lethal to the Americans, who couldn’t evacuate their soldiers as easily as the Mexicans could, and who were more vulnerable due to having even worse camps and being from colder climates.
The condition of the American camps was appalling, and many tried to take steps to improve their condition, yet the American Sanitary Commission had a more daunting task in which it, it’s generally agreed, ultimately failed. While the Mexican Medical Corps found valuable and often vital help in the 3M, the American Sanitary Commission often refused to accept the help of many American women who wanted to emulate the example of the Mexican nurses. Causes include, ironically enough, the fact that the ASC was more well established and thus resistant to change. The MMC was, in contrast, almost desperate and the sponsoring of the 3M by Princess Isabel was enough to get the government and Salazar to accept their help.
An American nurse takes care of wounded men near the Mississippi.
The image of a warrior woman who takes care of home and fights alongside the men, often displaying bravery just as great if not greater, has long been deeply rooted into Latin American consciousness, since the Independence Wars at the very least. Women associations in Colombia celebrated the 3M and held fairs to raise funds. A distinguished guest in many of those fairs was Manuelita Saenz[2], a known libertadora and influential adviser to Santander during his reforms.
The American ideal for women was different. Seen, especially in the South, as fragile creatures who the man should fight for and not fight alongside, women were not allowed officially to accompany the army. The Army of the Mississippi had thousands of camp followers and refugees from Louisiana, it’s true, but Patterson’s Frog Army could exclude women more efficiently. It suffered as a result, for the male nurses of the ASC proved to be incapable and rough, being described by an American private as drunkards and butchers. The same American private eyed the Mexican nurses with jealously, probably longing for his home and the girls back there. He also was probably envious of the Mexican’s greater rations.
At first, supplying Veracruz with fresh rations and everything an army needed such as uniforms, blankets, boots, and tents, was easy, for Perry and his fleet controlled the seas. The journey from Florida and Mobile to Veracruz was long and boring, but the Navy managed to make continuous voyages that kept Patterson’s forces supplied. Despite the American capacity for food and arms production, the long distances meant that the ordinance and food, often made in the North, was in not so good state when it finally reached the soldiers’ hands. To supplement their diet the Americans often looted the civilians of Veracruz before the evacuation and their abandoned homes after it. In one occasion an American party even reached a refugee camp and sacked it before going back.
The Americans saw this as payback for Mexican actions in Louisiana. An Arkansas regiment reportedly charged into battle crying “For Louisiana! For Texas!” Many of those Americans were fueled by anger and desire for revenge. Others simply saw it as their duty towards their country and people. In the first few weeks, when it seemed that Veracruz would fall at any moment, patriotism and love for the US seemed to be enough to keep the soldiers going. But once supply problems started to take their toll in their health, many found out that patriotism was not replacement for food and medicine.
American soldiers in Veracruz.
When the French came back, they came back in force. Perry was attacked near the coast of Cuba and driven back in the ensuing battle. Though losses were equal on both sides, it made the shipment of salted meat and medicine arrive late. This relatively little inconvenience was but the start of American problems. A proto-ironclad, La Gloire, arrived at Veracruz helped to break the siege of Fort San Juan de Ulua. The emaciated troops there, trapped by Perry early in the campaign, were now able to get food and shells, and the mighty fort became the greatest threat the Americans faced once again.
A second proto-ironclad, La Victoire, then set forth to chase Perry. La Victoire was a rare hybrid, covered in steel but not completely, hard to maneuver and very slow, it was at the same time powerful. Perry’s task force was barely able to scratch its surface before La Victoire sunk two battleships. Both La Victoire and La Gloire remained in Mexican waters around Veracruz, allowing trade to resume. However, they were for the most part sitting ducks.
Knowing that he couldn’t outright destroy the ships, Perry instead changed strategy and started loading fast, lithe ships with the supplies Patterson needed. But the iron giants weren’t the only French vessels roaming the Caribbean. As a result, the small supply ships often had to travel together with battleships in a sort of convoy system. Perry managed to keep Patterson’s men from starving, but the support his naval guns offered was sorely missed. Not as missed as the food however.
The meat ration was reduced first, and the hardtack ration increased as a trade-off. The meat itself was of lower quality now. Medicine to treat malaria and dysentery was also lacking, especially after the US shot itself in the foot by embargoing Colombia, the only producer of the malaria-treating plant cascarilla. Not a long time passed before the soldiers had to live practically on hardtack alone and, if sick, had nothing to treat their symptoms. At any given time anywhere from a fourth to even a third of Patterson’s men were in the sick list. As soon as possible those men would be evacuated and taken back to the US, but Perry’s ships didn’t seem to be coming fast enough. By contrast, sick or wounded Mexicans could be quickly evacuated to army hospitals, which the Americans idealized as “places warm as home for them, with women and food”, as an Ohio soldier, sick with malaria, put it.
La Gloire
This started a breakdown of Army-Navy cooperation that eventually led the Americans to disaster. Perry, on the meantime, commissioned American ironclads from Boston and Virginia dockyards, to be designed by Samuel M. Pook. Yet building them would take time. In the meantime, Secretary of the Navy John Y. Mason bypassed Polk and asked Perry to try and make a stand. Polk would find out about the Battle of Tuxpan from newspapers, and the loss of two battleships to the iron behemoths. A furious Polk confronted Mason, an old friend of his, and ended up firing him. George Bancroft was appointed to replace Mason. Bancroft immediately started reforms to improve the discipline and training of the navy and gave more founding to Pook.
This affair weakened the cabinet, as Liberal criticism of the Polk Administration rose to a crescendo. The House elections in August 1858 were fast approaching, and it seemed that the next Congress would be dominated by the mostly-northern “Peace Liberals”, who favored a quick end to the war. The Peace Liberals, as Liberal Representative from Illinois Abraham Lincoln said, wanted to stop the bloodshed caused by the “unconstitutional, inhumane war” Polk and his Democrats forced into the US. The Liberals, however, were not united behind prosecution of peace, with several southern Liberals such as Alexander Stephens being War Liberals that wanted to pursue the war to its conclusion.
The Liberal Party was the minority party in Congress, and its internal divisions did not help, but the Democrats were just as divided. Hawks and Doves fought over whether the war should continue as well. This created strange coalitions, the strangest thus far being an alliance between the Liberals and enough Hawks to protect Scott from Polk's and Secretary of War William Marcy’s attacks. Peace Liberals believed that Scott was their man and preferred him as head of the Army of the Mississippi; War Liberals believed in his generalship and thought that keeping him in charge was the best option for victory; and the Hawks decided that Polk attacking their General in Chief was counterproductive and would lead to defeat. The strange coalition managed to pass a bill that promoted Scott and forbade Polk from dismissing him without Congressional approval over Polk’s veto after Butler’s failure in the First Battle of the Mississippi – the first veto override by Congress.
Depiction of the Peace Liberals as venenous snakes.
This coalition only seemed to weaken the Liberals however, for many southern Liberals felt that they had more in common with southern Democrats than with their fellow party members. Dove and many Hawk Democrats were, on the other hand, outraged by the betrayal of those who caucused with the Liberals against their president. Some were even expulsed from the party due to this.
Yet, the Liberals held together despite their conflicting fractions. This led to a divided campaign where the party promised something in pro-peace areas and something completely different in pro-war districts. The Democrats, by contrast, decided to purge the pro-peace elements of the party and presented a united front against this enemy within. Despite this, most Liberals had full confidence in victory and party newspapers openly proclaimed a Liberal-dominated Congress come the next elections.
While many Americans lost their confidence in Polk and his skills as Commander in Chief, many still believed in him. The same can’t be said of Castillo. Many within Parliament, including his own party, were losing confidence on him, especially since the start of the Battle of Veracruz.
The start of the war ignited the flame of Mexican nationalism and therefore the two main parties of Mexico, the National Patriotic Party and the Liberal-Federal Union, decided to set their differences apart for the time being. A string of acts to prosecute the war effectively passed parliament and were signed into law with almost complete approval. Yet, as the war dragged on, Mexican leftists started to have second thoughts on cooperating with their old rivals.
Especially contentious were war measures seen as too radical, or, more often, too tyrannical. “Don Castillo fastens the chains of tyranny while we fight for our liberty”, warmed Representative Jorge Reyer, a Federalist from Nuevo Leon. Reyer’s warnings carried some truth – the Castillo government passed laws limiting freedom of speech, providing for the arrest of anti-war agitators, allowing for forced requisitions from civilians around Veracruz, Texas and California, and instituting martial law in areas near the battle fronts. But by far the acts that most alienated the Mexican left were those concerning conscription and the economy.
Conscript Militia units.
Yet the effects on Mexican population, especially little villages and border areas, were appalling. Draft dodgers virtually ruled entire areas, where no conscription officers could go without being lynched. The men from some villages could only be recruited by sending heavily armed army platoons there, and sometimes those platoons returned with less men because so many deserted on the way. Even when they were successfully recruited, the draftees often proved to have low morale and deserted the first chance they got. Salazar considered draftee regiments “raw and useless”, and Ruiz held them in contempt. As for the Homefront, the press often published stories of women and children dying of hunger because their husbands had been drafted into the army.
Conscription into the Mexican Army during the war was a messy, corrupt and inefficient process that brought criticism to Castillo by opponents who labelled it as an inhumane measure. It was seen as a terrible law that took fathers, brothers and sons from their homes and sent them to die far away, in a war that many believed Castillo didn’t finish because he didn’t want to, never mind Polk’s refusal to negotiate anything that didn’t include the annexations of Texas and California. Many within Mexico didn’t understand the political subtleties that prevented peace negotiations from being started, and among those who did understand, some believed that conserving those far away provinces, already full of gringos, was not worth the sacrifice.
Particularly infuriating was that rich men could send poor Mayans in their place, or simply play to be excluded from the draft. Professionals, noblemen, industrialists, teachers and more were exempted from the draft by the virtue of their profession. Doctors were drafted into the Medical Corps, but despite this many middle-class men chaffed at this injustice. “The rich man stays home and waves a little flag, while the poor man goes to the front and actually fights for his nation” complained an Oaxaca volunteer. Yet most of the people’s resentment was towards Castillo.
Poor farmers drafted into the Army.
“The youth of Mexico is being sacrificed, her women are alone, her children are left without support, our forefathers without sons… Every patriot ought to recognize that the reason of all these injustices lies in our immoral, corrupt and arrogant Prime Minister, who does nothing, understands nothing, and achieves nothing but bloodshed, social turmoil and economic ruin”, declared a heated Liberal-Federal Representative from Veracruz. Castillo resented these remarks immensely and tried to have him arrested for anti-war agitation, which only made criticism of his government sharper. Yet, in private correspondence with his wife, Castillo admitted that he found some truth on the Representative’s last statement about the economic ruin the war had brought.
When it comes to the Mexican economy, like in many other aspects of the war, Mexico started a step ahead of the US but eventually fell behind. The far more centralized Mexican economy, including the Bank of Mexico, the only entity authorized to print and regulate the national currency, was more easily controlled by the government, which issued a series of war measures to finance the war.
Mexico’s economy was largely agrarian. Large landowners and the church controlled most of Mexico’s farms, which were labored by poor Indians. Industry and manufacturing were small, and silver mining and tariffs propped a lot of the economy. Though the Church no longer could take the colonial diezmo, a 10% tax on the produce of the Indians, they still owned large tracks of fertile land. Mexico’s agricultural products were used mostly to sustain the country itself, not for exportation. And the few goods that could be exported, such as silver, often produced a deficit since Mexico had to import mercury and tools from other countries, mainly France. The state was heavily indebted as a result.
France emerged as the main financial backer of the Empire yet paying the interests in those debts wasn’t easy. Mexico enacted several laws rising taxes and enacted new taxes on land, “luxury goods”, agricultural produce and property. These taxes also hit the poor disproportionately. The Church and some high-ranking politicians were exempted, and the landowners that did have to pay the taxes could often afford to do so – their poor workers, not so much. Taxes on alcohol, and the increased price of cotton manufactures from Britain and Colombia due to the blockade and tariffs caused discontent.
A Mexican Hacienda.
