11. Ends and beginnings
Alexander in Europe
After Adramyttion Alexander visited the site of Ilion, where he ordered a restoration of the local temple of Athena, which would become a marvellous edifice indeed. Offerings were made by the King at the gravesite of Achilles, Hephaistion did the same at the grave of Patroklos. It was only after these events that Alexander crossed over to Thrace.
- Excerpt from
The lives of the Great Kings of Asia by Hermocles of Brentesion
Alexander’s victory at Adramyttion only confirmed his position as king of Macedon. Captured nobles that had opposed him he had executed, most notably Pausanias of Orestis, a former bodyguard of Philip, and Iollas, brother of Cassander. The common troops he gave a chance to join his army, most of them were Macedonian after all, or to be sold as slaves. Unsurprisingly practically all of them decided to join Alexander, who duly send them east to reinforce the garrisons in Media and Babylonia. His sister Cynane, now widowed, he also forgave, but immediately married her off to Hephaistion, increasing his ties to the royal family. Then he crossed over to Europe in November, and met no resistance during his march on Pella. There he buried his father in a grand ceremony, and was once again acclaimed as king by the assembled army. Knowing his audience, during the ceremony he acclaimed as Great King by his soldiers, but Alexander corrected them, telling them that King of Macedonia was his foremost title.
Alexander spend the winter at Pella, and when spring arrived he marched his army north. He retook the ruins of Philippopolis and ordered its reconstruction, and then campaigned against the Triballi. They did not dare to confront him in an open battle, so Alexander defeated them by storming several of their settlements. Having sufficiently punished the Triballi Alexander then went north, where he confronted several Scythian groups near the Danube and defeated them in detail, dividing them and dealing with them one by one. One group of Scythian raiders retreated behind the Danube, but in a supreme demonstration of the prowess of the Macedonian engineering corps Alexander had them built a bridge across the mighty river, at the same time he had them build ballista’s, which were used to bombard the Scythian positions. After the completion of the bridge Alexander led the cavalry across and managed to corner the Scythians, bringing them to heel too. Apparently he considered a campaign against the Getai, but decided against it. He demolished the bridge and returned to Macedon, bringing back plunder and slaves.
Triballi infantry chased down by Macedonian cavalry
During Alexander’s march back to Macedon he passed through Thrace, which had been subjugated by Philip. Thrace consisted of several client states, the most powerful being the Odrysian Kingdom ruled by king Seuthes III. The overall satrap of Thrace was a general named Zopyrion, who had resisted Cassander during his rebellion and thus kept his position. Zopyrion suspected Seuthes of fermenting unrest in Thrace, possibly in anticipation of a rebellion against Macedonian rule. He reported this to Alexander, who promptly took action. Alexander marched his army to Seuthes’ fortified palace, which was located in central Thrace and called Seuthopolis. Seuthes denied to Alexander that he had any intent of revolting, but was not believed by him. Alexander had him executed, razed his palace and placed his young son Kotys on the Odrysian throne, ensuring that the Thracians would lack any strong central leadership. While this move did not endear Alexander to the Thracians he showed that would not even tolerate the slightest hint of disobedience, and the loyal Thracian aristocracy was richly rewarded with gold and silver. The Thracians supplied the Macedonian army with excellent light infantry and cavalry, so they could not be treated too harshly. Having secured his northern flank Alexander now returned to Pella, where he arrived in June 328.