The Mexican government also tried to raise money by the selling of bonds. Economy Minister Nicolas Larrea tried to sell over 100$ millon at an 8% rate. But most investors weren’t willing to buy them, for inflation outpaced the bonds’ rates. Without other options, Larrea was forced to print more Imperials, which brought depreciation and inflation. The Imperials were declared legal tender by Parliament, but since the Mexican economy was weak and investors didn’t have confidence on Imperials not backed by gold or silver, the Ministry was forced to print more. Before long, Larrea was lamenting that most of the government’s revenue was used to pay war debts. It seemed that the Imperial Herald’s prediction of economic ruin, catastrophic inflation and chronic shortages was going to come true after all.
Though the economic situation had not reached such a low point yet, the Herald hit the mark when it predicted shortages, especially of arms, ammunitions, artillery, uniforms, boots, blankets, salt and other supplies for the soldiers. Salazar’s men spent many miserable nights in Veracruz, exposed to the cruel elements of nature. To be fair, the Americans didn’t fare any better, but this was a logistic, not economic problem, the American economy being powerful enough to finance the war.
The Third Bank of the United States, charter granted by Liberal President William Henry Harrison in 1836, had a dominant place in the American economy, especially in New England and the Middle Atlantic States. The Bank, the lovechild of Liberals such as Clay and Webster, printed around 30% of the national currency, controlled a large part of the Treasury’s gold reserves, and served to spearhead Clay’s American system of internal improvements, building of infrastructure, and establishment of commercial tariffs.
Yet many didn’t like this new industrial America. The Jeffersonian ideal of the free farmer was alive, and many considered employment by big industrialist to be “wage slavery”. The Liberals insisted that industry and banks had allowed social mobility and prosperity; the Democrats preached that this was just a lie from non-producers who stole from the laborer. The Bank War thus started, with Democrats opposing the re-chartering of the Bank of the United States In 1856, and the Liberals promoting it. In the background there was the class conflict between poor farmers and workers who resented the power of the economic elites of New York and Philadelphia (and of the foreigner bankers who owned up to half of the bank stock as well), and the upwardly mobile workers who saw the Bank as the way to economic prosperity.
Anti-wage slavery cartoon.
Whenever the Liberals controlled Congress and the White House, the Bank prospered. When the Democrats finally wrestled the White House back with the election of Lewis Cass, anti-Bank measures were taken, increasing the power of state banks and blocking many internal improvements bills through vetoes.
After Cass was assassinated and Polk won the elections of 1851, he promised to veto any bills concerning the bank come 1856. Yet, much to Polk’s chagrin, he found out that cooperating with the banking tyrants was the best way of financing the war.
After the Democrats and Polk convinced enough Liberals in both Congress and the Senate to vote for war with Mexico (the ones that eventually became the "War Liberals”), what seemed to be an economic revival after the Panic of 1849 started. The War Department signed thousands of contracts for the production of weapons, uniforms, ships, and food. The Patriotic frenzy that followed the official declaration of war seemed to revitalize the economy, and investors, both American and British, expressed their confidence in victory by buying stock of several companies who appeared to promote the settlement of Texas, California and any new territories that might be acquired. Unfortunately, this created a bubble, one that burst with terrible economic consequences once Ruiz took New Orleans. Add this and rising insurance prices for ships thanks to French involvement, depressed trade with Britain and the rest of Europe, and the aftermath of the not-yet-healed Panic of 1849, and you have a recipe for economic collapse.
Wall Street flew into a Panic as thousands tried to sold actions they had bought. The result was predictable: specie payments were suspended, and the rating of the government plummeted. The Polk administration required payments to be realized only in specie, which created trade imbalances that depleted the Treasury’s vaults. This was a result of Polk’s attempt to distance his administration from the banks, and his establishment of an independent treasury. The chain reaction made the American economy grind to a halt. Secretary of the Treasury, Robert J. Walker, was forced to resign as a result, especially after it was found out that he was a banking wolf in hard money sheep clothing – he had used his position to transfer funds to banks. Francis Preston Blair was appointed in his place, despite the fact that Polk did not like him.
Francis Preston Blair.
Blair, a skilled journalist and more willing to compromise than Polk, worked tirelessly to promote his winning strategy of selling war bonds. He pioneered something seen as revolutionary back then: the selling of cheap war bonds to the common people. Many scowled at the idea, yet it succeeded beyond Blair’s wildest dreams: over 200$ million dollars were sold in Treasury bonds. Blair managed to frame the funding of the war as another, perhaps more important patriotic struggle. Through his connections in several prominent newspapers, Blair effectively revolutionized the American press and transformed it into a propaganda machine. He also lowered the tariffs, increasing trade with Britain – “Blair did more to improve relations with Britain than Secretary of State Buchanan ever did” in the words of one historian), which in turn resulted in increased revenue.
Still, Polk couldn’t bring himself to like Blair. Blair’s dealings and his efforts to build infrastructure to keep Scott supplied reeked of corruption, populism, and the worst smell of them all, the Liberal Party. After all, wasn’t Blair working with Liberals to approve internal improvement bills and bank-friendly measures to supply an army led by Liberals?
Buchanan and Marcy both advised to retain Blair in the government because, despite his supposed faults, Blair had managed to stabilize the Treasury and inspire confidence in the American economy once again by backing Treasury notes with the selling of bonds. This pumped new money into the economy while preventing runaway inflation. Nonetheless, the real hero on Polk’s eyes was still McLain, the commander of American armies in California, who had, through his capture of Yerba Buena and the gold mines, preserved American morale and creditor confidence in victory. Blair, an early supporter of Polk, saw his hero as he really was, and was bitterly disappointed. Yet he remained in the cabinet, because he felt it was his duty.
McLain was unprecedented in that he was a Navy commodore who was given command of overrall land operations. Polk's reasoning was that the Army in California depended in the Navy for transport and supply.
Especially galvanizing was the total defeat of Lombardini at the Battle of Mount Diablo. The Mexican government had “abandoned” the people of California in Lombardini’s words, so the irked general decided to take matters in his own hands. He renamed the remains of his old Army of the West to Army of the Californias (Ejército de las Californias) and started to recruit and train Californios. He had managed to convince Castillo to finally send a reserve army, but Veracruz changed that. Shortly after that, Castillo ordered Noble (who had been promoted from Colonel to General) and his Indian Cavalry to Louisiana, on Ruiz’s request.
A furious Lombardini, after writing several letters in which he harshly criticized Castillo and Parliament, set forth to San Luis Obispo and further south and started to draft men there. This produced the strange spectacle of Lombardini’s agents and Castillo’s competing to draft men into the same army, though not the same command.
Either way, Lombardini managed to scrap together a force of 10,000, the largest force thus far seen in the West Coast. McLain, however, had not rested in his laurels. He and Starling worked together to whip their men into shape. Though both “Warriors of the West” were admired for conquering California with only militias, McLain was, in truth, not pleased with this arrangement. American mobilization finally allowed Polk, who liked the Democrat McLain, to send army units. They made the long and miserable journey from Charleston to Yerba Buena and arrived there towards the end of 1853. McLain had wanted to immediately attack, but the lack of discipline of his new troops frustrated him. “Pickpockets, thieves, greedy men who fight for profit and not for their country!” he declared, unfavorably comparing them with his gallant Californians.
American troops depart Charleston for California.
Indeed, many of the new troops of the 7,000 strong American Army of the Pacific were drawn there by the possibility of land and gold in California, which had become a promised land of sorts. In fact, the capture of Yerba Buena had given the Americans control of the Sacramento River and its tributaries, which flowed into the Bay. The first mining town, Sacramento, had already been founded. The Americans had taken control of most of the coast between Monterey and Yerba Buena, but Lombardini managed to keep them from crossing the Guadalupe river and reaching San Jose, where Lombardini had based himself.
Lombardini started to plan his next move. The Americans had control of most rivers around the area. They hadn’t penetrated deep into the river system yet, but they could eventually take the Joaquin River. If they did, they could launch expeditions to areas south of the Mexican force and maintain them supplied. The possibility of being encircled would be enough to make Lombardini retreat, yielding almost the entire Upper California to McLean.
Lombardini believed that McLean was dependent on supply through the Sacramento River. With this (false) information in mind, Lombardini decided to go north to the town of Martinez, across Benecia in a narrow part of the Bay. There Lombardini would plant artillery, closing the tributaries of the Sacramento to the Americans. According to the Mexican commander’s plan, McLean would be forced to abandon his defenses in Santa Clara and go confront him. If he went by water, the Mexican artillery would destroy his fleet and sink his army; if he went by land, the hills of Mount Diablo would make the attack come to grief.
The American Navy in Yerba Buena.
McLean recognized Lombardini’s supposedly brilliant stroke as what it really was: an ill-conceived plan than hinged completely in McLean going north to face him instead of staying put. Still, McLean saw his chance, and leaving a skeleton force to face the skeleton force Lombardini had left in San Jose, he went north by ship and waited for Lombardini in a mountain pass west of Mount Diablo. Meanwhile, the Mexican soldiers were marching north. Lombardini had departed San Luis Obispo with promises of victory and a parade, but his conscripted men weren’t really looking forward to facing the Americans.
After two weeks of marching Lombardini’s exhausted and hungry force finally reached the mountain pass only to encounter Starling and his force. Thinking that it was only a small garrison, Lombardini ordered an attack, that went disastrously, with Starling repulsing most attacks. McLean them ordered a counterattack that broke the Mexicans, who started to run, usually just throwing their weapons away. The cavalry then rolled up the Mexican flank, capturing a whole third of the army. Lombardini managed to escape without being captured, but in the aftermath of the battle his army just melted away. He reached San Jose three weeks later, in August, but found it under American control. Forced to continue south, Lombardini and the remains of his army arrived at San Juan Obispo after another month.
The Battle of Mount Diablo destroyed the Army of the Californias and firmly confirmed American control of the region. The people of San Juan Obispo and Mexico City cheered when they saw Lombardini part with promises to kick away the gringos and great fanfare. Now they gave in to despair when they saw him return a broken man, and without his glorious army – only a thousand men remained. McLean and Starling, on the other hand, became national heroes who “saved the national economy and secured the west for the expansion of American civilization” in the words of Polk.
Despite this disastrous reverse, most Mexicans were more worried with Veracruz and the supposed lack of government response. The deteriorating economy of the Empire, the suffering of the refugees, the appalling conditions under which soldiers fought, the apparent lack of government support for the poor… all conspired to bring about the collapse of Castillo’s government. A vote of no confidence passed the House. Emperor Agustin II, an old friend and supporter of Castillo, initially refused to grant his assent, but a broken and heartsick Castillo decided to resign himself not only from the post of Prime Minister but also from parliament.
The vote came to pass thanks to the tireless work of Representative Benito Juarez, a Federal-Liberal who truly believed that the country needed someone better in that trying hour. He and other Mexican leftist managed to finally formalize the Federal-Liberal Union into what Juarez called the Leftist Union (Unión de Izquierdas). Since the controversial Castillo government had divided the National Patriots, it was the Leftist that dictated the terms for the next government. Some Federals could still not swallow Juarez and his radical ideas, such as his distaste for the Church, so the Leftist Union instead nominated the Federal Miguel Angel Solano as a compromise.
Juarez, who believed himself to be the father of this new, stronger coalition, never forgave some of the representatives who opposed his bid for the premiership. Agustin II, similarly, never forgave Juarez for his role in Castillo’s fall.
Benito Juarez, one of the few Indigenous Mexican Representatives. He represented Oaxaca's southern districts in Parliament.
This political shakeup in the Mexican government came in the worst possible time, as Winfield Scott finally started his offensive with the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse, while Salazar bogged down in Veracruz and Lombardini was defeated completely in California. Mexican prospects started to look grim while American confidence in eventual victory rose. But there were still obstacles to be overcame, namely the Grand Army of the North in Louisiana and Salazar’s Grand Army of the South in Veracruz.
But the American expressed their faith in eventual victory over those obstacles and many more such as political intrigues and economic downturns. The Mexican government was not so sure it could overcome its own economic and social shortcomings. And Mexico knew that as the war dragged on, its weaknesses would become more apparent.
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[1] Actually Belgian, but since Belgium doesn't exist and Wallonian is French, he's French ITTL.
[2] Now, some of you may wonder what Saenz did OTL? And also what she did ITTL, since it is mentioned that she was important, but not what she did exactly.