Alexander was greeted in Pella by his mother, Olympias, who had returned from Epiros after having fled during Cassander’s rebellion. Epiros was a land of small villages, not large poleis, and was most famous for the Oracle at Dodona, second in importance only to Delphi. The country’s three main tribes, the Chaonians, Thesprotians and, most importantly, the Molossians had only recently been united into a single state. This was done by, confusingly, king Alexander I of the Molossian dynasty, a brother of Olympias who was married to his niece, and Alexander of Macedon’s sister, Cleopatra. Alexander of Epiros’ reign started inauspiciously, he was placed on the throne by Philip II and was more or less a Macedonian puppet, but ended up quite well for the Molossian Kingdom. His marriage to Cleopatra ensured Epiros’ alliance with Macedon, and during his reign Alexander attempted to reform his country and army to resemble Macedon. He reformed the coinage system, introducing a single coin for the whole of Epiros, and introduced the sarissa and Macedonian-style cavalry to the Epirote army. In 334, while Philip and Alexander were in the east, Alexander of Epirus was campaigning in southern Italia, on behalf of the Greek city of Taras (Tarentum) which was threatened by the Saunitai (Samnites). The details of his campaign are sparse, but he successfully managed to defend Taras and even drove back the Saunitai, who he defeated decisively at the battle of Metapontion, where he managed to lure them into the open plains and crushed them with his cavalry. Afterwards he campaigned on the Adriatic coast, capturing several towns that served as bases for pirates who disrupted trade in the Adriatic, which was becoming increasingly important for the nascent Epirote state. The campaign ended with the capture of Sipontum, an important pirate base. Afterwards Alexander of Epiros waged a short war against the Bruttians and Lucanians, who tried to ambush him at Pandosia, but Alexander was forewarned by deserters, and thus managed to defeat the Italic tribes. For him this was enough for now, he had sufficiently cowed the Italians, exacted tribute from them and had enslaved many of their men. He left behind a garrison in Taras and then returned to Epiros.
Alexander (of Macedon) must have been happy to see his mother in Pella, despite her somewhat eccentric and domineering character. Sadly for mother and son their reunion would not last long. Not long after Alexander’s return to Pella news arrived from Passaron, the Epirote capital, that Alexander of Epiros had died in a hunting accident, he was gored by a boar while hunting near the river Acheron. Cleopatra’s son (and also cousin) Neoptolemos was to succeed his father, but was far too young to take the throne. Cleopatra would thus serve as regent for her son, but Alexander also urged his mother to return to Passaron, so that she and her daughter could exercise a joint regency over the kingdom. He send an ‘escort’ along of 5000 men under the command of Leonnatos, who were to guard the regents and king of Epiros. Using this family tragedy Alexander more or less established Epiros as a Macedonian protectorate, and got Olympias out of the country. During Antipater’s regency over Macedon she had often quarrelled with the old general, which turned out to be an impediment to governing the kingdom. Alexander hoped his mother could at least cooperate with her own daughter. The rest of the year 328 he spend in Macedon and Greece, where he visited the synedrion of the Hellenic League, who he ordered to levy troops for his eastern expedition. Because this was not a war in common defence Alexander would pay the cities for their men, in that respect they were more like mercenaries than levied troops. Around 8000 troops were gathered by the League, mostly by the larger poleis of Corinth, Thebes and Athens. While not a large amount of soldiers Alexander was glad they joined him on his expedition, for they were both warriors and hostages, insurances that the poleis of Greece would behave themselves while the king was in the far east.
Come Spring 327 Alexander departed his homeland, together with an army 20000 strong. Hephaistion he left behind as regent of Macedon, a position Alexander could only grant to someone he could trust absolutely. Despite the ease of travel by sea Alexander intended to march overland, so that on his way to Babylon he could subjugate Cappadocia. Ariarathes II, a son of the last satrap of Cappadocia Holophernes, ruled Cappadocia and did not intend to submit himself to Alexander. Not content with the title of satrap Ariarathes II declared himself king, and till now had resisted all attempts to subjugate him. Occasionally he launched raids into western Anatolia or Armenia, much to the dismay of the satraps Antigonos and Orontes, who did not manage to stop or contain the raids. In the previous year Antigonos went on the offensive against Ariarathes, and even besieged the Cappadocian capital Mazaka for some time, but had to retreat due to the harsh winter on the Anatolian plateau. Now with his large army Alexander would surely end the problem once and for all. While resupplying in Gordion Alexander received an envoy send by Parmenion, who had travelled west in all haste to relay the king this message. Satibarzanes and Phrataphernes had risen up and joined forces with Spitamenes, and together they now threatened the entire eastern half of the Argead Empire. Balakros and his force had been massacred, betrayed by their own allies. According to the rebelling satraps they did not fight for independence, or to put themselves on the throne. No, they rebelled to support the rightful King of Kings, true descendant of Darius the Great and heir to the House of Achaemenes, the Great King Artaxerxes IV. Still a young boy, only 15 years old, he had disappeared when Artabazus seized the throne for himself in 338. It is unlikely that this boy actually was Artaxerxes IV, who was probably quietly disposed of by Artabazus, and much more likely that he just was a random boy, used as a cynical ploy, a banner to rally behind in order to expel the Macedonians.