In OTL, Saenz abandonned her English husband and accompanied Bolivar in his campaigns, even saving his life once and fighting in the Battle of Pichincha. However, the earlier end of the war ITTL means that her role during the Independence Wars was not as big, but probably more decisive. She helped the Liberator Army during the Siege of Quito and afterwards followed them and Bolivar (being just barely twenty!). So she's still a war heroine. After the war she broke up with Bolivar since the democratic Colombian regime caused her to dislike Bolivar's authoritarian means. Later, she helped Santander as an unofficial but important advisor. So, yeah, she's pretty big as an icon for women through Latin America both ITTL and IOTL.
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Go women! It seems the war might lead to a greater acceptance of women in professions that were unthought off beforehand, at least in Mexico. The inclusion of Princess Isabel is surprising, but it is an interesting twist. I imagine there would be many wounded soldiers whom would be smitten by her? Perhaps she would be the face of the Latin American version of the Florence Nightingale effect; hold your heart out for that nurse, she might be of royal background! 
I imagine her father would be less than amused.
On a broader note, I wonder if, by the end of this conflict, Mexico will lose the war but gain the last laugh. Its citizens are in pain, California seems to be slipping away, there’s an ocean of issues regarding deaths of breadwinners, and the economy is pretty much propped up with spit, gristle, and Napoleon III's moustache. But on the other hand, the catastrophe has led to the coalescing (somewhat) of Mexican society, government, and infrastructure, which could well pave the way to long-term prosperity or at least stability south of the U.S border. In effect, Mexico might snatch the unsung prize of this war: long-lasting peace, which would be a godsend compared to the country endured IOTL.
Uncle Sam, though, is heading to a potential bloodbath from the political and social fracturing. I don’t need to bring up previous discussions, but I wonder if a few observers in the Americas and Europe could see the corpse-strewn road of civil war the United States is walking into. I hope Mexico City would be magnanimous in their defeat. Washington D.C. will need it.
I imagine her father would be less than amused.On a broader note, I wonder if, by the end of this conflict, Mexico will lose the war but gain the last laugh. Its citizens are in pain, California seems to be slipping away, there’s an ocean of issues regarding deaths of breadwinners, and the economy is pretty much propped up with spit, gristle, and Napoleon III's moustache. But on the other hand, the catastrophe has led to the coalescing (somewhat) of Mexican society, government, and infrastructure, which could well pave the way to long-term prosperity or at least stability south of the U.S border. In effect, Mexico might snatch the unsung prize of this war: long-lasting peace, which would be a godsend compared to the country endured IOTL.
Uncle Sam, though, is heading to a potential bloodbath from the political and social fracturing. I don’t need to bring up previous discussions, but I wonder if a few observers in the Americas and Europe could see the corpse-strewn road of civil war the United States is walking into. I hope Mexico City would be magnanimous in their defeat. Washington D.C. will need it.
Any Civil War will see the South losing even faster than in OTL. Not only would they have to deal with a dangerous border to the south in Mexico and a possibly restive slave population, the war with Mexico would disproportional effect southern men, southern infrastructure, southern economy which would see southern folks gladly accept northern entrepreneurs coming to town with jobs and factories. Military units across the border might also contain a great portion of northerners. So the planter class will not be so dominant loyalty to the states not so certain.
Go women! It seems the war might lead to a greater acceptance of women in professions that were unthought off beforehand, at least in Mexico. The inclusion of Princess Isabel is surprising, but it is an interesting twist. I imagine there would be many wounded soldiers whom would be smitten by her? Perhaps she would be the face of the Latin American version of the Florence Nightingale effect; hold your heart out for that nurse, she might be of royal background!
On a broader note, I wonder if, by the end of this conflict, Mexico will lose the war but gain the last laugh. Its citizens are in pain, California seems to be slipping away, there’s an ocean of issues regarding deaths of breadwinners, and the economy is pretty much propped up with spit, gristle, and Napoleon III's moustache. But on the other hand, the catastrophe has led to the coalescing (somewhat) of Mexican society, government, and infrastructure, which could well pave the way to long-term prosperity or at least stability south of the U.S border. In effect, Mexico might snatch the unsung prize of this war: long-lasting peace, which would be a godsend compared to the country endured IOTL.
Uncle Sam, though, is heading to a potential bloodbath from the political and social fracturing. I don’t need to bring up previous discussions, but I wonder if a few observers in the Americas and Europe could see the corpse-strewn road of civil war the United States is walking into. I hope Mexico City would be magnanimous in their defeat. Washington D.C. will need it.
I sure do hope that Mexico and the rest of Latin America will accept the idea of female education and labor in the following years! Haha, it's likely that there are several soldiers singing songs about their beloved Princess. And yes, to say that Agustin II is furious would be an understatement.
The effects the war will have in Mexico will be interesting, to say the least. However, no matter what happens, it will be better off than in OTL.
Probably not. "Every revolution (or civil war) is impossible until it becomes inevitable". Nobody thought that a Civil War and the destruction of the Union was possible, yet it was the little things that eventually made it occur.
On the other hand, the disproportionate effect the war has had in the South has been mostly positive, with the exception of Texas and Louisiana, obviously. Infrastructure has had to be built and industry developed to sustain Scott's army, and though most soldier cassualties are probably southerners, most experienced officers and soldiers after the war will be southerners as well. I still believe that, if they think that the North is trying to keep a land bought with southern blood from them, and if they believe that the North is trying to limit or abolish slavery, they will try to secede just like in OTL.
By the way, the vote for this year's Turtledove has started! Please, if you like this TL I encourage you to go and vote!
Suffice to say, the gringos will not see Latin America as their backyard ITTL.
By the way, I was thinking of rewriting the first chapters of the timeline, those dealing with the Independence Wars. Not a reboot of the timeline, just an expansion. The first chapters of the TL are short, poorly researched, and don't meassure up to the standards I've set for myself in the newest chapters. For example, I find the explanations of why the Mexican Empire and Gran Colombia managed to hold together ITTL to be pretty lacking. What do you think? By the way, now that the economic, social, and political issues of the Mexican-American War have been explained, I can finally go back to the war itself. So next chapter is about Scott's campaign against Ruiz and the end of the Battle of Veracruz.
It's your timelime, but I can see the difference between the first posts of this tale vs. the latest posts. If I'm really honest, some of your newer updates kinda scare me with their depth and breadth (looks at my own TL with concern), but it's a good scare, and I'm fine with them being changed, so long as the photos remain relatively similar.
On another note, Veracruz Veracruz Veracruz!!
On another note, Veracruz Veracruz Veracruz!!
What I'm still left wondering is if, the results of the Mexican-American war, will still result in conflict between the USA and Colombia as a Mexican Victory would result in much less American influence on the continent, but an American victory would probably result in Colombia becoming concerned about the USA's interests in taking land from surrounding nations leading to an air of suspicion coming from all other nations in the Americas.
It's your timelime, but I can see the difference between the first posts of this tale vs. the latest posts. If I'm really honest, some of your newer updates kinda scare me with their depth and breadth (looks at my own TL with concern), but it's a good scare, and I'm fine with them being changed, so long as the photos remain relatively similar.
On another note, Veracruz Veracruz Veracruz!!
The.. uhm... updated updates will be more like remasters. The end result will be the same, I will just explain everything in detail instead of just saying "So Bolivar went north and liberated everything. Anyway..."
Veracruz, Veracruz!
The war has already resulted in conflict betwen the Eagle and the Condor. The Colombian government and other Latin American government have always been concerned about the US and their "protection", ever since Monroe announced his doctrine. Especially problematic are American ambitions over Cuba and Hispaniola, which is by now considered as much a part of Colombia as Caracas. That's why Colombia aligned itself with Mexico, allowing them to use ports and signing several lucrative trade treaties. The US, in retailation, has embargoed Colombia, whose economy has already crashed. The Mexican-American War will probably destroy relations between the US and Latin America for many, many generations.
Well, it seems that I'm not up to the latest news. The Turtledove polls have been closed, but, as far as I know, no winner has been announced oficially, even though Carp won by a large margin. Still, this TL has finished with some 34 votes, a respectable amount that gives us the 6th place, out of 14 TLs. Thank you very much to all who voted for me! I'm really glad to see that so many people consider this TL of mine to be good. Next update is almost ready by the way!
Congratulations on your position, you and this timeline deserve it. Continue with the great work and I can guaranty that you will have a group of people that will follow every development in this world that you are creating.
Thank you very much! Your commentary is really appreciated!
The update is ready! I'll post it tomorrow as soon as possible.
The most likely outcome is going to be status quo ante bellum. Mexico is going to keep its original territory and gain some dignity out of this. And it’s government will gain a bit of forgiveness for having making this conflict as least shitty for the people as possible in spite of its ineptitude. I don’t expect any expansion of territory to be so realistic here.
I don't think the current US administration would settle for anything less than Texas and California. Mexico could win if it lasts enough and inflicts enough cassualties that a Peace Liberal Congress would force Polk to sign peace.
Chapter 43: Mexican-American War Part 6
Marching song of the Grand Army of the South at Veracruz
The Parish of Avoyelles is washed by two rivers: The Mighty Mississippi on its eastern side and the Red River in the north. As the place where these two rivers converge, Avoyelles was an important area of fur trading during the French era, and though very lightly populated, many ships went through the parish to reach New Orleans. During the war the Mexicans took control of the Red River between Shreveport and Alexandria, and the Mississippi between Port Hudson and New Orleans. The waters between Port Hudson and Alexandria were still in American control, turning most of Avoyelles into a war zone. The parish was devastated, with most settlements including the county seat of Marksville being abandoned. Only the courthouse remained occupied by the Mexican corps under the command of Gabriel Valencia.
Avoyelles was the most obvious location for a future attack. Winfield Scott and Luis Ruiz both knew this, and for months they had been playing a game, trying to outsmart each other. Ruiz had sent Valencia, his best corps commander, to hold Avoyelles, while assigning General Arista to Alexandria, the other possible place of attack. Scott decided to make a feint towards Alexandria, before launching an attack on Avoyelles.
The feint was conducted by Stephen Watts Kearny. Kearny, a New Jersian veteran of the War of 1814, explorer of the west and commander of frontier lands before the war, was the man for the job in Scott’s eyes. Though Kearny had failed to subdue New Mexico and had thus loss favor in Polk’s eyes, Scott stood by him and put him in command of the large Third Corps.
The Third Corps was to pin down Arista’s corps in Alexandria, while Donald Upshaw’s First Corps would conduct the main attack in Avoyelles. Upshaw was younger than both Kearny and Scott, in fact, one of the few senior officers who weren’t veterans of the War of 1814. The charismatic but oftentimes peevish and irate Upshaw had impressed Scott with his strong performance during Butler’s ill-planned first offensive, so when Polk and Marcy prevented him from appointing Kearny, Scott chose Upshaw instead.
Donald Upshaw
After months of training and drilling, Upshaw reported most of his men were in excellent morale and eager to fight. Most, as private Harris of Pennsylvania said in a letter, wanted “to hurl the Mexican mogrels from our sacred home” and “hang the dammed Ruiz”. The Mexicans, on the other hand, suffered a crisis of morale – desertions, indiscipline and disease wrecked Ruiz’s once glorious army. Ruiz himself lamented the state of his forces, and the already pessimistic Marshal, prone to sudden crises of confidence, despaired.
Valencia, an impatient and ambitious man who felt he deserved Ruiz’s glory and recognition, started to openly criticize his leadership. Ruiz was in Valencia’s eyes nothing more than a rich boy who got lucky. Ruiz was, in fact, from an aristocratic family. The Ruizes were prominent citizens ever since the independence, were they gained Emperor Agustin I’s favor. This helped Ruiz get a commission as an officer despite his youth and inexperience. Fortunately for the family, Ruiz showed great talent and shot through the ranks by himself, but this meteoric rise still brew resentment.
Valencia had served loyally albeit begrudgingly during the war up to that point, but by April 1853 the old veteran of the Trigarante Army was chaffing under what he deemed to be inept orders. Valencia believed that holding Alexandria was not important and that Arista should only leave a skeleton force and march south to join him. Ruiz, however, was not convinced that the attack would be in Avoyelles and preferred to keep Arista’s whole corps in Alexandria.