Alexander could not delay his eastern expedition for a campaign in Cappadocia, unless he wanted to risk losing his eastern satrapies. There was also unrest among the troops, who had by now heard rumours of what was going on in the east. Some feared for their relatives who served in the distant east, others were frightful of the stories that circulated about vengeful Persians slitting their throats in the night. Alexander needed to show his army that not all was lost, that he still was the rightful king of Asia. In Gordion stood an ox-cart, supposedly driven there by the first Phrygian king, a man named Gordias, which was tied to a post with an intricate knot. During the ages none had managed to untie the knot, and legend said that he who could would be the rightful ruler of Asia. Alexander, perhaps hoping for a divine omen and confirmation of his rule, decided to solve the puzzle. When confronted with the knot Alexander argued that it made no difference how the knot was untied, and so he drew his sword and sliced it in half, thus solving the mystery. His army now somewhat calmed by this seemingly divine omen, offerings were made to the gods, and the army finally departed. Alexander marched east once again, intending to deal with the eastern satrapies in the same way he dealt with the Gordian knot.
Horus flies to heaven
The king dies not, who is mentioned by reason of his achievements.
- Inscription of Senusret I found at Iunu (Heliopolis) [1]
Originally the sed-festival, as celebrated by Nakhthorheb, was intended as a ceremony of rejuvenation. The king had to show his fitness and ability to rule, performing athletic exercises, and in some instances even running alongside the Apis bull [2]. This element, although still present, was less prominent during Nakhthorheb’s festival, possibly because he already was past 60 at the time. Much more emphasis was put on the general prosperity of Egypt as a whole, with the parades of the army and cattle symbolising the wealth and strength of the nation. The festival had shown that Egypt was prosperous, its granaries and treasuries were overflowing and its armies were strong.
Sadly however, its king was increasingly less so. Nakhthorheb was long past his prime, and increasingly relied on his son and co-regent Nakhtnebef. In 329 it is mentioned that the king travelled to Tjebnetjer to oversee the final work being done on the new temple of Anhur-Shu, construction of which started 10 years before. Afterwards it seems the king rarely left his home city of Tjebnetjer anymore, and spend most of his days at the palace in that city. Fittingly during this time one of the king’s great supporters, the vizier Wennefer, also passed away. He was a man that had come far in life, starting as a literal snake doctor, because of his loyalty to the ruling dynasty and a knack for sycophantism he rose to the rank of vizier, and was now interred in a richly decorated tomb of his own, including pylon gateway, an avenue of sphinxes, a four-column hypostyle hall and four small shrines [3]. It was a monument not only to the man himself, but also to a dynasty that was extraordinarily generous to those that would serve it.
A Greek source from Naukratis mentions that the king, already fragile, fell ill in August 329, a year after the sed-festival. The last regnal date mentioned of the king is at the Serapeum, the burial place of the Apis bulls, where an inscription on a sarcophagus mentions ‘the second month of the inundation during the thirty-first year of Senedjemibra’. This corresponds to October 329, and the Apis bull seems to have died around that time. Nakhthorheb passed away the following month, an event that is mentioned on the walls on his own tomb as ‘Horus flew to heaven’, an euphemism often used in Egyptian texts for the death of a ruler.
Egypt had lost a great pharaoh, that much was certain. He had successfully defended Egypt, expanded its borders, enriched its temples and reinvigorated its cults. The army was strong and the treasuries full, Egypt was respected at home and abroad. Most important however was that he reinforced the ideological underpinning of his regime, the divine kingship. A strong army and exchequer meant nothing if the common people did not see their ruler as legitimate, at least not for a long lasting state. The long and prosperous rules of Nakhtnebef I and Nakhthorheb, with exception of the period of turmoil during Djedhor’s rule, were essential to restore the majesty of Egyptian monarchy in the eyes of the population. The short rules of their predecessors of the Twenty-Eighth and Twenty-Ninth Dynasty had as effect that their rulers were seen as little more than squabling warlords, and despite their best efforts it must have seemed as if the kingship of the land was a revolving door of would-be tyrants. Nakhtnebef I had changed that by making necessary reforms, donating lavishly to temples and cults, and Nakhthorheb had continued those policies. In the eyes of the Egyptians, in order to be a legitimate king one had to act legitimately, which was exactly what the rulers of the Thirtieth Dynasty did.