Ruiz reasoned that the Americans would be able to take control of the Red River if Alexandria fell, and after that they would be able to launch expeditions to cut off and destroy his army. Valencia, on the other hand, insisted that such a thing was not possible, and even if the Americans did take control of the Red River, it would be useless because Mexico still controlled Alexandria, Baton Rouge and Fort Guadalupe. The last one was a make-shift defense system built with trenches and artillery that kept the Americans out of the Red River. Valencia’s opposition reached near-insubordination levels, starting a crisis in the worst possible moment for the Mexicans.
The Army of the Mississippi crosses its namesake river.
Quickly moving by river, Upshaw transported his 45,000-strong corps to Avoyelles, and, following Scott’s overall orders, launched three separate assault in the key positions of Big Bend, Simms port, and Oden’s Farm. The biggest concentration of troops was in Big Bend, a small village near Fort Guadalupe and thus the strongest defenses. Valencia, nearby at Marksville, immediately went there to lead the defense himself. He also ordered the 5,000 men at Bordelon to go north to assist his counter-attack, but that force had been pinned down by Joe Allen’s 6,000 soldiers, who had landed in Simms port and then quickly marched and attacked the Bordelon garrison.
Faced with the dilemma of what he should do, Colonel Pedro Yanez decided to go north as well to try and help in the Battle of Bordelon with his 5,000 soldiers, but that left Oden’s Farm unprotected. Anthony Howard’s 3,000 men were able to land, and they quickly began to build trenches and breastworks in anticipation of an attack.
Meanwhile, the Battle of Big Bend ended in a Mexican defeat. The Americans didn’t attack or even siege Fort Guadalupe, instead bypassing it, leaving the river fleet to take care of its guns. The Mexican garrison decided to remain in the fort, believed that the artillery barrage was the first phase of a larger attack. Thus deprived of almost 3,000 men and the support of Fort Guadalupe’s guns, Valencia’s 7,000 were defeated by Upshaw’s 12,000.
To the east, the Battle of Bordelon also came to grief for the Mexicans. Allen, after starting the attack in Bordelon, suddenly turned south, trusting Robert Mays’ 7,000 to continue. Mays had landed together with Upshaw in Big Bend, and then had gone south to attack the Bordelon garrison’s rear. Allen’s attack had only been a feint.
Unfortunately for Yanez, Allen’s next attack was a real, and vicious one. After driving back Yanez at Simms Port, Allen pursued him with tenacity and speed, and scattered his forces in the Battle of Bodos, with Howard’s help. A panicked Yanez fled south, hoping to regroup with presumed reinforcements from New Orleans. In Bordelon, Mays triumphed over the Mexican commander Negrin, who organized a retreat to the vital crossroads of the courthouse. Valencia, who had also retreated after Upshaw’s victory in Big Bend, decided to regroup his forces and make a stand there. He ordered Fort Guadalupe’s garrison to leave the fort and join him. Upshaw, for his part, called in Mays to assist him in the incoming battle.
Battle of Bordelon.
Finally, the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse started. Valencia positioned his 21,000 men near a large bayou, protected by deep bodies of water. Upshaw’s 25,000 approached. The impulsive commander, eager for victory, decided to attack at once. Attacking through the thick marsh was difficult, with several men “sinking to their waists in mud”, according to a junior officer. Nonetheless, the Mexicans were still driven back after a brutal day of fighting. Valencia retreated once again and managed to repeal a final American attack conducted in the twilight. While the unwounded men tried to rest in the freezing climate and the wounded ones agonized, Valencia wondered where Ruiz was.
Ruiz had moved several of his elite regiments to Port Hudson in preparation for Scott’s attack. A lathered horse arrived after two exhausting days of riding at full gallop, with Valencia’s request for urgent reinforcements. Specifically, Valencia urged the transfer of Arista’s 30,000 troops to Avoyelles via the Red River, which should, in ideal conditions, take a day. Ruiz however resisted the idea and ordered Valencia to try and hold Avoyelles until it could be ascertained whether Scott would attack Port Hudson or not. Only then would Ruiz send reinforcements.
Disgusted by what he called “simple murder”, Valencia decided to deliberately disobey his orders and evacuate Avoyelles after barely holding into the crossroads in the second day. Before he could do so, Upshaw attacked yet again in the third day, catching Valencia and his soldiers in the middle of their preparations. With fury clouding his thoughts, Valencia ordered a surprise counterattack, using two fresh divisions Ruiz had allowed Arista to send. Upshaw was surprised by the move, but not for long – soon enough, he was attacking again.
An overwhelmed Valencia declared that either Ruiz send reinforcement immediately, or his army would be destroyed by the aggressive Americans. Ruiz finally seemed to wake up from his lethargy, but by then it was too late: the Americans had broken the Mexicans. Valencia and his men were forced to flee southward, to Prairie Rouge. There an Irish regiment performed a heroic last stand that slowed Upshaw, saving the rest of the corps, which joined Ruiz’s army in St. Landre’s Parish. The Irish regiment was destroyed as a result, with most of the captured Irishmen being massacred by the Americans, who deemed them “traitors”. Neither Scott nor Upshaw could stop the massacre of Prairie Rouge quick enough – over two hundred Irishmen were murdered, and dozens more executed for treason.
Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse
The Battles of Avoyelles, the most well-known of which is obviously the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse, lasted from 16th April to 20th May 1853. Both nations sustained never before seen casualties across more than three weeks of savage fighting. The Battles, if taken as a sole campaign, were the bloodiest in both American and Mexican history up to that point.
Valencia’s corps was practically destroyed, suffering over 11,000 casualties, divided in 1,258 fatalities, 6,730 wounded and 3,115 captured. Upshaw’s corps was also badly bloodied: 1,391 dead, 6,820 wounded and 905 captured, for a total of 9,116 casualties. But Upshaw’s force was also far larger than Valencia, sitting at 45,000 men, 15,000 more than Valencia.
These casualties were appalling to the press and public of both nations. But, unlike Butler the Butcher, Old Fuss and Feathers had achieved something: he had driven back the Mexicans, inflicting greater casualties, and had also captured Fort Guadalupe and its guns, depriving Ruiz of vital artillery and opening the Red River and the way to Alexandria. For good measure, Shreveport was also captured by Captain Braxton Bragg, who saw his chance and moved into the practically abandoned city after the Mexican garrison left.
Despite the enormous losses, the blow that crippled the Mexican army the most was the destruction of the relations between Ruiz and his officers. Valencia never forgave Ruiz for slaughtering his men, as he put it, while Arista also harshly criticized his decision. Even Noble, who had recently come from the west and had been given command of a corps near New Orleans, criticized Ruiz. The melancholic Ruiz despaired, quickly pronouncing Louisiana lost.
With Avoyelles secured, Scott moved the bulk of the Army of the Mississippi to Louisiana, continuing what became known as the Mississippi Campaign, for being centered in that river and its tributaries. With 130,000 well-supplied and motivated men, Scott and his staff were confident in victory over Ruiz’s 80,000 men.
Winfield Scott celebrates victory
Upshaw spearheaded the attack once again. After being slowed down by the Irish at Prairie Rouge, he finally decided to rest, securing Avoyelles until Albert Sidney Johnston’s Third Corps arrived. Johnston was one of Scott’s most able and popular commanders, but he was also inexperienced, thus he and his men were relegated to just holding Avoyelles while Upshaw continued his advance south to take Baton Rouge. In the meantime, Scott ordered Kearny to go up the Red River towards Alexandria.
Anticipating this attack, Ruiz sent Noble to reinforce Arista, while he and Valencia protected Baton Rouge. Ruiz’s veterans, possibly the finest soldiers in the Mexican Army, formed a defensive line outside of the city, placing expert Irish artillery men in the Mississippi to prevent an advance by river. Upshaw decided to oblige Ruiz and advance by land. Scott accepted, but gave Upshaw discretionary orders to rest if he deemed it necessary. Neither Upshaw nor his men believed it necessary, but many probably regretted this later.
In Alexandria, Noble took over Arista. Arista, a liberal Republican sympathetic to Juarez, was not well liked for his indecisiveness and political positions, while Noble was considered a hero. Noble, fortunately, turned out to be competent as a corps commander as well, but the famed Indian Cavalry met a new adversary it couldn’t overcome without his leadership: The Texas Rangers.
After their failure as infantry, Sam Houston transformed his Texian boys into a shock force as strong as the Indian Cavalry. Whereas the Mexicans could run in circles around Taylor during the Louisiana Campaign, Houston’s farmer boys now were going toe-to-toe with them. The Americans were also benefited by the breakdown of Indian relations with Mexico, after Mexico was unable to protect Native villages from the wrath of General Frémont, who, given a second chance at command following his failure in California, unleashed a terror campaign to destroy the will of the Native American warriors who had protected New Mexico and transformed Santa Fe into an impenetrable fortress.
United States cavalry advances into Indian territory
Meanwhile, Upshaw met with defeat at Baton Rouge. In his haste, he attacked equal numbers and didn’t take Ruiz’s artillery men into account. The later ensured the river fleet was nothing but a sitting duck, unable to support the Americans, while the former inflicted enormous casualties. Veterans of Avoyelles Courthouse fought in Baton Rouge just as bravely, with Ruiz reportedly saying that he had never seen such fury and spirit.
However, Ruiz’s performance was not enough to outset Arista’s failure at Alexandria. The gunboats proved to be much for Arista. To be fair to the general, he did try his best to resist the attack and hold into the city, but inner fighting with his lieutenants caused disaster at the end, as they refused to hold the orders of a “revolutionary” and “a depraved Robespierre”. Houston spearheaded the attack and divided Arista and Noble after the Indian Cavalry failed to contain the Texian charge. Now Kearny could choose who he wanted to attack, and finally settled in Arista, who had greater numbers, but, Kearny assessed correctly, those numbers were useless since most of the soldiers were conscripts with low morale. Arista was expulsed and Noble, fearing encirclement, fled south as well.
The Red River was now under total American control, allowing the US to supply Frémont, whose attack had run out of steam. Scott’s, on the other hand, was picking up and becoming stronger. He crossed the Mississippi himself with his veteran corps, which included many Louisianans, and assumed control of the Army himself. Kearny and Houston joined him, as they all prepared for a final assault. “If Baton Rouge falls”, declared Scott, “New Orleans would follow”.
Ruiz, once again, despaired, yet this time he decided to take action, something out of character for the Marshal, who most likely suffered depression, aggravated by the longing of his home and wife. This change of mind perhaps was because Ruiz, an expert tactician, felt more “at home”, fighting over open plains rather than defending an occupied territory. Ruiz quickly mobilized all his available resources, equipping and feeding his men despite losing a significant portion of Louisiana. His most controversial action, one that enraged the Americans more than anything, was conscripting escapados into a militia force, to free up Mexican soldiers.
New Orleans Riots
By doing this, Ruiz accidentally crippled his own effort to retain New Orleans, for nothing was more humiliating and enraging for the Louisianans than seeing former slaves patrolling their streets. A riot broke out and some of these escapados opened fire. Seventeen people died as a result and New Orleans descended into chaos. The American army camps quickly received news of the massacre, and furious soldiers demanded blood from the Mexicans and Blacks. Some, such as Senator Calhoun and Colonel Davis, proposed officially designating Ruiz an outlaw, allowing any soldier to kill him in sight.
Scarcely a week after the New Orleans Massacre, Scott attacked Baton Rouge with almost a hundred thousand men. Ruiz maneuvered his seventy thousand into a strong defensive position, and both armies faced each other. The fighting was bloody and savage. Scott had tried to encircle Ruiz with a pincer attack, with Upshaw attacking from further down the river and Kearny from the north. But difficult communications made coordination almost impossible.
Kearny attacked too soon and was soon forced back, allowing Ruiz to send Valencia south to deal with Upshaw. The American corps, after passing through the Mexican guns at Baton Rouge, was trying to land, but the Mexicans surprised them, and a bloody struggle followed in what became known as Ripper’s Bluff. Upshaw couldn’t retreat at first, but after Scott moved into Baton Rouge itself and captured Ruiz’s guns, he was free to go upriver once again.
Ruiz had misjudged Upshaw’s resilience, and thus didn’t have enough men to resist another push by Kearny. Ruiz fell back, finally settling down and building trenchworks just north of New Orleans. Scott followed, but Ruiz was making sure that each inch cost him dearly. And cost him it did. Old Fuss and Feathers, attacked constantly by his president and some officers due to the high casualties and seemingly slow progress, was especially pained by the losses. Yet he pressed on, horrified as he was.
Ruiz himself was also horrified. He had thought that he was back in his element, but the truth was that the war had taken a new and terrifying face. The almost continual contact and battles between his men and Scott’s ensured terrible casualties, that, he was sure, he couldn’t sustain. He had yet again materialized another defensive line out of thin air, this time at Donaldsonville. But it was sure to fall within a month. Finally, in August, Ruiz gave the order to evacuate all Mexican forces in Louisiana and fall back to Texas. His staff agreed with him, with even the conflictive Valencia admitting that Louisiana was lost. A further 15,000 casualties had been sustained in almost a month of fighting, with Scott losing similar numbers.
In August 18th, 1853, Ruiz ordered all objects and installations of military or economical value in New Orleans destroyed. French ships arrived at the port to evacuate thousands of escapados and civilians who feared for their safety after collaborating with the Mexicans (this included several war brides). The rest of Ruiz’s army was to evacuate by marching all the way to Texas.
The French Navy evacuates New Orleans
The situation reminded Scott of Sir Henry Clinton’s evacuation of Philadelphia during the Revolutionary War. But, Scott decided, he wouldn’t fail to destroy his enemy like Washington did at Monmouth. Ruiz and his force quickly moved east, right under Scott’s nose, remaining as far as possible from the Mississippi. Lighting Ruiz was back, yet even he couldn’t cross the swamps and marshes of Louisiana’s coast. Ruiz was forced to march his army near the river, giving Scott a chance, he couldn’t and didn’t miss. Both armies clashed again at Breaux Bridge, a village near Vermillionville.
The Americans and Mexicans were both tired and demoralized by this point. Scott had had to detach around 30,000 men to restore order in the liberated areas of Louisiana and in New Orleans, where he had been given a hero’s welcome. This left him with only 80,000 men. Ruiz was in a far worse situation, with only 55,000 men under arms. At first, he tried to escape but Scott successfully forced a battle. Once again, the struggle yielded enormous casualties, but neither commander was as bothered as before, the carnage being now simply business.
Legend says that during the night of the first day, Ruiz prayed for victory, but a nearby artillery strike made him drop his cross, which felt into a little stream and got loss forever. The following day, the Mexicans advanced but fell back when an especially vicious regiment, the 12th Louisiana, counterattacked. In the chaos of the retreat, Ruiz himself went forward to try and rally his men but was shot by a sharpshooter. His men managed to resist the attack and bring Ruiz to a doctor, but it was too late – the Victor of New Orleans had died.
Despite the hardships and the struggle, the men of the Grand Army of the North idolized Ruiz. They, Valencia remarked not without some bitterness, would follow him to the end of the world if necessary. His death broke them, destroying their morale and motivation. Valencia took emergency command and ordered to continue the retreat, but the Americans continued their attack steadfastly. When all seemed lost, the French Foreign Legion stepped forward and offered to hold back the Americans.
During the night, Valencia directed a quick retreat, and despite the dark and rain, Scott followed as soon as possible, but he found the Legion ready in Pont des Moutons. Fiery, pained for Ruiz’s death and willing to die themselves if necessary, the Legion resisted Scott’s attack for an entire day, being decimated in the process. Pont des Moutons remains one of the Legion’s defining moments and a tale of heroism and sacrifice that allowed the Grand Army of the North to escape for good. In October 12, 1853, the demoralized Mexican soldiers reached Fort Hidalgo in the frontier, finally able to settle down and rest.
Foreign Legion troops resist to the last man at Pont des Moutons
The Mississippi Campaign was the greatest American success thus far. But it came at the cost of more than 30,000 casualties, for each side. However, while the Americans could replace their losses, the Mexicans, at the border of an economic collapse, could not. Especially damaging was the lost of Ruiz, the destruction of Mexico’s native allies, and that among the lost men were the Mexican Army’s best, such as Valencia’s Corps, the Irish Regiment and the Foreign Legion.
Great celebrations started in Washington and other American cities, and also in many pro-US countries. Tsar Constantin ordered a military salute in honor of the Americans, while workers in North Germany, South Germany and the UK celebrated the “victory of peace, constitution, order and security”. Thousands of Canadians also congratulated their American neighbors. Of course, the greatest celebrations were held by the Americans themselves, in honor of their soldiers, their president, their general in-chief and the US itself.
This was a strange spectacle, noted the New York Times, since scarcely four months ago despair and sadness reigned when news of Patterson’s surrender to Salazar reached Washington. Now, many had apparently forgotten the disaster of Veracruz and were toasting to a speedy victory. Yes, the Times warned, the extent of the defeat should not be underestimated, and the magnitude of Scott’s victory should not be overestimated.
Indeed, Patterson’s surrender had made many despair. Wall Street and the Treasury went into another Panic, small riots started throughout the country, and the newspapers and Congress criticized the Polk Administration for its gross mismanagement of the campaign. “This illegal war has brought nothing but thousands of deaths in Louisiana and Veracruz. Thousands of our brothers languish and suffer in prison camps deep inside Mexico. Let us finish this at once! Let us have peace!” said many editorials.
The Polk administration was embarrassed by this failure, especially after months of promoting Veracruz as the winning stroke that would end the war. Though the causes of the American collapse became obvious in hindsight, the defeat was still a heavy and unwelcomed surprise for the Americans. In contrast, Salazar, now known as the Hero of Veracruz, and his gallant boys were celebrated as the saviors of Mexico.
The Grand Army of the South
Marco Antonio Salazar was born in Puebla, in 1803. He joined the Trigarante Army as a drummer boy, and then managed to ascend through the ranks due to his talent. Yet, Salazar’s conflictive aptitude, his low birth and poor economic status, and his frequent insubordination stalled his career, until the high ranks at Mexico City decided to get rid of him by appointing him as commander of the Army of Central America. Mexican Central America was a backwater, and the poorly trained and outfitted troops reflected this. The Army there was usually seen as an army of thieves and cutthroats and being assigned to it was seen as a punishment.
Despite this, Salazar managed to turn things around and instill discipline and pride in his men. “Don Salazar has made us feel like an army” declared one recruit. The soldiers turned fanatically loyal to their commander, who was charismatic and grandiose. Salazar was, however, ruthless in battle, and he quickly grew to be despised and feared by the unrestful Mayan population. When Patterson stormed Veracruz, Salazar and his boys were called north to aid Zapatero. And after Zapatero’s death and Veintimilla’s breakdown, Salazar became the commander of the entire army, and his soldiers its best division.
Many have questioned Salazar’s generalship, yet the consensus is that while Ruiz may have been a better tactician and strategist, Salazar was a better general. Ruiz failed to balance the difficult personalities of Valencia, Noble, and Arista; Salazar managed to lead his lieutenants, who were often just as problematic and included men such as the arrogant and ruthless Pedro Ampudia, the “Warrior Priest”, the religious fundamentalist Josue Leon, and the competent but insecure Alberto San Juan.
Patterson, on the meantime, was losing the trust and confidence of his commanders. He had changed the positions in his staff several times and finally settled for George B. McClellan as commander of the artillery-oriented First Tadpole (the nickname for the Frog Army’s corps); Robert E. Lee as commander of the Second Tadpole and Ernest Wells for the Third Tadpole.
Patterson and his staff worked reasonably well at first, but as time passed it became obvious that the American army was about to collapse. Logistics was the great cornerstone on which the Army depended, and when it shattered the American war effort simply crumbled. The Navy was impotent, unable to defeat France’s Ironclads, while the might Fort San Juan de Ulua prevented most shipments of food, medicine and ammunition. Shortages became chronical and disease, lack of morale and even insubordination crippled the Frog Army.
It’s generally accepted that any chance Patterson had of taking Veracruz disappeared following his failure to take Agustin I’s Plaza. The following day, Salazar and his boys went forward and sweep the Americans. The line stabilized and neither army managed to launch a decisive attack for a couple months. Demands came from Washington and Mexico City demanding action from both Generals, but neither had the necessary resources.
However, while Salazar had not the required resources right then, he still had enough to resist anything Patterson could do. Patterson, on the other hand, didn’t have the resources to neither resist an attack nor attack himself, and his reserves in men and material were only dwindling each passing day. By May, the Frog Army had lost thousands of men to disease and wounds, while the Grand Army of the South grew to surpass it in numbers.
American troops in Veracruz
At the start of the campaign Zapatero had only a make-shift force of militia, regular troops and conscripts that amounted to some 10,000 men. Patterson’s initial force sat at around 15,000. By the time of the attack on Agustin I Plaza, the Frog Army was at its peak of 38,000 men. The Mexican army would reach its peak of 49,000 men the following month.
Salazar benefited from his powerful contacts in the government and Church, which he acquired by portraying himself as a hero of tradition, religion and Empire. For example, Salazar managed to draw thousands of religious men to his ranks. These soldiers, more concerned with protecting God than either fatherland or liberty, called themselves Cristeros, and saw the war as a holy crusade against the forces of Protestantism. The already mentioned Warrior Priest, Josue Leon, was their leader and managed to raise thousands of imperials to fund the army.
After repealing Patterson’s attack, Salazar adopted what can best be described as an attrition strategy. He knew that the Americans had the resources, but these were useless because “our French friends will prevent the shipment of even the most basic of goods” thus causing hunger and shortages that would allow Salazar to “divide into pieces their starving army and destroy each individual part until there are no soldiers left”. In the meantime, Salazar organized his army, improving training and rations, but, most importantly, he instilled pride and injected discipline into the recruits. A Veracruz PM was astonished by Salazar’s ability to turn “a bunch of starving cutthroats into proper and brave soldiers” in barely a couple months.
In April, Patterson decided to launch another attack, which, it turned out, was the last time the Americans would take the initiative. Abandoning the Plaza, Patterson tasked McClellan with attacking Mexican positions south of Veracruz itself. McClellan however panicked when the Mexican regiment there revealed itself to be actually a whole corps, Ampudia’s. As expected of him, Ampudia went forwards and practically slaughtered McClellan’s men, before the engineer stopped his advance through the use of artillery. McClellan managed to put the blame on Patterson for the failure.
From then on, Salazar took the initiative. The men of the Grand Army of the South expressed extreme confidence in eventual victory, and they fought with overwhelming force and zeal, inflicting thousands of casualties. They received high casualties as well, but the efforts of the 3E, Mexico’s doctors, and the Mexican’s capacity to evacuate and treat their wounded with much more ease meant that, overall, they were losing less men. The Frog Army, by contrast, was being bled white.
By the end of April, Patterson decided that the situation was catastrophic. He sent a message to Polk, asking for immediate evacuation of all American troops in Veracruz. A furious Polk refused at first and tried to fire Patterson on the spot, but his Cabinet dissuaded him by pointing out that such an action would cause chaos within the Frog Army and probably damage the American cause the most because the government would be seen as desperate. A surrender would be especially disastrous. By pulling out of Veracruz and saying that they would be focusing on Texas, the administration could save some face. In consequence, Polk ordered Perry to evacuate the Frog Army, sending the untested and recently finished two Pook’s Turtles with him.
Pook's Turtles
The Pook’s Turtles, the first American Ironclads, were going to face La Gloire and La Victoire. Yet Perry wasn’t sure they could win. Faster, sleeker, and more maneuverable than the French ships, they were less powerful as well. When they were finally tried by fire in the Battle of Tampico, they couldn’t penetrate the armor of the French iron giants. These, for their part, couldn’t hit the Turtles either. The Battle of Tampico was a tactical defeat that ended when La Glorie managed to hit the USS Massachusetts while the USS Virginia escaped. Nonetheless, it was a great strategic victory, because it allowed Perry to reach Veracruz and start the evacuation.
Patterson of course knew of the evacuation. But Salazar did as well. The General decided to wait until the Americans ships approached, and then attack to wreak havoc. His plan worked. McClellan’s corps was once again the victim of the hardest part of the attack. Robert E. Lee’s corps then came to reinforce McClellan’s right, which was practically dissolving under the combined might of Leon and Ampudia. In the meantime, Wells evacuated. Lee and McClellan were then conducted to evacuate as well, while the final reserves of the Frog Army, commanded by Patterson himself, held back Salazar.