Nakhthorheb under protection of Horus
To be a pharaoh meant that you were the incarnation of Horus, so his task was upholding ma’at (the cosmic order) and defeating the forces of disorder. He had to ensure the well-being of Egypt, both economically and spiritually, by organizing the irrigation system, defending the country against foreign foes and by enriching the temples of the gods, who would bless Egypt in return. Monuments had to be constructed, as had been done since time immemorial, both to the gods and monuments to the king himself, such as his tomb. By acting legitimately, as a true king of Egypt, the gods in return would bless the ruler with bountiful harvests, success in all his endeavours and jubilees in abundance. Going by these criteria, it is not hard to see why the Egyptians would think that Senedjemibra Nakthhorheb was a good king, although not one of the calibre of Ramesses II, Montuhotep II, Thutmose III or Amenhotep III. Not reaching the heights of those monarchs was no shame, for they were some of the most illustrious rulers the Nile Valley ever saw.
As had been done since the earliest days of the Old Kingdom the king was mummified in the finest linen, while royal artisans were busy finishing the decorations of his tomb. The mummification process took 90 days, after which the body was placed in a wooden sarcophagus, which in turn was placed in a slightly larger silver sarcophagus. Then, in a solemn procession, the sarcophagus was brought to its burial site, the tomb at the courtyard of the temple of Anhur-Shu. It was then placed in larger stone sarcophagus already located in the burial vault [4], where the king’s successor, Nakhtnebef II, performed the Opening-of-the-Mouth Ceremony, to give the deceased the ability to eat and speak in the afterlife. The burial chamber was not very large, but richly decorated and filled with high-quality burial goods. Then the entourage left the chamber, after which it was sealed. On the door to the burial chamber Nakhthorheb’s royal titulary was inscribed, followed by phrase ‘ankh djet’ meaning ‘living forever’, something the great pharaoh had certainly deserved.
The ka’s of Ra have appeared
The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Khakaura, the Son of Ra, Nakhtnebef, great in his lifetime, said: I was elevated above millions by Amun-Ra, king of the gods, the Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands. I proceeded amid rejoicing to Ipetsut and was inducted into the presence of the great god, it was he who granted me the beneficent kingship over the Two Lands.
- Coronation stela of Nakhtnebef II, found at Ipetsut
Nakhthorheb’s successor was of course long known. Already co-regent for seven years, his son Nakhtnebef, now in his early thirties ascended to the Throne of Horus. It is known that, after his father’s internment, he celebrated two coronations, one at Tjebnetjer and one at Ipetsut. As throne name he chose ‘Khakaura’, which means ‘the ka’s of Ra have appeared’. This was not a unique name, it already had been used by one of Egypt’s more renowned pharaohs, the Middle Kingdom pharaoh Senusret III, a great conqueror and able ruler. Nakhtnebef with this move also imitated his namesake and great-grandfather, founder of the dynasty, who had adopted the throne name Kheperkara, the throne name of Senusret I, another great Middle Kingdom ruler and famous as the founder of the temple of Ipetsut.
Choosing the throne name of Senusret III was no coincidence for Nakhtnebef, for he too intended to once again turn the attention of the Egyptian state towards warfare and expansion. Already in his youth the king was famous for his physical prowess and feats of endurance. Now he was eager to bring these qualities to the Egyptian state itself. A thoroughly military man, already in the first year he had assembled a strike force at Dorginarti, near the Second Cataract. It consisted of native soldiers, Greek mercenaries and levied troops from the protectorates in the Near East, notably a Judean detachment and a battalion of hoplites from Cyprus, commanded by Stasanor of Soli. Nakhtnebef, citing mistreatment of Egyptian traders as reason, thus invaded Nubia in his first regnal year. Near the Third Cataract he defeated a Nubian army and proceeded further upriver, devastating the land and capturing many locals. For one reason or another he did not press his attack further, and he appeared content with just plundering the land. Nakhtnebef returned to Egypt in May 328, where he made lavish donations to Ipetsut, and he also send some gold further north for the other great shrines of the land.