McClellan had been tasked with evacuating the artillery. He performed the job brilliantly, not losing even a single cannon. Just before retreating Lee went forward and managed to turn back Ampudia’s flank, gaining enough time to evacuate his own corps. Patterson then tried to follow, but he couldn’t use the same route because it had been taken by San Juan. Patterson fell into desperation when he was informed that the French were coming back.
Patterson has been criticized harshly for not winning at Veracruz, despite his overwhelming force at the start of the campaign. Yet, it’s undeniable that despite his faults as a commander, Patterson still showed resolution and bravery during these desperate hours. He ordered Perry to escape. In the meantime, he would try to hold back Salazar. But his prospects were bleak: Salazar was attacking with over 50,000 men. Patterson had only 12,000. Lee relates that many men who had openly hated Patterson cried and waved goodbye that day, Lee himself included. The only one who didn’t was McClellan, who still criticized Patterson for what he deemed “suicide”.
Patterson and his boys made their best effort to resist, holding into the impossible hope that Perry would come back and rescue them eventually. But it was all in vain. In May 5th, anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans that secured Taylor’s surrender to Ruiz, Salazar gave the order that secured Patterson’s to him – to attack the right flank, which was unprotected by the sandy hills of Veracruz. To this day “attacking the right flank” (atacar el flanco derecho) means taking decisive action to end a problem in Mexico.
As expected, Patterson’s right flank collapsed and his force was surrounded. Out of food, ammunition, without a possibility of rescue or reinforcement, and appallingly outnumbered, Patterson decided that he had no option. He offered his unconditional surrender to Salazar in May 12th.
Patterson's surrender
The following day, a gringo finally stepped on Agustin I’s Plaza. This gringo was, of course, Patterson himself. He signed away his army, which lay down their arms and was taken prisoner. Patterson himself was shackled, after giving his sword to Zapatero’s son. The following day, Salazar sent a dispatch to Mexico City announcing his victory.
The reaction was explosive. “Victory at Veracruz! Mexico has been saved!” proclaimed a Mexican newspaper from Monterrey. “It’s undeniable that our gallant General Salazar and the brave soldiers of Mexico have, through their acts of heroism and bravery, saved our fatherland from this attack” said the Imperial Herald. Salazar went overnight from a distrusted soldier in a dead-end position to one of Mexico’s greatest heroes. He was conferred the rank of Marshal of the Empire. The next week he and his army entered Mexico City triumphantly.
The international reaction was also enthusiastic. The Duke of Wellington wrote a letter, congratulating Salazar on his “brilliant campaign” and telling him that his “heroism will go down in the history of humanity”. There were celebrations in Paris. The Latin American expat community in London, meeting in Francisco de Miranda’s home, toasted to the victory. In Santafe, Quito and Caracas town meetings issued official statements celebrating Salazar and Mexico. Pedro II, in exile in Lisbon, expressed happiness for Mexico. Rosas, the Platinean president, toasted to Salazar as well.
The Americans despaired. “I doubt our poor country can withstand another such catastrophe” confessed an otherwise ardent War Democrat. “The situation is a disaster. The Treasury is empty, our graves are full. What are we going to do?” said Secretary of War Marcy. “How much longer will we allow this massacre to continue? How much longer is this unnecessary and bloody war going to last?” asked William H. Seward, the liberal governor of New York. Even Polk admitted to be losing faith in the cause.
The Battle of Veracruz is the bloodiest battle in the war, and one of the bloodiest battles between “civilized” nations up to that point in history. Disease and almost continuous battle killed over 30,000 Americans. Of those who came back, almost half were sick or wounded. “The dreadful sight of those poor boys getting off the ship, with hollow eyes and looking more like skeletons than proper men still torments me” wrote a Charleston woman. Mexico was also terribly scarred, losing more than 12,000 soldiers and more than 5,000 civilians, as well as the devastation of their principal port.
An American Army camp near the frontier.
The American dejection and Mexican joy would be replaced with American confidence and Mexican grief just a few months later. It was almost 1854, the third year of the war, and both armies were almost in their starting points, with Scott in winter quarters next to the frontier. Many on both sides were starting to despair, as the bloodshed only increased for no apparent gain. The sad lyrics of an American song seemed to echo not only in their country, but also in Mexico:
“Many are the hearts that are weary tonight
Wishing for the war to cease
Many are the hearts that are looking for the right
To see the dawn of peace
Dying tonight, dying tonigh,
Dying on the old camp grounds”
Grande, firme, violenta
Nuestra fe nos alienta
Mil pasos adelante, ni uno atrás.
El Cielo lo ha votado:
Y nos los hemos jurado:
la Patria victoriosa surgirá!
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
Patria, por tus honores
Cayeron los mejores
Su sangre precio fué de libertad.
Sus despojos, yacentes:
Mas sus almas presentes.
En los puestos de lucha siempre están
Los caídos - ¡Presentes!
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
Las águilas potentes
Destrozan las serpientes
Y escrito han en el cielo: "Libertad"
Triunfo, Júbilo, Gloria
Por nuestro Imperio - ¡Victoria!
Esta la causa de todo México será
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
Nuestra fe nos alienta
Mil pasos adelante, ni uno atrás.
El Cielo lo ha votado:
Y nos los hemos jurado:
la Patria victoriosa surgirá!
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
Patria, por tus honores
Cayeron los mejores
Su sangre precio fué de libertad.
Sus despojos, yacentes:
Mas sus almas presentes.
En los puestos de lucha siempre están
Los caídos - ¡Presentes!
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
Las águilas potentes
Destrozan las serpientes
Y escrito han en el cielo: "Libertad"
Triunfo, Júbilo, Gloria
Por nuestro Imperio - ¡Victoria!
Esta la causa de todo México será
¡Viva México!
¡Viva!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
¡Por nuestro Dios, la Patria y Libertad!
The Parish of Avoyelles is washed by two rivers: The Mighty Mississippi on its eastern side and the Red River in the north. As the place where these two rivers converge, Avoyelles was an important area of fur trading during the French era, and though very lightly populated, many ships went through the parish to reach New Orleans. During the war the Mexicans took control of the Red River between Shreveport and Alexandria, and the Mississippi between Port Hudson and New Orleans. The waters between Port Hudson and Alexandria were still in American control, turning most of Avoyelles into a war zone. The parish was devastated, with most settlements including the county seat of Marksville being abandoned. Only the courthouse remained occupied by the Mexican corps under the command of Gabriel Valencia.
Avoyelles was the most obvious location for a future attack. Winfield Scott and Luis Ruiz both knew this, and for months they had been playing a game, trying to outsmart each other. Ruiz had sent Valencia, his best corps commander, to hold Avoyelles, while assigning General Arista to Alexandria, the other possible place of attack. Scott decided to make a feint towards Alexandria, before launching an attack on Avoyelles.
The feint was conducted by Stephen Watts Kearny. Kearny, a New Jersian veteran of the War of 1814, explorer of the west and commander of frontier lands before the war, was the man for the job in Scott’s eyes. Though Kearny had failed to subdue New Mexico and had thus loss favor in Polk’s eyes, Scott stood by him and put him in command of the large Third Corps.
The Third Corps was to pin down Arista’s corps in Alexandria, while Donald Upshaw’s First Corps would conduct the main attack in Avoyelles. Upshaw was younger than both Kearny and Scott, in fact, one of the few senior officers who weren’t veterans of the War of 1814. The charismatic but oftentimes peevish and irate Upshaw had impressed Scott with his strong performance during Butler’s ill-planned first offensive, so when Polk and Marcy prevented him from appointing Kearny, Scott chose Upshaw instead.
Donald Upshaw
After months of training and drilling, Upshaw reported most of his men were in excellent morale and eager to fight. Most, as private Harris of Pennsylvania said in a letter, wanted “to hurl the Mexican mogrels from our sacred home” and “hang the dammed Ruiz”. The Mexicans, on the other hand, suffered a crisis of morale – desertions, indiscipline and disease wrecked Ruiz’s once glorious army. Ruiz himself lamented the state of his forces, and the already pessimistic Marshal, prone to sudden crises of confidence, despaired.
Valencia, an impatient and ambitious man who felt he deserved Ruiz’s glory and recognition, started to openly criticize his leadership. Ruiz was in Valencia’s eyes nothing more than a rich boy who got lucky. Ruiz was, in fact, from an aristocratic family. The Ruizes were prominent citizens ever since the independence, were they gained Emperor Agustin I’s favor. This helped Ruiz get a commission as an officer despite his youth and inexperience. Fortunately for the family, Ruiz showed great talent and shot through the ranks by himself, but this meteoric rise still brew resentment.
Valencia had served loyally albeit begrudgingly during the war up to that point, but by April 1853 the old veteran of the Trigarante Army was chaffing under what he deemed to be inept orders. Valencia believed that holding Alexandria was not important and that Arista should only leave a skeleton force and march south to join him. Ruiz, however, was not convinced that the attack would be in Avoyelles and preferred to keep Arista’s whole corps in Alexandria.
Ruiz reasoned that the Americans would be able to take control of the Red River if Alexandria fell, and after that they would be able to launch expeditions to cut off and destroy his army. Valencia, on the other hand, insisted that such a thing was not possible, and even if the Americans did take control of the Red River, it would be useless because Mexico still controlled Alexandria, Baton Rouge and Fort Guadalupe. The last one was a make-shift defense system built with trenches and artillery that kept the Americans out of the Red River. Valencia’s opposition reached near-insubordination levels, starting a crisis in the worst possible moment for the Mexicans.
The Army of the Mississippi crosses its namesake river.
Quickly moving by river, Upshaw transported his 45,000-strong corps to Avoyelles, and, following Scott’s overall orders, launched three separate assault in the key positions of Big Bend, Simms port, and Oden’s Farm. The biggest concentration of troops was in Big Bend, a small village near Fort Guadalupe and thus the strongest defenses. Valencia, nearby at Marksville, immediately went there to lead the defense himself. He also ordered the 5,000 men at Bordelon to go north to assist his counter-attack, but that force had been pinned down by Joe Allen’s 6,000 soldiers, who had landed in Simms port and then quickly marched and attacked the Bordelon garrison.
Faced with the dilemma of what he should do, Colonel Pedro Yanez decided to go north as well to try and help in the Battle of Bordelon with his 5,000 soldiers, but that left Oden’s Farm unprotected. Anthony Howard’s 3,000 men were able to land, and they quickly began to build trenches and breastworks in anticipation of an attack.
Meanwhile, the Battle of Big Bend ended in a Mexican defeat. The Americans didn’t attack or even siege Fort Guadalupe, instead bypassing it, leaving the river fleet to take care of its guns. The Mexican garrison decided to remain in the fort, believed that the artillery barrage was the first phase of a larger attack. Thus deprived of almost 3,000 men and the support of Fort Guadalupe’s guns, Valencia’s 7,000 were defeated by Upshaw’s 12,000.
To the east, the Battle of Bordelon also came to grief for the Mexicans. Allen, after starting the attack in Bordelon, suddenly turned south, trusting Robert Mays’ 7,000 to continue. Mays had landed together with Upshaw in Big Bend, and then had gone south to attack the Bordelon garrison’s rear. Allen’s attack had only been a feint.
Unfortunately for Yanez, Allen’s next attack was a real, and vicious one. After driving back Yanez at Simms Port, Allen pursued him with tenacity and speed, and scattered his forces in the Battle of Bodos, with Howard’s help. A panicked Yanez fled south, hoping to regroup with presumed reinforcements from New Orleans. In Bordelon, Mays triumphed over the Mexican commander Negrin, who organized a retreat to the vital crossroads of the courthouse. Valencia, who had also retreated after Upshaw’s victory in Big Bend, decided to regroup his forces and make a stand there. He ordered Fort Guadalupe’s garrison to leave the fort and join him. Upshaw, for his part, called in Mays to assist him in the incoming battle.
Battle of Bordelon.
Finally, the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse started. Valencia positioned his 21,000 men near a large bayou, protected by deep bodies of water. Upshaw’s 25,000 approached. The impulsive commander, eager for victory, decided to attack at once. Attacking through the thick marsh was difficult, with several men “sinking to their waists in mud”, according to a junior officer. Nonetheless, the Mexicans were still driven back after a brutal day of fighting. Valencia retreated once again and managed to repeal a final American attack conducted in the twilight. While the unwounded men tried to rest in the freezing climate and the wounded ones agonized, Valencia wondered where Ruiz was.