Afterwards the king proceeded to Memphis and oversaw the administration of the land for some time, and possibly visited Tjebnetjer to supervise the construction of his own tomb at the temple of Anhur-Shu. Later that year another military campaign was planned, using many of the same forces he utilised against the Nubians. In October of that year Nakthnebef led his forces west, into the Libyan Desert, to assault and occupy the Oasis of Siwa. His father had often paid off the Libyan raiders, making sure they wouldn’t plunder the Valley of the Nile. His son however had no patience for paying off some bandits, and stopped paying them. Pre-empting the raiders he decided to strike at their base at the Siwa Oasis, capturing it by surprise and dealing a heavy blow to the Libyans. He fortified the oasis, giving the Egyptians a base to exert control over the Western Desert. He also launched an attack on the tribes who lived more to the north, near the Mediterranean. Nakhtnebef turned out to be an able commander and scattered the Libyans with ease, and founded at city on the coast to guard the approaches to Egypt, which he named Ineb-Amenti (‘Western Wall’) [5].
The new king must have been quite refreshing for the Egyptians. Nakhthorheb had been somewhat lethargic and inactive during the later parts of his reign, but his son turned out to be an extraordinarily active ruler. After the Libyan campaign he returned to Memphis, where he oversaw the inauguration of a new Apis bull, and afterwards Nakhtnebef went south to Waset. Uniquely among kings of this era it seems Nakhtnebef preferred the south over the north, spending more time at Waset than at Memphis. It was also at Waset that many of his building projects were concentrated. He ordered the construction of two colossal, 8 meter tall, polished granite statues, one of himself and one of his father, who were to stand beside the gate at the First Pylon at Ipetsut. Another more practical project was the construction of a small palace for himself at the southern city, known as the Hut-Khakaura-em-Waset, ‘Estate of Khakaura at Waset’, a home for the king at his preferred city. He did not however forget the gods of the north, and even gave them a home in the southern city, constructing a complex of shrines just north of Ipetsut, near the Precinct of Montu. It included shrines for Anhur, Neith, Wadjet and Bast. Several statues of the king were also set up at these shrines, and they have a curious appearance. Like his namesake Senusret III the statues of Nakhtnebef II had a dour, severe expression fitting for a military strongman.
He was less interested in the administration of his country than his father was, and appointed a certain Ankhefenkhonsu [6], an able administrator from the city of Khent-Min, and a childhood friend of the king, as vizier. He did however show that dissent would not be tolerated. There were rumours of a conspiracy among the Delta nobility, and Nakhtnebef, a keen student of his country’s history, knew that he had to act before he would lose his throne. It might seem cruel and premature, but Nakhtnebef was not one to take risks if it came to his kingship, he would be a powerful and vigorous king or he would be nothing. The suspects were summoned to the palace, arrested and duly executed, their estates seized and added to the royal demesne. Other Delta noblemen fared better, one Bakenanhur [7], a nobleman from Sau, had served valiantly during the Nubian and Libyan campaigns, and had so impressed the pharaoh that he made him his son-in-law, marrying him to his daughter Mutnefret. Besides Mutnefret the pharaoh also had a son, the 16 year old Nakhthorheb, who not long after the Libyan campaign was already named co-regent by his father, ensuring dynastic continuity. Under Nakhtnebef II Egypt changed its course, but for now the future of the land of the Nile seemed bright.
Footnotes
- As mentioned on page 10 of Elizabeth Blyth’s Karnak: Evolution of a Temple
- There are sadly not many descriptions of sed-festivals left, despite their regular occurrence during Egyptian history, and in some the king has to run along tracks and show his skill in archery, and in others it is absent. The djed-pillar might or might not show up, its quite mysterious. For example Amenhotep III’s festival featured no physical exercise on behalf of the king, but he was rather obese, which might have made it hard for him. On the other hand so was Hatshepsut, but her festival did feature some gymnastics.
- More or less OTL except becoming vizier, his tomb is rather impressive, and looks kind of like a miniature temple.
- OTL Nakhthorheb’s sarcophagus has been found, and has had a rather interesting history. It somehow ended up in Alexandria, were it functioned as a ritual bath in a mosque until it was discovered by the French during Napoleon’s expedition to Egypt. Because of its location they assumed it was the sarcophagus of Alexander the Great and Napoleon send it to France, according to some rumours he planned to use it for himself one day. En route to France it was captured by the British, and it can be found at the British Museum today.
- On the site of OTL Paraitonion, modern day Marsa Matruh.
- His name means ‘His life is for Khonsu’
- Which means ‘Servant of Anhur’