Ruiz had moved several of his elite regiments to Port Hudson in preparation for Scott’s attack. A lathered horse arrived after two exhausting days of riding at full gallop, with Valencia’s request for urgent reinforcements. Specifically, Valencia urged the transfer of Arista’s 30,000 troops to Avoyelles via the Red River, which should, in ideal conditions, take a day. Ruiz however resisted the idea and ordered Valencia to try and hold Avoyelles until it could be ascertained whether Scott would attack Port Hudson or not. Only then would Ruiz send reinforcements.
Disgusted by what he called “simple murder”, Valencia decided to deliberately disobey his orders and evacuate Avoyelles after barely holding into the crossroads in the second day. Before he could do so, Upshaw attacked yet again in the third day, catching Valencia and his soldiers in the middle of their preparations. With fury clouding his thoughts, Valencia ordered a surprise counterattack, using two fresh divisions Ruiz had allowed Arista to send. Upshaw was surprised by the move, but not for long – soon enough, he was attacking again.
An overwhelmed Valencia declared that either Ruiz send reinforcement immediately, or his army would be destroyed by the aggressive Americans. Ruiz finally seemed to wake up from his lethargy, but by then it was too late: the Americans had broken the Mexicans. Valencia and his men were forced to flee southward, to Prairie Rouge. There an Irish regiment performed a heroic last stand that slowed Upshaw, saving the rest of the corps, which joined Ruiz’s army in St. Landre’s Parish. The Irish regiment was destroyed as a result, with most of the captured Irishmen being massacred by the Americans, who deemed them “traitors”. Neither Scott nor Upshaw could stop the massacre of Prairie Rouge quick enough – over two hundred Irishmen were murdered, and dozens more executed for treason.
Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse
The Battles of Avoyelles, the most well-known of which is obviously the Battle of Avoyelles Courthouse, lasted from 16th April to 20th May 1853. Both nations sustained never before seen casualties across more than three weeks of savage fighting. The Battles, if taken as a sole campaign, were the bloodiest in both American and Mexican history up to that point.
Valencia’s corps was practically destroyed, suffering over 11,000 casualties, divided in 1,258 fatalities, 6,730 wounded and 3,115 captured. Upshaw’s corps was also badly bloodied: 1,391 dead, 6,820 wounded and 905 captured, for a total of 9,116 casualties. But Upshaw’s force was also far larger than Valencia, sitting at 45,000 men, 15,000 more than Valencia.
These casualties were appalling to the press and public of both nations. But, unlike Butler the Butcher, Old Fuss and Feathers had achieved something: he had driven back the Mexicans, inflicting greater casualties, and had also captured Fort Guadalupe and its guns, depriving Ruiz of vital artillery and opening the Red River and the way to Alexandria. For good measure, Shreveport was also captured by Captain Braxton Bragg, who saw his chance and moved into the practically abandoned city after the Mexican garrison left.
Despite the enormous losses, the blow that crippled the Mexican army the most was the destruction of the relations between Ruiz and his officers. Valencia never forgave Ruiz for slaughtering his men, as he put it, while Arista also harshly criticized his decision. Even Noble, who had recently come from the west and had been given command of a corps near New Orleans, criticized Ruiz. The melancholic Ruiz despaired, quickly pronouncing Louisiana lost.
With Avoyelles secured, Scott moved the bulk of the Army of the Mississippi to Louisiana, continuing what became known as the Mississippi Campaign, for being centered in that river and its tributaries. With 130,000 well-supplied and motivated men, Scott and his staff were confident in victory over Ruiz’s 80,000 men.
Winfield Scott celebrates victory
Upshaw spearheaded the attack once again. After being slowed down by the Irish at Prairie Rouge, he finally decided to rest, securing Avoyelles until Albert Sidney Johnston’s Third Corps arrived. Johnston was one of Scott’s most able and popular commanders, but he was also inexperienced, thus he and his men were relegated to just holding Avoyelles while Upshaw continued his advance south to take Baton Rouge. In the meantime, Scott ordered Kearny to go up the Red River towards Alexandria.
Anticipating this attack, Ruiz sent Noble to reinforce Arista, while he and Valencia protected Baton Rouge. Ruiz’s veterans, possibly the finest soldiers in the Mexican Army, formed a defensive line outside of the city, placing expert Irish artillery men in the Mississippi to prevent an advance by river. Upshaw decided to oblige Ruiz and advance by land. Scott accepted, but gave Upshaw discretionary orders to rest if he deemed it necessary. Neither Upshaw nor his men believed it necessary, but many probably regretted this later.
In Alexandria, Noble took over Arista. Arista, a liberal Republican sympathetic to Juarez, was not well liked for his indecisiveness and political positions, while Noble was considered a hero. Noble, fortunately, turned out to be competent as a corps commander as well, but the famed Indian Cavalry met a new adversary it couldn’t overcome without his leadership: The Texas Rangers.
After their failure as infantry, Sam Houston transformed his Texian boys into a shock force as strong as the Indian Cavalry. Whereas the Mexicans could run in circles around Taylor during the Louisiana Campaign, Houston’s farmer boys now were going toe-to-toe with them. The Americans were also benefited by the breakdown of Indian relations with Mexico, after Mexico was unable to protect Native villages from the wrath of General Frémont, who, given a second chance at command following his failure in California, unleashed a terror campaign to destroy the will of the Native American warriors who had protected New Mexico and transformed Santa Fe into an impenetrable fortress.
United States cavalry advances into Indian territory
Meanwhile, Upshaw met with defeat at Baton Rouge. In his haste, he attacked equal numbers and didn’t take Ruiz’s artillery men into account. The later ensured the river fleet was nothing but a sitting duck, unable to support the Americans, while the former inflicted enormous casualties. Veterans of Avoyelles Courthouse fought in Baton Rouge just as bravely, with Ruiz reportedly saying that he had never seen such fury and spirit.
However, Ruiz’s performance was not enough to outset Arista’s failure at Alexandria. The gunboats proved to be much for Arista. To be fair to the general, he did try his best to resist the attack and hold into the city, but inner fighting with his lieutenants caused disaster at the end, as they refused to hold the orders of a “revolutionary” and “a depraved Robespierre”. Houston spearheaded the attack and divided Arista and Noble after the Indian Cavalry failed to contain the Texian charge. Now Kearny could choose who he wanted to attack, and finally settled in Arista, who had greater numbers, but, Kearny assessed correctly, those numbers were useless since most of the soldiers were conscripts with low morale. Arista was expulsed and Noble, fearing encirclement, fled south as well.
The Red River was now under total American control, allowing the US to supply Frémont, whose attack had run out of steam. Scott’s, on the other hand, was picking up and becoming stronger. He crossed the Mississippi himself with his veteran corps, which included many Louisianans, and assumed control of the Army himself. Kearny and Houston joined him, as they all prepared for a final assault. “If Baton Rouge falls”, declared Scott, “New Orleans would follow”.
Ruiz, once again, despaired, yet this time he decided to take action, something out of character for the Marshal, who most likely suffered depression, aggravated by the longing of his home and wife. This change of mind perhaps was because Ruiz, an expert tactician, felt more “at home”, fighting over open plains rather than defending an occupied territory. Ruiz quickly mobilized all his available resources, equipping and feeding his men despite losing a significant portion of Louisiana. His most controversial action, one that enraged the Americans more than anything, was conscripting escapados into a militia force, to free up Mexican soldiers.
New Orleans Riots
By doing this, Ruiz accidentally crippled his own effort to retain New Orleans, for nothing was more humiliating and enraging for the Louisianans than seeing former slaves patrolling their streets. A riot broke out and some of these escapados opened fire. Seventeen people died as a result and New Orleans descended into chaos. The American army camps quickly received news of the massacre, and furious soldiers demanded blood from the Mexicans and Blacks. Some, such as Senator Calhoun and Colonel Davis, proposed officially designating Ruiz an outlaw, allowing any soldier to kill him in sight.
Scarcely a week after the New Orleans Massacre, Scott attacked Baton Rouge with almost a hundred thousand men. Ruiz maneuvered his seventy thousand into a strong defensive position, and both armies faced each other. The fighting was bloody and savage. Scott had tried to encircle Ruiz with a pincer attack, with Upshaw attacking from further down the river and Kearny from the north. But difficult communications made coordination almost impossible.
Kearny attacked too soon and was soon forced back, allowing Ruiz to send Valencia south to deal with Upshaw. The American corps, after passing through the Mexican guns at Baton Rouge, was trying to land, but the Mexicans surprised them, and a bloody struggle followed in what became known as Ripper’s Bluff. Upshaw couldn’t retreat at first, but after Scott moved into Baton Rouge itself and captured Ruiz’s guns, he was free to go upriver once again.
Ruiz had misjudged Upshaw’s resilience, and thus didn’t have enough men to resist another push by Kearny. Ruiz fell back, finally settling down and building trenchworks just north of New Orleans. Scott followed, but Ruiz was making sure that each inch cost him dearly. And cost him it did. Old Fuss and Feathers, attacked constantly by his president and some officers due to the high casualties and seemingly slow progress, was especially pained by the losses. Yet he pressed on, horrified as he was.
Ruiz himself was also horrified. He had thought that he was back in his element, but the truth was that the war had taken a new and terrifying face. The almost continual contact and battles between his men and Scott’s ensured terrible casualties, that, he was sure, he couldn’t sustain. He had yet again materialized another defensive line out of thin air, this time at Donaldsonville. But it was sure to fall within a month. Finally, in August, Ruiz gave the order to evacuate all Mexican forces in Louisiana and fall back to Texas. His staff agreed with him, with even the conflictive Valencia admitting that Louisiana was lost. A further 15,000 casualties had been sustained in almost a month of fighting, with Scott losing similar numbers.
In August 18th, 1853, Ruiz ordered all objects and installations of military or economical value in New Orleans destroyed. French ships arrived at the port to evacuate thousands of escapados and civilians who feared for their safety after collaborating with the Mexicans (this included several war brides). The rest of Ruiz’s army was to evacuate by marching all the way to Texas.
The French Navy evacuates New Orleans
The situation reminded Scott of Sir Henry Clinton’s evacuation of Philadelphia during the Revolutionary War. But, Scott decided, he wouldn’t fail to destroy his enemy like Washington did at Monmouth. Ruiz and his force quickly moved east, right under Scott’s nose, remaining as far as possible from the Mississippi. Lighting Ruiz was back, yet even he couldn’t cross the swamps and marshes of Louisiana’s coast. Ruiz was forced to march his army near the river, giving Scott a chance, he couldn’t and didn’t miss. Both armies clashed again at Breaux Bridge, a village near Vermillionville.
The Americans and Mexicans were both tired and demoralized by this point. Scott had had to detach around 30,000 men to restore order in the liberated areas of Louisiana and in New Orleans, where he had been given a hero’s welcome. This left him with only 80,000 men. Ruiz was in a far worse situation, with only 55,000 men under arms. At first, he tried to escape but Scott successfully forced a battle. Once again, the struggle yielded enormous casualties, but neither commander was as bothered as before, the carnage being now simply business.
Legend says that during the night of the first day, Ruiz prayed for victory, but a nearby artillery strike made him drop his cross, which felt into a little stream and got loss forever. The following day, the Mexicans advanced but fell back when an especially vicious regiment, the 12th Louisiana, counterattacked. In the chaos of the retreat, Ruiz himself went forward to try and rally his men but was shot by a sharpshooter. His men managed to resist the attack and bring Ruiz to a doctor, but it was too late – the Victor of New Orleans had died.
Despite the hardships and the struggle, the men of the Grand Army of the North idolized Ruiz. They, Valencia remarked not without some bitterness, would follow him to the end of the world if necessary. His death broke them, destroying their morale and motivation. Valencia took emergency command and ordered to continue the retreat, but the Americans continued their attack steadfastly. When all seemed lost, the French Foreign Legion stepped forward and offered to hold back the Americans.
During the night, Valencia directed a quick retreat, and despite the dark and rain, Scott followed as soon as possible, but he found the Legion ready in Pont des Moutons. Fiery, pained for Ruiz’s death and willing to die themselves if necessary, the Legion resisted Scott’s attack for an entire day, being decimated in the process. Pont des Moutons remains one of the Legion’s defining moments and a tale of heroism and sacrifice that allowed the Grand Army of the North to escape for good. In October 12, 1853, the demoralized Mexican soldiers reached Fort Hidalgo in the frontier, finally able to settle down and rest.
Foreign Legion troops resist to the last man at Pont des Moutons
Great celebrations started in Washington and other American cities, and also in many pro-US countries. Tsar Constantin ordered a military salute in honor of the Americans, while workers in North Germany, South Germany and the UK celebrated the “victory of peace, constitution, order and security”. Thousands of Canadians also congratulated their American neighbors. Of course, the greatest celebrations were held by the Americans themselves, in honor of their soldiers, their president, their general in-chief and the US itself.
This was a strange spectacle, noted the New York Times, since scarcely four months ago despair and sadness reigned when news of Patterson’s surrender to Salazar reached Washington. Now, many had apparently forgotten the disaster of Veracruz and were toasting to a speedy victory. Yes, the Times warned, the extent of the defeat should not be underestimated, and the magnitude of Scott’s victory should not be overestimated.
Indeed, Patterson’s surrender had made many despair. Wall Street and the Treasury went into another Panic, small riots started throughout the country, and the newspapers and Congress criticized the Polk Administration for its gross mismanagement of the campaign. “This illegal war has brought nothing but thousands of deaths in Louisiana and Veracruz. Thousands of our brothers languish and suffer in prison camps deep inside Mexico. Let us finish this at once! Let us have peace!” said many editorials.
The Polk administration was embarrassed by this failure, especially after months of promoting Veracruz as the winning stroke that would end the war. Though the causes of the American collapse became obvious in hindsight, the defeat was still a heavy and unwelcomed surprise for the Americans. In contrast, Salazar, now known as the Hero of Veracruz, and his gallant boys were celebrated as the saviors of Mexico.
The Grand Army of the South
Despite this, Salazar managed to turn things around and instill discipline and pride in his men. “Don Salazar has made us feel like an army” declared one recruit. The soldiers turned fanatically loyal to their commander, who was charismatic and grandiose. Salazar was, however, ruthless in battle, and he quickly grew to be despised and feared by the unrestful Mayan population. When Patterson stormed Veracruz, Salazar and his boys were called north to aid Zapatero. And after Zapatero’s death and Veintimilla’s breakdown, Salazar became the commander of the entire army, and his soldiers its best division.
Many have questioned Salazar’s generalship, yet the consensus is that while Ruiz may have been a better tactician and strategist, Salazar was a better general. Ruiz failed to balance the difficult personalities of Valencia, Noble, and Arista; Salazar managed to lead his lieutenants, who were often just as problematic and included men such as the arrogant and ruthless Pedro Ampudia, the “Warrior Priest”, the religious fundamentalist Josue Leon, and the competent but insecure Alberto San Juan.
Patterson, on the meantime, was losing the trust and confidence of his commanders. He had changed the positions in his staff several times and finally settled for George B. McClellan as commander of the artillery-oriented First Tadpole (the nickname for the Frog Army’s corps); Robert E. Lee as commander of the Second Tadpole and Ernest Wells for the Third Tadpole.
Patterson and his staff worked reasonably well at first, but as time passed it became obvious that the American army was about to collapse. Logistics was the great cornerstone on which the Army depended, and when it shattered the American war effort simply crumbled. The Navy was impotent, unable to defeat France’s Ironclads, while the might Fort San Juan de Ulua prevented most shipments of food, medicine and ammunition. Shortages became chronical and disease, lack of morale and even insubordination crippled the Frog Army.
It’s generally accepted that any chance Patterson had of taking Veracruz disappeared following his failure to take Agustin I’s Plaza. The following day, Salazar and his boys went forward and sweep the Americans. The line stabilized and neither army managed to launch a decisive attack for a couple months. Demands came from Washington and Mexico City demanding action from both Generals, but neither had the necessary resources.
However, while Salazar had not the required resources right then, he still had enough to resist anything Patterson could do. Patterson, on the other hand, didn’t have the resources to neither resist an attack nor attack himself, and his reserves in men and material were only dwindling each passing day. By May, the Frog Army had lost thousands of men to disease and wounds, while the Grand Army of the South grew to surpass it in numbers.
American troops in Veracruz
At the start of the campaign Zapatero had only a make-shift force of militia, regular troops and conscripts that amounted to some 10,000 men. Patterson’s initial force sat at around 15,000. By the time of the attack on Agustin I Plaza, the Frog Army was at its peak of 38,000 men. The Mexican army would reach its peak of 49,000 men the following month.
Salazar benefited from his powerful contacts in the government and Church, which he acquired by portraying himself as a hero of tradition, religion and Empire. For example, Salazar managed to draw thousands of religious men to his ranks. These soldiers, more concerned with protecting God than either fatherland or liberty, called themselves Cristeros, and saw the war as a holy crusade against the forces of Protestantism. The already mentioned Warrior Priest, Josue Leon, was their leader and managed to raise thousands of imperials to fund the army.
After repealing Patterson’s attack, Salazar adopted what can best be described as an attrition strategy. He knew that the Americans had the resources, but these were useless because “our French friends will prevent the shipment of even the most basic of goods” thus causing hunger and shortages that would allow Salazar to “divide into pieces their starving army and destroy each individual part until there are no soldiers left”. In the meantime, Salazar organized his army, improving training and rations, but, most importantly, he instilled pride and injected discipline into the recruits. A Veracruz PM was astonished by Salazar’s ability to turn “a bunch of starving cutthroats into proper and brave soldiers” in barely a couple months.
In April, Patterson decided to launch another attack, which, it turned out, was the last time the Americans would take the initiative. Abandoning the Plaza, Patterson tasked McClellan with attacking Mexican positions south of Veracruz itself. McClellan however panicked when the Mexican regiment there revealed itself to be actually a whole corps, Ampudia’s. As expected of him, Ampudia went forwards and practically slaughtered McClellan’s men, before the engineer stopped his advance through the use of artillery. McClellan managed to put the blame on Patterson for the failure.
From then on, Salazar took the initiative. The men of the Grand Army of the South expressed extreme confidence in eventual victory, and they fought with overwhelming force and zeal, inflicting thousands of casualties. They received high casualties as well, but the efforts of the 3E, Mexico’s doctors, and the Mexican’s capacity to evacuate and treat their wounded with much more ease meant that, overall, they were losing less men. The Frog Army, by contrast, was being bled white.
By the end of April, Patterson decided that the situation was catastrophic. He sent a message to Polk, asking for immediate evacuation of all American troops in Veracruz. A furious Polk refused at first and tried to fire Patterson on the spot, but his Cabinet dissuaded him by pointing out that such an action would cause chaos within the Frog Army and probably damage the American cause the most because the government would be seen as desperate. A surrender would be especially disastrous. By pulling out of Veracruz and saying that they would be focusing on Texas, the administration could save some face. In consequence, Polk ordered Perry to evacuate the Frog Army, sending the untested and recently finished two Pook’s Turtles with him.
Pook's Turtles
The Pook’s Turtles, the first American Ironclads, were going to face La Gloire and La Victoire. Yet Perry wasn’t sure they could win. Faster, sleeker, and more maneuverable than the French ships, they were less powerful as well. When they were finally tried by fire in the Battle of Tampico, they couldn’t penetrate the armor of the French iron giants. These, for their part, couldn’t hit the Turtles either. The Battle of Tampico was a tactical defeat that ended when La Glorie managed to hit the USS Massachusetts while the USS Virginia escaped. Nonetheless, it was a great strategic victory, because it allowed Perry to reach Veracruz and start the evacuation.
Patterson of course knew of the evacuation. But Salazar did as well. The General decided to wait until the Americans ships approached, and then attack to wreak havoc. His plan worked. McClellan’s corps was once again the victim of the hardest part of the attack. Robert E. Lee’s corps then came to reinforce McClellan’s right, which was practically dissolving under the combined might of Leon and Ampudia. In the meantime, Wells evacuated. Lee and McClellan were then conducted to evacuate as well, while the final reserves of the Frog Army, commanded by Patterson himself, held back Salazar.
McClellan had been tasked with evacuating the artillery. He performed the job brilliantly, not losing even a single cannon. Just before retreating Lee went forward and managed to turn back Ampudia’s flank, gaining enough time to evacuate his own corps. Patterson then tried to follow, but he couldn’t use the same route because it had been taken by San Juan. Patterson fell into desperation when he was informed that the French were coming back.
Patterson has been criticized harshly for not winning at Veracruz, despite his overwhelming force at the start of the campaign. Yet, it’s undeniable that despite his faults as a commander, Patterson still showed resolution and bravery during these desperate hours. He ordered Perry to escape. In the meantime, he would try to hold back Salazar. But his prospects were bleak: Salazar was attacking with over 50,000 men. Patterson had only 12,000. Lee relates that many men who had openly hated Patterson cried and waved goodbye that day, Lee himself included. The only one who didn’t was McClellan, who still criticized Patterson for what he deemed “suicide”.
Patterson and his boys made their best effort to resist, holding into the impossible hope that Perry would come back and rescue them eventually. But it was all in vain. In May 5th, anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans that secured Taylor’s surrender to Ruiz, Salazar gave the order that secured Patterson’s to him – to attack the right flank, which was unprotected by the sandy hills of Veracruz. To this day “attacking the right flank” (atacar el flanco derecho) means taking decisive action to end a problem in Mexico.
As expected, Patterson’s right flank collapsed and his force was surrounded. Out of food, ammunition, without a possibility of rescue or reinforcement, and appallingly outnumbered, Patterson decided that he had no option. He offered his unconditional surrender to Salazar in May 12th.
Patterson's surrender
The following day, a gringo finally stepped on Agustin I’s Plaza. This gringo was, of course, Patterson himself. He signed away his army, which lay down their arms and was taken prisoner. Patterson himself was shackled, after giving his sword to Zapatero’s son. The following day, Salazar sent a dispatch to Mexico City announcing his victory.
The reaction was explosive. “Victory at Veracruz! Mexico has been saved!” proclaimed a Mexican newspaper from Monterrey. “It’s undeniable that our gallant General Salazar and the brave soldiers of Mexico have, through their acts of heroism and bravery, saved our fatherland from this attack” said the Imperial Herald. Salazar went overnight from a distrusted soldier in a dead-end position to one of Mexico’s greatest heroes. He was conferred the rank of Marshal of the Empire. The next week he and his army entered Mexico City triumphantly.
The international reaction was also enthusiastic. The Duke of Wellington wrote a letter, congratulating Salazar on his “brilliant campaign” and telling him that his “heroism will go down in the history of humanity”. There were celebrations in Paris. The Latin American expat community in London, meeting in Francisco de Miranda’s home, toasted to the victory. In Santafe, Quito and Caracas town meetings issued official statements celebrating Salazar and Mexico. Pedro II, in exile in Lisbon, expressed happiness for Mexico. Rosas, the Platinean president, toasted to Salazar as well.
The Americans despaired. “I doubt our poor country can withstand another such catastrophe” confessed an otherwise ardent War Democrat. “The situation is a disaster. The Treasury is empty, our graves are full. What are we going to do?” said Secretary of War Marcy. “How much longer will we allow this massacre to continue? How much longer is this unnecessary and bloody war going to last?” asked William H. Seward, the liberal governor of New York. Even Polk admitted to be losing faith in the cause.
The Battle of Veracruz is the bloodiest battle in the war, and one of the bloodiest battles between “civilized” nations up to that point in history. Disease and almost continuous battle killed over 30,000 Americans. Of those who came back, almost half were sick or wounded. “The dreadful sight of those poor boys getting off the ship, with hollow eyes and looking more like skeletons than proper men still torments me” wrote a Charleston woman. Mexico was also terribly scarred, losing more than 12,000 soldiers and more than 5,000 civilians, as well as the devastation of their principal port.
An American Army camp near the frontier.
The American dejection and Mexican joy would be replaced with American confidence and Mexican grief just a few months later. It was almost 1854, the third year of the war, and both armies were almost in their starting points, with Scott in winter quarters next to the frontier. Many on both sides were starting to despair, as the bloodshed only increased for no apparent gain. The sad lyrics of an American song seemed to echo not only in their country, but also in Mexico:
“Many are the hearts that are weary tonight
Wishing for the war to cease
Many are the hearts that are looking for the right
To see the dawn of peace
Dying tonight, dying tonigh,
Dying on the old camp grounds”
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